MS 
LS 

/,! 




\_STUOJAJN_/ 



THE LIBRARY 

of 
VICTORIA UNIVERSITY 

Toronto 



LETTERS 



JOHN CALVIN 



COMPILED FROM THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS AND 
EDITED WITH HISTORICAL NOTES 



DR. JULES BONNET. 

VOL I. 

TRANSLATED FROM THE LATIN AND FRENCH LANGUAGES BY 

DAVID CONSTABLE. 



EDINBUEGH: THOMAS CONSTABLE AND CO. 
LITTLE, BROWN, AND CO., BOSTON, U.S. 

MDCCCLV. 



JA 



MMNUEL 



MU ami : T. CONSI ABUO. I-IUNTLK TO HKI: :,IAJI:STY. 



PREFACE. 

IT was but a few days before his death., and in the course of 
one of the latest conversations handed down to us by Theodore 
Beza, that Calvin, pointing with failing hand to his most 
precious furniture, his manuscripts, and the archives of the 
correspondence that, during a quarter of a century, he had 
kept up with the most illustrious personages of Europe, re 
quested that these memorials might be carefully preserved, 
and that a selection from his letters, made by some of his 
friends, should be presented to the Reformed Churches, in 
token of the interest and affection of their founder. 1 

This request of the dying Eeformer, although treasured in 
the heart and memory of him who had succeeded to his plans 
and carried on his work, received but an imperfect fulfilment 
in the sixteenth century. The times were adverse, and the 
accomplishment of the duty was difficult. The plague, which 
had broken out for the third time at Geneva, and carried off 
thousands of victims ; the great disasters, public and private ; 
the shock of the painful events that had been occurring in 



i " Migraturus ad Deum Johannes Calvinus. quiun de commodis Ecclesise ne 
tune quidem cogitare desineret, sua mihi x tip. fata, id est Schedarum ingentem 
acervum commendavit ut si quid in iis invenissem quo juvari possent Ecclesiae, id 
quoque in lucem ederetur." Th. de Beze to the Elector Palatine, 1st February 
1575. This letter is printed as a Preface to Calvin s Latin Correspondence. 



IV PREFACE. 

France from the breaking out of the Civil War to the Massacre 
of St. Bartholomew ; even the scruples of friendship, heightened 
hy the perils that threatened the city of the Keformation 
itself, all seemed to conspire against the execution of Calvin s 
wish. "Without speaking," says Beza, " of the assistance 
that was indispensable for the examination of so extensive a 
correspondence, or of the time required for so laborious an 
undertaking, the calamities that befell our city, the plague 
that raged for many years, the convulsions of a neighbour 
ing country, have more than once interrupted the progress 
of the work. The selection of the letters also involved great 
difficulties, at a time when men were predisposed to judge 
harshly and unfairly. There are many things that may be 
said or written in the familiar intercourse of sincere and in 
genuous friendship, such as Calvin s, which can hardly be given 
to the public without inconvenience. We were obliged in our 
work to have respect to persons, times, and places." 1 These 
scruples of an earnest and respectful disciple, anxious to avoid 
all collision with his contemporaries and at the same time to 
render justice to a great name, would be out of place now ; but 
they were legitimate in an age of revolutions, when words were 
swords, and when the war of opinion, often sanguinary, out 
lasting its originators, was perpetuated in their writings. 

Still it must be owned, that notwithstanding all these diffi 
culties, the friends of Calvin did not shrink from the per 
formance of their duty. Deeply impressed with the importance 
of the mission intrusted to them, they applied themselves to 
their task with religious fidelity. By their care, the originals 
or the copies of a vast number of letters addressed to France, 



" Mult a quippe familiariter inter amicos dici scribique consueverunt, pra?sertim 
ab ingenui spiritus hominibus, qualis fuit Calvinus si quisquam nostris temporibus 
alius, qua? ininime expediat emanare. Et habemla quoque nobis fuit non modo 
jsersonarum, verum etiam tenrporuru ct loeorum ratio." Letter already cited. 



PREFACE. V 

England, Germany, and Switzerland, were collected at Geneva, 
and added to the precious deposit already confided to them. 
The archives of the city of Calvin received this treasure and 
preserved it faithfully through the storm that fell upon the 
churches of France, destroying or dispersing in foreign lands 
so many pages of their annals. By a remarkable dispensation, 
Geneva, the holy city of French Protestantism, the seminary of 
her ministers, of her doctors, and of her martyrs, after having 
conferred upon her, by the hand of Calvin, her creed and her 
form of worship, was also to preserve for her the titles of her 
origin and of her history. These titles are gloriously inscribed 
in the noble collection of autograph letters of the Eeformer, for 
which we are indebted to the pious care of some refugees of 
the sixteenth century, whose names are almost lost in the 
lustre of those of Calvin and Beza, but whose services cannot 
be forgotten without ingratitude. Let us at least recall with 
a fitting tribute of grateful respect, the names of Jean de 
Bude, Laurent de Normandie, and especially of Charles de 
Jonvillers. 

It is to the latter mainly that we must ascribe the honour of 
the formation of the magnificent epistolary collection that now 
adorns the Library of Geneva. Born of a noble family in the 
neighbourhood of Chartres, and carried across the Alps by the 
irresistible necessity of confessing the faith which he had 
embraced with all the ardour of youth, Charles de Jonvillers 
found in the affection of Calvin, a compensation for the 
voluntary sacrifice of fortune and country. Admitted, with 
his young patrician countrymen the elite of the Keformed 
party to the intimacy of the Keformer, he devoted himself 
with filial reverence and unbounded attachment to the great 
man whose faith and energy, moulding a rebellious people, had 
transformed an obscure Alpine city into a metropolis of the 
human mind. He became his secretary, after the celebrated 



v i PREFACE. 

lawyer, Francois Baudouin. and the minister Nicholas des Gal- 
lars, and henceforward assisted him in his laborious correspond 
ence, followed him to the Auditoire and the Academy, and took 
down during Calvin s Lectures those luminous Commentaries, 
which were afterwards dedicated to the most illustrious per 
sonages of the age, and which modern theology has never 
surpassed. 

Such was the man to whom the friendship of Calvin and 
the confidence of Beza assigned the great and laborious task 
of preparing for publication the Letters of the Keformer. He 
brought to it the zeal of a disciple and the filial reverence of 
a son who forgets himself in the execution of a sacred will ; 
undertaking distant journeys to ensure its fulfilment, seeking 
everywhere for those precious documents in which were pre 
served the thoughts of the venerated master he had lost ; 
and transcribing a vast number of letters with his own hand ; 
supported in these costly and difficult researches by the con 
sciousness of a duty accepted in humility and performed with 
faithfulness. 1 This labour, early commenced and pursued for 
twenty years under the vigilant superintendence of Beza, w r as 
the origin of the collection of Calvin s Latin Correspondence 
published in 1 575 ; a faithful but incomplete tribute to the 
memory of the Reformer by his disciples an unfinished monu 
ment which might indeed suffice the generation that was 
contemporary with the Reformation, but which is insufficient 
to satisfy the curiosity of our own. 2 

"Ad earn rem unius prsecipue Caroli Joiivillcei istarum rerum ctistodis fidem, 
diligentiam, operam denique nobis appositissimam fuisse profitemur." Advertise 
ment of Be/.e to the reader. 

2 It is the collection intitled : Calvini Epistohe et Rezponsa quilus inter jectce 
sunt insignium in Ecclesia Dei virorum aliquot etiam Epistolce, first published 
at Geneva, in 1575, reprinted in the following year at Lausanne, and inserted with 
some additions in the collection of Calvin s Works, Calvini Opera, torn, ix., edit. 
d Amsterdam, 1671. This latter edition, one of the sources of the work which we 
now present to the public, comprises about 420 letters or memoirs, of which 284 
are letters of the Reformer. 



1 RKFACE. Vll 

Nearly three centuries had passed away without adding 
anything to the work of Charles de Jonvillers and Beza. The 
Letters published by their care have been the common source 
from which the apologists and the adversaries of the Refor 
mation have alike drawn ; while the numerous unpublished 
documents preserved in the Library of Geneva, or collected in the 
Libraries of Zurich, Gotha, and Paris, have been forgotten. It 
was reserved for the present age to rescue these from unme 
rited oblivion, and thus to open up for history a mine of 
information hitherto unexplored. 

And here justice compels us to acknowledge, with gratitude, 
the obligations of this unpublished correspondence to the 
recent labours and investigations of several distinguished Pro 
testant authors. We refer especially to the " Life of Calvin," 
by Dr. Paul Henry of Berlin, a pious monument raised in 
honour of the Reformer by a descendant of the refugees, and en 
riched with a number of Letters from the libraries of France 
and Switzerland j 1 to the learned researches of Professor Bret- 
schneider, the editor of the Gotha Letters ; 2 the important work 
of Ruchat, 3 re-edited by the talented continuator of the great 
historian Jean de Miiller, Professor Yulliemin of Lausanne, 
with an extensive Appendix, containing precious fragments of 
Calvin s French Correspondence, reproduced in the " Chronicle" 
of M. Crottet. 4 And now. having made these acknowledgments, 
we may legitimately claim for ourselves the privilege of offering 
to the public for the first time, a general and authentic collec 
tion of Calvin s Correspondence, the greater part of which has, 

1 Das Lcben Calvins, 3 vols. in Svo. Hambourg, 1835-1842. 

2 Johannis Calvini, Jtczfc, aliorumque litterve quondam nondum ediUe, 1 vol. in 
Svo. Leipsie, 1835. Published on the occasion of the Reformation Jubilee at 
Geneva. 

3 Histoire de la It e for mat ion en /Suisse, 1 vols. in Svo. Lausanne, 1838. 

4 Petite Chronique Protesta nte de France, XVI e Siecle ; 1 vol. in Svo. Paris, 



PREFACE. 



up to the present time, been buried in the dust of libraries, and 
altogether unpublished. 

This collection is the result of five years of study and re 
search aniong the archives of Switzerland, France, Germany, 
and England. Charged by the French Government, at the 
suggestion of M. Mignet, under the liberal administration of 
two eminent ministers, MM. de Salvandy and de Falloux, with 
a scientific mission that enabled us to gather the first materials 
of a correspondence, the richest depositories of which were in 
foreign countries, and sustained in our labours by the cordial 
sympathy of those most distinguished in the world of science 
and literature, we have spared nothing that might ensure the 
completeness of a collection which throws so much light on 
the history of the great religious revolution of the sixteenth 
century. 

The correspondence of Calvin begins in his youth and is 
only closed on his deathbed, (May 1528 to May 1564.) It 
thus embraces, with few intervals, all the phases of his life ; 
from the obscure scholar of Bourges and Paris escaping from 
the stake by flying into exile, to the triumphant Keformer, who 
was able in dying, to contemplate his work as accomplished. 
Nothing can exceed the interest of this correspondence, in 
which an epoch and a life of the most absorbing interest are 
reflected in a series of documents equally varied and genuine ; 
and in which the familiar effusions of friendship are mingled 
with the more serious questions of theology, and with the 
heroic breathings of faith. From his bed of suffering and of 
continued labours, Calvin followed with an observant eye the 
great drama of the Keformation, marking its triumphs and its 
reverses in every State of Europe. Invested in virtue of his sur 
passing genius, with an almost universal apostolate, he wielded 
an influence as varied and as plastic as his activity. He 
exhorts with the same authority the humble ministers of the 



PREFACE. ix 

Gospel and the powerful monarchs of England, Sweden, and 
Poland. He holds communion with Luther and Melanchthon, 
animates Knox, encourages Coligny, Conde, Jeanne d Albret, and 
the Duchess of Ferrara ; while in his familiar letters to Farel, 
Viret, and Theodore Beza, he pours out the overflowings of a heart 
rilled with the deepest and most acute sensibility. The same 
man, worn by watchings and sickness, but rising by the energy 
of the soul above the weakness of the body, overturns the party 
of the Libertines, lays the foundations of the greatness of Geneva, 
establishes foreign churches, strengthens the martyrs, dictates 
to the Protestant princes the wisest and most perspicuous 
counsels ; negotiates, argues, teaches, prays, and with his latest 
breath, gives utterance to words of power, which posterity 
receives as the political and religious testament of the man. 

These indications are sufficient to show the interest that 
attaches to the correspondence of the Keformer. It is the 
common inheritance of the countries emancipated by the Ke- 
formation and still animated by its spirit ; as well as of all the 
Churches, however diverse in origin and varying in their con 
fessions of faith, which manifest to the world the spiritual unity 
of the Church of Christ. England s portion in this precious 
legacy is neither the least, nor the least interesting. Observant 
of the great work of religious Keformation which, since the time 
of Wicliff had been going on in that country, and which was 
destined to have the singular privilege of placing the civil and 
political liberties of the nation in the glorious keeping of the 
Gospel, Calvin condemned with great severity the spiritual 
tyranny of Henry the Eighth, and the endeavours of that prince 
to substitute a sanguinary imperial popedom for that of 
Kome. During the reign of his successor, he exercises a 
marked influence in the councils of the crown, and traces with 
vigorous hand, for the Duke of Somerset, a plan of religious 
reformation in which the conservative spirit is happily blended 



PREFACE. 



with the liberal and progressive tendency. He addresses the 
young King Edward VI., so prematurely withdrawn from the 
love of his subjects, in a strain of exhortation dictated by 
paternal solicitude and respectful affection : " It is a great 
thing Sire, to be a king, and especially of such a country ; and 
yet I doubt not that you regard it as above all comparison 
greater to be a Christian. It is indeed, an inestimable privilege 
that God has granted to you Sire, that you should be a Chris 
tian King, and that you should serve Him as His lieutenant to 
uphold the kingdom of Jesus Christ in England/ 1 The death 
of this young King, so well fitted to carry out the designs of 
Providence for his people, and the restoration of Popery under 
Mary, heavily afflicted Calvin. He rejoices in the accession of 
Elizabeth, freely exhorts her ministers, and his advice, dictated 
by a wisdom and prescience to which time has set its seal, 
furnishes the most remarkable proof of the faith and the genius 
of the Eeformer. 

Having pointed out the historical value of this Correspond 
ence, it may not be out of place to refer to its literary merit. 
Trained in the twofold school of profane and sacred Antiquity, 
of the Church and of the world, Calvin s Latin is that of a con 
temporary of Cicero or of Seneca, whose graceful and concise 
style lie reproduces without effort. He writes in French as one 
of the creators of that language, which is indebted to him for 
some of its finest characteristics. Writing before Montaigne, 
he may be regarded as the precursor and the model of that 

1 We give here entire the striking passage, of which a fac-simile will be found 
at the commencement of this volume. "Or au pseaulme present il est parle 
cle la noblesse et dignite de 1 Eglise, laquelle doit tellement ravir a soy et grans 
et petits que tons les biens et honneurs de la terre ne les retiennent, ny empeschent 
qu ils ne pretendent i\ ce but d estre enrollez au peuple de Dieu. C est grand chose 
d estre Roy, mesmc d un tel pai s ; toutefois je ne doubtc pas que vous n estimiez 
sans comparaison mieux d estre Chrcstien. C est doncq tin privilege inestimable que 
Dieu vous a faict, Sire, que vous soiez Roy Chrcstien, voire que vous luy servicz de 
lieutenant pour ordniiner et rnaintonir le Royaulme de Jesus Christ en Angleterre." 



PREFACE. XI 

great school of the seventeenth century which could only fight 
him with weapons from his own armoury, and which could not 
surpass him either in loftiness of thought or in stately majesty 
of style. The French letters of Calvin, worthy of the author 
of the immortal preface to the " Christian Institutes/ contain 
many admirable passages hitherto unknown., and are models of 
eloquence : they Avill be found in this Collection interspersed 
with the Latin Correspondence from which they were detached 
in the original Paris edition, and will present, in chronological 
order, a series of moral and religious studies a genuine por 
trait of the Eeformer drawn by his own hand, in the original 
documents which we now, for the first time, present to the 
historian. 

The seasonableness of such a publication cannot be denied. 
The great debate ever pending between the Papacy and the 
Reformation is renewed in our days with fresh vigour in 
almost all the countries of Europe. Attack provokes defence ; 
and in the strife of opinion, the rights of justice and of truth 
are too frequently disregarded. While some rare spirits, en 
lightened by the study of history, or the attentive observation 
of the effect of the dogmas of either religion on the moral con 
duct of its votaries, rise superior to the mists of prejudice and 
form a judgment which is moulding that of posterity, 1 the adepts 
of a school unhappily celebrated as the admirers of excesses 
which the sincere disciples of Christianity or of philosophy 
have alike reproved, have nought but malediction and insult 
for the glorious Eevolution stamped by the names of Luther 
and of Calvin. Never perhaps, were detraction and outrage let 

1 It i,s only necessary to quote the names of the two illustrious French histo 
rians, M. Cluizot and M. Mignct, who in their writings have rendered a respectful 
homage to the religious and moral influence of the Reformation. A distinguished 
writer, M. Charles de Remusat, has latety published, under the title of " De la 
Reforme et du Protestantisme," an eloquent paper, which might well inaugurate a 
new era of justice and impartiality in historical writing. 



XI] PREFACE. 

loose with such fury against these great deliverers of conscience ; 
never have their intentions been so audaciously misrepresented, 
their actions so grossly caricatured. 1 To the falsehoods of a 
party that shrinks not from slander, let us oppose the impartial 
evidence of history ; let us learn from these great men themselves 
what they desired, what they did, what they suffered ; and let 
us seek from them alone the secret of the Kevolution which 
they achieved. 

The Correspondence of Calvin will, we believe, throw a fresh 
light upon those grave questions which Modern Science, worthy 
of the name, now proposes to herself with a desire for impartial 
justice which does her honour. It is by this sentiment that we 
may venture to say we have been animated, in the course of the 
long researches which have enabled us to offer this collection 
to the public. Guided solely by the love of truth, and shrink 
ing from no revelation that was guaranteed by authentic docu 
ments, we have rejected no sources of information, nor omitted 
any evidence. Our ambition has been to make Calvin live 
again in his letters to shew him as he was, with his austere 
and inflexible convictions, which yet were far from intolerant 
in the intercourse of friendship and the freedom of the domestic 
circle with that stern self-sacrifice of his life to duty which alone 
explains its power and excuses its errors with the failings which 
were the heritage of his times and those which were peculiar 
to himself. History, interrogated in original documents, is not 
a panegyric ; it throws no veil over the shortcomings of its 
heroes, but it remembers that they are men, and draws lessons 
alike from their infirmities and from their greatness. 

We cannot close this Preface without offering the tribute of 
our sincere gratitude to those friends in England and on the 

1 We need only name " L Histoire &lt;!c Calvin/ by M. Audiri, in itself entirely 
devoid of truthfulness, and the fruitful .source of calumnious and lying pamphlets 
against the memory of the Reformer. 



PREFACE. Xlll 

Continent whose kind encouragement has favoured the publi 
cation. And we would address our first acknowledgments to 
the Librarians of the Continental Libraries, who eagerly placed 
at our disposal the whole MS. collections committed to their 
charge. We have pleasure in paying the same tribute to one 
of the most distinguished citizens of Geneva, Colonel Henri 
Tronchin, who so liberally opened to us the precious documents 
that have been transmitted to him tnrough a series of illustrious 
ancestors ; and we regard it as a peculiar privilege to record our 
obligations, while at Geneva, to the encouraging kindness of 
two men eminent in her sacred literature, M. le Pasteur Gaus- 
sen, and to the learned historian of the Keformation, M. le Doc- 
teur Merle d Aubigne, whose patronage, which was given as a 
matter of course to the publication of Calvin s Correspondence, 
has been the means of attracting to us valuable sympathies in 
the United States, in England, and in that noble country of 
Scotland, where the name of Calvin, gloriously associated with 
that of Knox, receives an honourable tribute in the labours of a 
Society devoted to the translation of his writings. It is with 
heartfelt satisfaction that we inscribe on the first page of the 
collection, and recall in one grateful thought, the names of the 
three generous patrons of the undertaking, Mr. Douglas of 
Cavers, Mr. Henderson of Park, and Mr. James Lennox of New 
York. 

Our personal thanks we may surely be permitted to offer to 
the translator of the work. Nothing could exceed the difficulty 
of rendering Calvin s letters in English and of harmonizing 
the antique style of the originals with the structure of a modern 
language. We believe that this difficulty has been happily 
overcome by the Translator, who has devoted himself with 
persevering ardour, and with a sort of filial piety, to a work 
requiring so great an amount of patience and of learning. 
If, through the transparent mirror of a scrupulously faithful 



XIV PREFACE. 

translation, the render is enabled to follow the grave religious 
beauty of the originals, if lie is brought, as it were, into com 
munion with the soul of Calvin himself, in the fine and varied 
effusions of his correspondence, lie will be indebted for this 
privilege to the labour of Mr. Constable, revised by the Rev. 
Dr. Cunningham, Principal of the New College, Edinburgh, with 
a degree of watchful care and enlightened solicitude that can 
not be too highly appreciates 

And thus the wish expressed by Calvin on his deathbed, and 
forgotten during three centuries, is now realized for Britain as 
well as for France. His memory loses nothing from these tardy 
revelations, and the only testimony worthy of him is that of 
truth. This is the testimony that appears in every page of his 
correspondence. In so far as we have been his faithful inter 
preters we arc happy if, according to the measure of our poor 
ability, we have been permitted, not to glorify a man, but to 
glorify God Himself, in the life of one of His chosen instru 
ments for the accomplishment of one of the noblest acts in the 
providential drama of history. 



The English edition of Calvin s collected Correspondence will 
form four volumes similar to the present, and will contain at 
least 600 letters, the greater part of which are now published 
for the first time. An appendix at the end of the work will 
give, in chronological order, and with a summary of their con 
tents, a list of those letters which it has been thought unneces 
sary to include in this edition, but which those who may desire 
to do so, will have an opportunity of consulting in the complete 
edition of the originals, in course of publication in Paris, the 
first two volumes of which, containing the French letters of the 
Reformer, may be had from the publishers of the present work. 



CONTENTS. 



1528. 

LETTKR PACK 

I. To NICOLAS DUCHEMIN. Calvin at the University of Orleans his early 

friendships he is recalled to Noyon by the illness of his father, . 1 

1529. 

II. To FRANCIS DANIEL. Calvin in Paris Nicolas Cop the two friends 

visit a monastery, ....... 3 

III. To FRANCIS DANIEL. Thanks to Francis Daniel salutations of Mel- 

chior Wolmar various messages, . . . . .5 

1530. 

IV. To FRANCIS DANIEL. Domestic intelligence departure to Italy of the 

brother of Francis Daniel, . . . . 

1532. 

V. To FRANCIS DANIEL. Calvin s first work Commentary on Seneca s 

Treatise, " De dementia," . . . . . .7 

VI. To FRANCIS DANIEL. Calvin despatches copies of the Treatise, " De 

dementia," to several persons looks for lodgings in Paris, . 8 

VII. To DR. MARTIN BUCER. Recommendation of a French refugee in Stras 
bourg, who had been falsely accused of holding the doctrines of the 
Anabaptists, ....... &lt;) 

1533. 

VIII. To FRANCIS DANIEL. Various communications a new work put forth, 11 
IX. To FRANCIS DANIEL. The Reformation in Paris rage of the Sorbonne 
satirical Comedy directed against the Queen of Navarre interven 
tion of Francis I. deliberation of the Four Faculties revocation of 
the censure pronounced against the book entitled " The Mirror of 
the Sinful Srml," .. . . . . . .12 

1534. 
X. To FRANCIS DANIEL. Retirement of Calvin to Angouleme, . . 17 






vi CONTENTS. 

LKTTER PAGE 

XI. To CHRISTOPHER LIBERTET. Calvin in Basle revision of the Bible 

of Robert Olivetan treatise on the Immortality of the Soul, . 18 

1536. 

XII. To FRANCIS DANIEL. Calvin in Geneva translation into French 
of the " Christian Institutes "disputation of Lausanne estab 
lishment of the doctrines of the Reformation in the Pays de Vaud, 20 

1537. 

XIII. To MEGAXDER. Calvin and Caroli encounter each other prayers 

for the dead the Genevese clergy accused of Arianism need of 
a synod, . . 

XIV. To VIRET. Preaching of the Gospel at Besancon ecclesiastical 

intelligence discouragement of Farel necessity for the return 
of Viret to Geneva, ... .27 

XV. To SIMON GRYNEE. The nature of the controversy between Calvin 
and Caroli clearly laid open Synod of Lausanne Caroli is con 
demned, and the teaching of Calvin and Farel solemnly approved, 29 
XVI. To THE MINISTERS or THE CHURCH OF BASLE. Persecution in 
France request, addressed to the Seigneury of Basle in favour 
of the faithful of the Church at Nismes, . . -34 

1538. 

XVII. To Louis DU TILLET. Departure of Louis du Tillet from Geneva 
regret of Calvin controversy between the two friends regarding 
the character of the Church of Jesus Christ, . . .36 

XVIII. To HENRY BULLINGER. State of the Church at Geneva wish for 

the union of the Reformed Churches mention of Luther, . 41 

XIX. To HENRY BULLINGER. Synod of Zurich attempt at reconcilia 
tion between the banished ministers and the town of Geneva, . 44 
XX. To PETER VIRET. Arrival of Farel and Calvin at Basle, . . 45 

XXI. To Louis DU TILLET. Journey of Calvin to Strasbourg project of 
a new Assembly at Zurich policy of the Bernese in his retire 
ment Calvin breathes freely news from France, . . 47 
XXII. To WILLIAM FAREL. Farel called as minister to the Church of 
Neuchatel sad condition of the Church at Geneva uncertainty 
of Calvin Bucer s urgency to draw him to Strasbourg, . 49 

XXIII. To FAREL. New efforts of the ministers of Strasbourg to attract 

Calvin thither the plague at Basle detail of the death of a 
nephew of Farel, . . . . . .53 

XXIV. To FAREL. Calvin at Strasbourg negotiations between Bucer 

and the Magistrates of Geneva first preaching of Calvin in the 
French Church Anabaptists of Metz, . . . .56 

XXV. To THE CHURCH OF GENEVA Letter of consolation and advice ad 
dressed to the Church at Geneva, deprived of her faithful pastor 
testimonies of his innocence confidence in God trust for the 
future, . . . . . . . .58 



CONTENTS, 



XV11 



LETTER PAGE 

XXVI. To FAREL. Conferences of Basle absence of the theologians of 
Zurich and of Berne the minister Konzen complaints against 
Bucer a wish for the establishment of Ecclesiastical discipline 
celebration of the Supper in the French Church of Strasbourg 
the news of Germany and the Netherlands question ad 
dressed to Melanchthon domestic affairs, . . 65 
XXVII. To Louis DU TILLET. Reply to doubts as to the lawfulness of 
his call inward assurance of his calling declines the kind 
offer of Louis du Tillet appeals to the tribunal of God from the 
accusation of schism charged on him by his friend, . 70 " 
XXVIII. To FAREL. Death of Courault Calvin s discouragement and 
trust in God answers a question of Saunier regarding the 
Supper the faithful at Geneva exhorted not to separate from 
the new preachers affectionate advice given to Fare!, . 75 

1539. 

XXIX. To FAREL. Second edition of the "Christian Institutes" 
death of Robert Olivetan state of religion in Germany first 
lectures of Calvin at Strasbourg, .... 80 

XXX. To FAREL. Fruitless efforts for the union of the two Churches 
synod of Zurich Bullinger s distrust of Bucer parallel be 
tween Luther and Zuingli Calvin thinks of marrying news 
of Germany policy of the ecclesiastical -electors French 
Church of Strasbourg conversion of two Anabaptists, . 83 

XXXI. To BULLINGER. Excuses his long silence evidences of brotherly 
affection justifies Bucer his desire for the union of the Church 
of Zurich with that of Strasbourg, ... 88 

XXXII. To FAREL. Departure of Calvin for the Assembly of Frankfort 
the question of Ecclesiastical property news of Geneva 
opening of the religious conferences at Frankfort disposition 
of the Roman Catholic princes and Protestants in Germany 
policy of Charles V. Reformation in England remarkable 
judgment on Henry VIII., .... 92 

To FAREL. Conclusion of the Assembly at Frankfort attitude 
of the Protestant princes conversations between Calvin and 
Melanchthon on ecclesiastical discipline opinion of the latter 
ofCapito various details, . . . .104 

To FAREL. Numerous occupations of Calvin news of German} 7 
firmness of the Senate of Strasbourg, . . . 108 

To FAREL. Union of the Swiss Churches first steps for the re 
call of Calvin to Geneva some details concerning Jiis ministry 
and his straitened circumstances Lutheran ceremonies the 
Church property renewal of the League of Smalkald con 
stancy of the German princes example of fidelity to the cause 
of Christ on the part of the town of Strasbourg, . . 109 

XXXVI. To FAREL. Ecclesiastical news of Switzerland destitution of 
the minister Megander complaints addressed to Bucer fur 
ther projects of marriage on the part of Calvin, . . 115 

VOL. T. b 



XXXIII. 

XXXIV. 
XXXV. 



XV111 CONTENTS. 

LETTER PAGB 

XXXVII. To THE CHURCH OF GENEVA. Eccommends anew the counsel of 

peace and brotherly agreement to the Church of Geneva, 1 18 

XXXVIII. To FAREL. Journey of Farel to Strasbourg scanty remunera 
tion of Calvin sale of his books, . . . . 125 

XXXIX. To FAREL. Eeconciliation of Farel with Caroli intercession of 
the Senate of Strasbourg in favour of the French Protestants 
answer of Calvin to the letter of Cardinal Sadolet, . 126 

XL. To FAREL. Caroli at Strasbourg proceedings of Sturm and 

Bucer for the reconciliation with Calvin, . . . 127 

XLI. To FAREL. Farther details of the reconciliation of Calvin with 
Caroli the minister Alexander a lecture of Bucer nego 
tiations of the Protestant Princes of Germany their an 
swer to Henry VIII. French translation of the epistle to 
Sadolet, . . . . . . .133 

XLII. To FAREL. Caroli encounter between William du Bellay and 
the Constable de Montmorency preparation for an approach 
ing Assembly in Germany negotiations with the King of 
England salutations addressed by Luther to Calvin hope 
of an accommodation between the Swiss and German 
Churches, . . . . . .139 

XLIII. To FAREL. Persecutions in France policy of Francis I. and 
Charles V. ecclesiastical discipline University regulations at 
Strasbourg illness of Farel, .... 14-; 

1540. 

XLIV. To FAREL. Farther mention of Caroli discussion with Herman 
the Anabaptist good understanding of Charles V. and Fran 
cis I. alarm of the German Princes some detail of the propo 
sitions addressed to Calvin, . . . .147 
XLV. To FAREL. Impressions of Calvin on his recall to Geneva 
rigorous application of discipline in his church news of Ger 
many, of France, and of England, . . . . 151 

XL VI. To FAREL. Eeconciliation of parties at Geneva insufficiency 
of the ministers of that Church policy of Charles V. 
courageous attitude of the Protestant Princes favourable news 
from England cruel persecutions in France ecclesiastical dis 
cipline in the French Church at Strasbourg, . . 154 
XL VII. To PETER VIRET. Excuses for his silence sad news from 
France repugnance of Calvin to return to Geneva his com 
parative estimate of Capito, Zuingli, Luther, and CEcolam- 
padius, . ..... 162 

XLVIII. To FAREL. Preparations for the Assembly of Haguenau symp 
toms of misunderstanding between Charles V. and Francis I. 
severe judgment of Henry VIII. evils produced in the 
Church by the absence of discipline various details, . 165 

XLIX. To MONSIEUR DU TAILLY. Eeview of the Conferences of 

Haguenau the state of parties in Germany, . 169 



CONTENTS. XIX 

LETTER PAGE 

L. To PETER CAROLI. Answer to the complaints of Carol! refuses 
to grant to him tlie professorial chair unless he repents of his 
past offences, . . . . . .174 

LI. To VIRET. Deputations sent to France and into England the 

Edict of Fontainbleau, ..... 178 

LII. To FAREL. Sickness of Calvin preparation for departure to 
the Diet at Worms letter to the Queen of Navarre on behalf 
of the faithful persecuted in France, . . . 180 

LIU. To THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA. Excuses himself from returning 
to Geneva by the necessity of his attendance at the Diet of 
Worms, ....... 184 

LIV. To FAREL. Exposition of the motives which prevent him from 

returning to Geneva, ..... 186 

LV. To THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA. Calvin at Worms he excuses 
himself to the magistrates of Geneva for his inability to comply 
with their request, on account of the mission with which he 
had been charged into Germany in the general interests of the 
Church, . . . . . . .190 

LVI. To FAREL. Details of the interview of Calvin with the Deputies 

from Geneva, . . . . . .194 

LYII. To NICOLAS PARENT. Testimony rendered to the French Church 
at Strasbourg and to the pastor in charge of it during the ab 
sence of Calvin matters of advice, . . . 196 
LVIII. To NICOLAS PARENT. Instructions regarding the Supper, and 

on various points of Ecclesiastical Discipline, . . 198 

1541. 

LIX. To THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA. Calvin sent to the Diet of Ea- 
tisbon he excuses himself on that account from returning at 
that moment to Geneva advices addressed to the magistrates 
of that town, ...... 201 

LX. To FAREL. Anxiety on account of the Swiss Churches ap 
proaching departure for Piatisbon disputes between Berne 
and Geneva calumnies directed against the Vaudois of 
Provence, ....... 203 

LXI. To VIRET. New expression of the repugnances and terrors which 

Calvin feels in prospect of his returning to Geneva, . 206 

LXIL To JAMES BERNARD. Protests his devotedness to the Church of 

Geneva oblivion of past injury, . , . . 210 

LXTII. To FAREL. Calvin at Eatisbon the plague at Strasbourg 
grief of the Eeformer Preliminaries of the Diet the German 
princes the Italian prelates Hungary the Turk Poland 
state of opinion inclinations of Charles V. Stayedness upon 
God, ....... 213 

LXIV. To MONSIEUR DE EICHEBOURG Consolatory letter on the death 

of his son, . . . . . 222 



XX CONTENTS. 

LETTER PAGE 

LX V. To FAREL. Affliction of Calvin news of the Diet of Ratisbon 
appointment of the theologians charged with the representation 
of the two parties their reception by the Emperor portrait 
of Julius Pflug, of Gropper, and of Eck, . . . 229 

LXVI. To FAREL. Request addressed by the ministers of the Church of 
Zurich to those of Strasbourg Calvin promises to return to 
Geneva message to Viret, . . . .234 

LXVII. To FAREL. Results of the Diet of Ratisbon conferences of the 
theologians original sin free-will -justification impossibility 
of agreement in the sacrament of the Supper, . .- 236 

LXVIII. To FAREL. Efforts of Bucer and of Melanchthon to effect a con 
nexion between the two Churches formula of concord feel 
ing of Calvin on the subject, .... 238 
LXIX. To THE PASTORS OF THE CHURCH or ZURICH. The expression of 
his sentiments in reference to the Church of Geneva ready to 
return to that town if the Magistrates of Strasbourg consent to 
it, and if the Seigneury of Berne promise their support testi 
mony of respect for the Church of Zurich, . . 241 
LXX. To FAREL. Return of Calvin to Strasbourg news of the Diet 
of Ratisbon contradictory formulae presented to the Emperor 
reply of Charles V. letter to the King of France in favour 
of his persecuted Protestant subjects, . . . 247 
LXXI. To FAREL AND VIRET. Communication of a letter received from 
Bucer news of Germany Church of Metz assurance given 
to Virct of his approaching departure for Geneva recommen 
dation of two young men, .... 250 
LXXII. To VIRET. Excuses for his delay in leaving Strasbourg conclu 
sion of the Diet at Ratisbon, .... 254 
LXXI II. To FAREL. Prepares to depart for Geneva self-denial of Calvin 

absolute submission to the will of God, . . 256 

LXXIV. To THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA. Arrival of Calvin at Neu- 

chatel purpose of his going to that town, . . . 258 

LXXV. To FAREL. Calvin at Berne his interview with one of the 

principal magistrates, and with the ministers of that town, . 259 
LXXVI. To FAREL. Arrival of Calvin at Geneva his interview with 
the magistrates draws up a form of Ecclesiastical discipline 
advises Farel to moderation, . . . 260 

LXXVII. To THE SEIGNEURY OF NEUCHATEL. Efforts to pacify the 

Church of Neuchatel instructions given to Viret, . .262 

LXXVIII. To BUCER. New details regarding the troubles in the Church 
of Neuchatel proceedings of Viret sentence pronounced by 
the Bernese the ecclesiastical Statutes of Geneva request 
for prolongation of leave for Viret testimony of respect and 
affection for Bucer approach of the pestilence, . .264 

LXXTX. To MADAME THE DUCHESS OF FERRARA. Instructions on the 
subject of the Mass, and on the necessity of avoiding 
scandal, . - . . . . . t \ 271 



CONTENTS. XXI 

LETTER PAGE 

LXXX. To FAREL. Brotherly exhortations efforts of Calvin to draw 

Viret to Geneva news of that Church, . . . 282 

LXXXI. To FAREL. The Vaudois of Provence appeal addressed to 

Matlmrin Cordier the Keformation at Paris and Lyons, . 284 



1542. 

LXXXII. To FAREL. Healing of the troubles of the Church at Neuchatel 

wise counsel given to Farel, . . , . 287 

LXXXIII. To OSWALD MYCONIUS. Restoration of the Church of Geneva 
wise and moderate behaviour of Calvin obstacles to the 
establishment of ecclesiastical discipline duty of the magis 
trates thereaiient information regarding an adventurer 
named Alberg, ...... 288 

LXXXIV. To OSWALD MYCONIUS. The Reformation at Cologne some 
details on the condition of Germany efforts of Calvin to 
retain Viret at Geneva, . . . . .296 

LXXXV. To THE BRETHREN OF LYONS. Stay of a Carmelite monk at 
Geneva declaration of motives for refusing to admit him to 
the ministry of the Gospel, ..... 299 

LXXXVI. To FAREL. Detail of the edifying death of the first Syndic, 

Amy Porral, ... ... 307 

LXXXVII. To VIRET. Sickness of Idelette de Bure the beginnings of 

the new ministers of the Church of Geneva, . .311 

LXXXVIII. To BENEDICT TEXTOR. Divers recommendations, . .312 

LXXXIX. To FAREL. Excuses his silence estimate of the new ministers 

works and literary productions of Calvin, . . .313 

XC. To VIRET. Proceedings of Castalio school of Geneva criti 
cism on the new ministers tidings of France domestic 
sorrow, . . . . . . .310 

XCI. To VIRET. Instructions given to Viret for the Synod of Berne 
need of maintaining the spiritual independence of the 
Church various directions, . . . . .321 

XCII. To VIRET. Disquietude of Calvin on occasion of the acts of the 

Synod of Berne, ...... 323 

XCIII. To FAREL. Wishes for the success of the journey undertaken 

by Farel to Metz calumnies of James de Morges, . . 325 

XCIV. To VIRET. Origin of the disputes between Calvin and Castalio, 326 
XCV. To VIRET. Invitation to Viret to come to Geneva nomination 

of a principal of the College of that town, . . . 328 

XCVI. To VIRET. Approval of a letter of Viret to the Seigneuries of 
Berne the ecclesiastical property Italian emigrants at Ge 
neva troubles caused by the differences of that town with 
Berne, . . . . . . .329 

XCVII. To VIRET. The plague at Geneva conduct of the ministers in 
these circumstances Italian refugees the question of the 
ecclesiastical property examined, . . . . 333 



CONTENTS. 

LETTKB 
XCVIII. To BULLINGER. Numerous occupations of Calvin death of 

Leo Juda ravages of the plague in Switzerland, . . 338 

XCIX. To MICHAEL VAROD. Recommendation of a sick person, . 340 

1543. 

C. To MONSIEUR LE CURE DE . . . Religious controversy oc 
casioned by the plague at Geneva apologizes for the Refor 
mation, ....... 340 

CI. To PHILIP MELANCHTHON. Testimony of respect and of frater 
nal affection his homage in one of his hooks details of his 
labours at Geneva survey of the state of Germany and of 

Italy, . 349 

CII. To VIRET. Ecclesiastical particularities struggles to maintain 

the right of excommunication over the ministers, . . 353 

CIII. To CONRAD PELLICAN. Offer of his services answers the accu 
sations directed against Farel justification of Ochino intro 
duces two young men, ..... 354 

CIV. To THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA. Calvin at Strasbourg expose 
of his proceedings with the magistrates of that town for 
preaching the Evangel at Metz the news, . . . 357 

CV. To THE PASTORS OF THE CHURCH OF GENEVA. The preaching 
of the Gospel encounters difficulty at Metz intrigues of Caroli 
fraternal exhortations, . . . . 361 

CYI. To VIRET. Relation of his proceedings at Strasbourg, and the 

state of things at Metz, ..... 363 

CVII. To THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA. Answer from the Assembly at 
Smalkald prolongation of the stay of Calvin and of Farel at 
Strasbourg preaching of the Evangel at Cologne warlike 
preparations in the Netherlands, . . . .364 

CVIII. To THE AMBASSADORS OF GENEVA. Expose of the motives 
which prevent immediate return to Geneva Cologne news 
and of the Netherlands, . . . . .367 

C1X. To THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA. New delay in conclusion of 
the affair of Metz Calvin makes arrangements for his return 
to Geneva, ....... 369 

CX. To MONSIEUR DE FALAIS. Exhorts him to quit his native 
country and to retire where he can make free profession of the 
Gospel, . . . . . . .371 

CXI. To MADAME DE FALAIS. Christian counsel and exhortations, . 375 
CXII. To MONSIEUR DE FALAIS. Further exhortation to decide him 

on quitting his country, ..... 377 

1544. 

CXIII. To VIRET. The ministerial office refused to Castalio the mar 
riage of Bonnivard, Abbot of St. Victor, . . . 379 

CXIV. To BULLINGER. Conclusion of an arrangement between Berne 

and Geneva, . .... 381 



CONTENTS. XX111 

LETTER PAGE 

CXV. To VIRET. Farther details of the arrangements with the Ber 
nese recall of .the refugees preparation of several works 
disagreements with Castalio, ..... 382 

CXVI. To THE MINISTERS OP NEUCHATEL. Controversy with Chapon- 

neau regarding the Divinity of Christ, . . . 386 

CXVII. To FAREL. Struggles and difficulties of Calvin at Geneva 
quarrels of the ministers violent attacks of Castalio dis 
satisfaction of the deputies from Berne reappearance of the 
plague dangers of the Church, .... 392 

CXVI1I. To OSWALD MYCONIUS. Political and military intelligence from 

France and Germany, ..... 397 

CXIX. To MONSIEUR DE FALAIS. Arrival of Monsieur de Falais at 

Cologne the sending of a minister pious counsels, . 398 

CXX. To MADAME DE FALAIS. Christian congratulations hope of a 

speedy meeting, ...... 403 

CXXI. To FAREL. Renewal of the controversy regarding the Sacra 
ments between the German and Swiss Churches, . . 404 
CXXII. To BULLINGER. New appeal to the Seigneurs of Zurich, in 
favour of the Waldenses of Provence Luther s invectives 
against the Swiss Reformer remarkable judgment in regard 
to his character his injustice pardoned in consideration of the 
eminent services rendered by him to the cause of Christ, . 405 

1545. 

CXXIII. To MELANCHTHON Explanations relative to the publication of 
the book " Against the Nicodemites" appeal to the autho 
rity of Melanchthon and Luther troubles arising from eccle 
siastical discords announcement of the Council of Trent 
policy of Charles V. and of Francis I. convocation of a Synod 
at Melun, . . . . . . . 410 

CXXIV. To LUTHER. Calvin submits to Luther several of his writings, 

of which he desires to obtain his approbation, . .416 

CXXV. To AN UNKNOWN PERSONAGE. Difficulties in the way of a re 
union, and doubts of the efficacy of a General Council under 
present circumstances deplorable state of the Church mo 
tives which prevented him from going to confer in person with 
the German Reformers his proposals to them, . 418 

CXX VI. To VIRET. Intelligence of France and Germany Synod of 

Melun, ....... 423 

CXXVII. To VIRET. Election of new magistrates at Geneva struggles 

of Calvin, ...... 425 

CXXVIII. To VIRET. Mention of Clement Marot s metrical versions of the 

Psalms persecutions in France, . . . 426 

CXXIX. To OSWALD MYCONIUS. Discovery of a conspiracy for the 
spreading of the plague at Geneva punishment of the con 
spirators, ...... 428 



XXIV CONTENTS. 

LETTER PAGE 

CXXX. To THE QUEEN OF NAVARRE. Calvin vindicates himself from 
the charges of having intended to attack her in his book 
against the Libertines, . . . . .429 

CXXXI. To FAREL. Massacre of the Waldenses of Provence Calvin 

entreats the sympathy of the Swiss Churches in their behalf, 434 
CXXXII. To VIRET. Journey of Calvin in Switzerland resolutions of the 

Diet of Arau in favour of the persecuted brethren of France, 436 
CXXXIII. To MONSIEUR DE FALAIS. Directions for his conduct towards 

the Emperor Charles V., .... 437 

CXXXIY. To JOHN CAVENT. Consolations on the death of his wife and 

mother, ....... 440 

CXXXV. To MONSIEUR DE FALAIS Information regarding a house to be 

sold at Geneva, ...... 441 

CXXXVI. To MELANCHTHON He complains of Luther s tyranny, and 

affectionately exhorts Melanchthon to manifest greater deci 
sion and firmness, ..... 442 

CXXXVII. To BULLINGER Defence of the Waldenses of Provence arti 
fices of their enemies oppression of that unfortunate people, 445 
CXXX VIII. To THE PASTORS OP SCHAFFHAUSEN. Calvin exhorts them to re 
doubled efforts for the deliverance of their persecuted brethren, 448 
CXXXIX. To OSWALD MYCONIUS. Pressing entreaty in behalf of the 

Waldenses of Provence, ..... 449 

CXL. To JOACHIM WADIAN. Excuses for the long silence which he 
had observed towards Wadian allusion to the controversy 
regarding the Sacraments lively entreaties in behalf of the 
Provencal brethren, ...... 451 

CXLI. To MONSIEUR DE FALAIS. Report of the near arrival of M. de 
Falais at Geneva details relative to the acquiring of a house 
in that town, ...... 454 

CXLII. To OSWALD MYCONIUS. Letter of recommendation for Ochino, 457 
CXLIII. To MADAME DE FALAIS. Use of affliction preparation for the 

arrival of M. de Falais at Geneva, .... 458 



CALVIN S LETTERS, 



I. To NICOLAS 

Calvin at tho University of Orleans his early friendships he is recalled 
to Noyon by the illness of his father. 

NOITON, 14^ May 1528. 

As I do not think that you have hitherto been correctly in 
formed of the motives and peculiar circumstances which have 
brought my punctuality in question, you must at least be willing 
to admit, that until now you have known me to be a person 
rather overmuch attentive, not to say troublesome, in the fre 
quency of my correspondence. Nor has my fidelity been so 
sorely endangered as to leave me altogether inexcusable. For 
after calm consideration, I came to this conclusion in my own 
mind, that all the esteem you had conceived for me, during a 

1 This letter is the earliest iu the series of Calvin s correspondence. Born at 
Noyon the 10th of July 1509, educated in the belles letlres at Paris, in 1527 he 
went to study law at the University of Orleans, which he left soon afterwards, iu 
order to avail himself of the lectures of the celebrated Alciat at Bourges. In the 
first mentioned of these towns, he had for fellow-students and friends, several young 
men who we re distinguished not less by their piety than by information and accom 
plishment. Nicolas Duchemin was of this number, to whom, at a later period, 
(1536,) he dedicated a letter, entitled " De fugiendis impiorum illicitis sacris et 
puritate Christiana Keligionis." That letter was translated into English, (London, 
1548, in 8vo.) The original is inserted in the Latin Edition of Calvin s Works, 
(Amsterdam, 1671,) in the eighth volume. Also in the " Recueil des Opuscules," 
Edition of 1 566. 

VOL. I. A 



2 NICOLAS DUCHEMIN. 1528. 

long acquaintance and daily intercourse, could not vanish in a 
single moment ; and that a certain kindly courtesy, as well as 
shrewdness, is so much your nature, that nothing is wont unad 
visedly to prejudge you. This consideration makes me feel 
confident that I may be restored to favour, if any has been lost. 
Receive now, I pray you, in few words, the cause of this delay. 
The promise made at my departure, that I would return in a 
short time, while it was my wish to fulfil it, kept me all the 
longer in a state of suspense. For when I was seriously intend 
ing to return to you, my father s illness 1 occasioned the delay. 
But afterward, when the physicians gave some hope of his resto 
ration to good health, I then thought of nought else than the 
anxious desire to rejoin you, to which I had previously been 
very strongly inclined, but which was much increased after an 
interval of some days. Meanwhile, my onwaiting in this duty 
has been prolonged, until at length there remains no hope of 
recovery, and the approach of death is certain. 2 Whatsoever 
happens, I shall see you again. 

Remember me to Francis Daniel ; to Philip, 3 and your entire 
household. Have you given in your name yet among the pro 
fessors of literature ? See that your modesty does not enforce 
indolence upon you. Adieu, dear Duchemin, my friend dearer 
to me than my life. 

[Lat. copy Library of Berne- Vol. 450.] 

1 Gerard Chauvin, or Cauvin, father of the Reformer, a man of strict morals, 
of good understanding and judgment, which we have on the testimony of Theod. 
de Beze, Calvini Vita. Originally of Pont 1 Eveque, he had been promoted, by his 
ability, to the office of notary apostolic, secretary to the bishopric, and promotevr 
of the Chapter at Noyon. Le Vasseur, " Annales de VEglise Cathedrale de Noyon," 
chap. x. p. 1151. 

2 It seems uncertain whether Gerard Chauvin died this year. The letters of 
Calvin, so far as yet appears, contain no other allusion to that event, which must 
have exercised a desirable influence on his life, in drawing him away from the study 
of law to that of theology, in which direction all his own tendencies drew him. See 
Theod. de Beze, Vita Calvini. 

8 Philippe Laurent, librarian of the library at Orleans. 



1529. FRANCIS DANIEL. 3 

II. To FRANCIS DANIEL. 1 

Calvin in Paris Nicolas Cop the two friends visit a monastery. 

PAKIS, 27th June 1529. 

Tired with the journey, the day after our drive hither we 
could not stir a foot out of doors. For the next four days, 
while I still felt unahle to move about, the whole of that time 
wore away in friendly salutations. On the Lord s day, I repaired 
to the monastery with Cop, 2 who had consented to accompany 
me, that, according to your advice, I might fix a day with the 
nuns on which your sister should take the vows. I was told, in 
reply to my inquiry, that, along with some others of her own 
rank, she had obtained from the sisterhood, in conformity with 
approved usage, (ex solemni more,) the power of taking upon 
herself the vows. The daughter of a certain banker of Orleans, 
who is master of arts to your brother, is of the number. While 
Cop was in the meanwhile engaged in conversation with the 
abbess, I sounded the inclination of your sister, whether she 
would take that yoke patiently, whether she was not rather 
wearied and drilled into submission than submitting her neck 
willingly to the harness. I urged her again and again freely 
to entrust me with whatever she might have upon her mind. 
Never have I seen any one more prompt or readier in reply, 
so that it could not come soon enough to satisfy her wishes. 
You would almost think she was playing with her doll as 
oft as she heard speak of the vow. I did not wish to with 
draw her from her purpose, because I had not come with 

1 Francis Daniel, advocate of Orleans, the fellow-student and friend of Calvin at 
the university of that town. (" Quant a Orleans, dit Th. de Beze, il y avoit Lien 
desja quelques personnages, aians connoissance de la verite, comme entr autres 
Fran9ois Daniel, advocat, et Nicolas Duchemin, tenant escholiers en pension." 
Hist. Eccl. i. 9.) From several letters of the reformer it appears, (1559-1560,) 
that while fully acknowledging the necessity of a reformation of the Church, Francis 
Daniel remained inwardly attached to Rome. His two sons, Francis and Peter 
Daniel, distinguished themselves in the study of law and literature. 

2 Nicolas Cop, the physician, professor in the College of Sainte Barbe, and friend 
of Calvin. In 1533 he became rector of the University of Paris. 



4 FRANCIS DANIEL. 1529. 

that object. But, in few words, I admonished her not to rely 
too much on her own resolutions, that she ought not to make 
rash promises as to herself, but rather that she would rest upon 
the strength of God for all needed help, in whom we live and 
have our being. 

While we were thus engaged in conversation, the abbess gave 
me an opportunity of speaking with her, and when I proposed 
that she would fix a day, she left the choice to myself, but on 
condition that Pylades 1 should be present, who will be at 
Orleans within eight days. So, as the day could not be fixed 
more certainly, we left it to Pylades to decide. Do yon, there 
fore, settle with him as shall seem convenient, since I can be of 
no further service to you here. 

Concerning my own affairs; as yet I have not fixed upon a 
lodging, although there were many to be had if I had wished 
to hire, and also offered by friends, had I been willing to take 
advantage of the use of them. The father of our friend Coiffart 
offered his own house to me, with that kindness that you would 
have said there was nothing he desired rather than that I 
should take up my abode with his son. Coiffart himself, also, 
with many entreaties, and those not any way cold or distant, 
insisted often that he might have me for companion and com 
rade ; nothing would I have rather embraced with outstretched 
arms than this inclination on the part of my friend, whose 
acquaintance how pleasing and profitable it is to me, yourself 
can testify, and which I would immediately have accepted had 
I not intended this year to attend Danes, 2 whose school is 
situated at a great distance from Coiffart s house. All friends 
who are here desire to be remembered to you, especially Coiffart 
and Viermey, with whom I am about to ride out on horseback. 
Greet your mother, your wife, and your sister Francisca. Adieu. 
I have begun a letter to the canon, which I shall finish on my 
return. If any inconvenience is occasioned by the delay I will 
make up for it. 

[Lat. copy Library of Berne. Vol. 450.] 

1 Pseudonyrae, adopted by some unknown friend of Calvin. 

2 P. Danesius. P. Danes, the scholar of Lascaris and of Bude, the learned Pro 
fessor of Greek at the University of Paris. 



1529. FRANCIS DANIEL. 



III. To FRANCIS DANIEL. 

Thanks to Francis Daniel salutations of Melchior Wolmar 
various messages. 

MKAUX, Qth September 1529. 

I owe you thanks for having omitted no diligence in the 
care of our affairs, which I will not allow to pass unrequited 
when occasion shall offer. For I think it will so happen that 
at least I may be able to return a favour of the like kind, nor 
even then shall my name be expunged from your day-book ; 
what is more, there is scarcely a single page that does not state 
me as your debtor. But if you think me worth the money, I 
make myself over to you in payment, with the usual legal pro 
viso, that whatever is mine may also go along with the purchase. 
You must understand, moreover, that was the loophole opened 
to our barefaced solicitation, while you gave ready and season 
able aid, so that \ve can scarcely be in future anything but 
shameless suitors, unmindful whether we are solvent or no, for 
you do not confer benefits that you may make gain of them, 
but bestow your favours freely. In the meantime, however, 
I will take care that the inner chamber be well supplied with 
wine, if I see that it will be to our advantage, that you may 
not suppose anything to be rashly undertaken. Perhaps, in an 
indirect way, I appear to ask money, but do not you interpret 
me unkindly or twit me indirectly, unless, as you are wont, it is 
good humouredly in jest. You have done manfully in behaving 
with so much firmness towards that indolent Maecenas ; since 
he cannot now-a-days suit his manners to us, let him be your 
claw-back, and, puffed up and pompous, leave him to nurse 
his ambition. I envy Fusius the astrologer. Your road-book 
I return, which, with Lampridius, we may call the itinerary, 
and in the Greek 6Soi7ropi,Kriv. I do not add thanks, because 
words cannot do justice to its merit. Will you remember me to 
Melchior 1 if lie is yet with you, to Sucquet and Pigney, also 

1 Melchior Wolmar, who was Calvin s master at the University of Bourges, and 
the preceptor of Theodore I eza ; called by the Duke of \Vurtrmberg to the 



6 FRANCIS DANIEL. 1530. 

to our friend Curterms ? Will you say to Sucquet, that I have 
occasion to use the Homer s Odyssey which I had lent him ? 
and when you have got it, keep possession, unless indeed Konsart 
who used to bring you my letters, to whom I had entrusted the 
business, has been beforehand. Adieu, dear friend, my nonesuch. 

[Lat. copy Library of Berne. Vol. 450.] 



IV. To FRANCIS DANIEL. 

Domestic intelligence departure to Italy of the brother of Francis Daniel. 
FROM THE ACROPOLIS, * loth January 1530. 

It was not in my power to reply sooner to your brother 
Robert s letter, because it was only delivered to me about the 
middle of November, and shortly after I had to undertake a 
journey of a fortnight. The illness of the messenger, who had 
been laid up for about twelve days with a dangerous complaint 
at Lyons, hindered the letter from reaching me sooner. Mean 
while the fair-time had gone by ; which season having past, 
I had no opportunity of despatching a letter. With refer 
ence to your brother, the matter stands thus: I have en 
deavoured, in every manner of way, to induce him to remain 
with us. When I ascertained that he had rashly and without 
any sufficient reason given up this, or resolved against it, I 
thought I ought to persuade him to betake himself homewards ; 
and as he had sometimes said that any attempt of this sort 
would be in vain, I thought it better, for the time, to give way, 
until that warmth had in some degree subsided. As seemed to 
me, he had come somewhat to himself, when all of a sudden, 
while such a step never entered my thoughts, he decamped into 
Italy. I was expecting him and his companion at dinner, because 
that time had been appointed for touching on the subject. They 
did not make their appearance. When during the whole day 

Professorship of Law in the University of Tubingen ; lie died in retirement at 
Kisenach in 1561. Calvin dedicated to him, August 1. 1546, his Commentary on 
the Second Epistle to the Corinthians. 
J That is to sav Paris. 



1532. FRANCIS DANIEL. 7 

they were not forthcoming, I began to suspect I know not what. 
On sending to the inn, word was brought back that he had 
already gone away. Peter, 1 whom you have known, who had 
accompanied them a mile or rather more, returned home 
about four o clock. Wherefore, if anything has happened con 
trary to your wish and that of your relatives, you must not 
blame me, who have done my utmost that he might not with 
draw to a greater distance from you, contrary to your wishes. 
Adieu ; remember me to all. May the Lord preserve you all, 
especially your family. 

Will you take charge of the delivery of the letter to my sister 
Mary Du Marais ? 

[Lat. copy Library of erne. Vol. 450.] 



V. To FRANCIS DANIEL. 

Calvin s first work Commentary on Seneca s Treatise, " De dementia." 

PARIS, 2Bd May 1532. 

Well, at length the die is cast. My Commentaries on the 
Books of Seneca, " De dementia," 2 have been printed, but at 
my own expense, and have drawn from me more money than 
you can well suppose. At present, I am. using every endeavour 
to collect some of it back. I have stirred up some of the profes 
sors of this city to make use of them in lecturing. In the 
University of Bourges I have induced a friend to do this from 
the pulpit by a public lecture. You can also help me not a 
little, if you will not take it amiss ; you will do so on the score 
of our old friendship ; especially as, without any damage to 
your reputation, you may do me this service, which will also 
tend perhaps to the public good. Should you determine to 

1 In the Latin, Petrus ad Vincula. 

8 This is the book entitled, L. Annan Senecse Libri ii., de dementia, ad Neronem 
Ctxjsarem, Commentariis Illustrati. Paris, 1532, in 4to. Calvin had dedicated 
this work to his old fellow-student, Claude de Hangest, of the illustrious family of 
Mommor, now become Abbot of St. Eloy at Noyon. The Epistle Dedicatory is 
dated from Paris the 4th April 1532. 



8 FRANCIS DANIEL. 1532. 

oblige me by this benefit, I will send you a hundred copies, 
or as many as you please. Meanwhile, accept this copy for 
yourself, while you are not to suppose that by your accept 
ance of it, I hold you engaged to do what I ask. It is my 
wish that all may be free and unconstrained between us. 
Adieu, and let me soon hear from you. I wrote lately to 
Pigney, but he has not answered. To Brosse I wrote long ago, 
but to this time have no reply. He who will give Le Roy his 
copy will dutifully salute him. 

[Lat. copy Library of Jjcrnc. Vol. 450.] 



VI. To FRANCIS DANIEL. 

Calvin despatches copies of the Treatise "De dementia" to several 
persons looks for lodgings in Paris. 

PARIS, [1532.] 

Both of your letters have reached me almost on the same 
subject, and nearly in the same words. I have attended to 
your commission about the Bibles, in procuring which there 
was more need of taking some trouble than of money. When I 
pack up my things I will put them along with my baggage. 
The affair is of that kind which I suppose may be deferred 
until that time. As for the rest, you must help me in your turn. 

The Books of Seneca on Clemency are at last printed : they 
are at my own cost and labour. The money which has been 
expended must now be collected on all hands. Besides, I must 
look to it, that my credit stands secure. Do write as soon 
as you can, and let me know with what favour or coldness they 
have been received, and try also to induce Landrin to lecture. 
I send one copy for yourself ; will you take charge of the other 
five, to be forwarded to Bourges for Le Roy, Pigney, Sucquet, 
Brosse, Baratier ? If Sucquet can accept of it for the purpose 
of lecturing, his help will be of no small service to me. Adieu. 

I have nothing to write to Duchemin, seeing that often as I 
have asked he returns no answer, nor shall I set out upon my 
journey until lie write. What will it matter, if for some days I 



1532. DR. MARTIN BUCER. 9 

shiver in the cold while in search of a lodging for the body ! 
Concerning Coiffart what else can I say, except that he is a 
selfish fellow ? Again, adieu. 

Remember me to your mother and your aunt. 

[Lat. copy Library of Berne. Vol. 450.] 



VII. To DR. MARTIN BucER. 1 

Recommendation of a French refugee in Strasbourg, who had been falsely 
accused of holding the doctrines of the Anabaptists. 

No YON, 4th September 1532. 

The grace and peace of the Lord be with you by the mercy 
of God and the victory of Christ. 

Leisure to write would not have weighed as an argument to 
persuade me, any more than good advice, unless it had seemed 
right to deplore in a few words the unhappy lot of this excel 
lent brother, which some friends of undoubted faith and credit 
have represented to me by letter. For whether you bear with 
me in my grief and sympathy, or whether I further him in his 
suit, I could not refrain from writing. The disposition and 
manners of the man I had known while he lived with us in 
France. He so conducted himself as to be beloved among the 
men of our profession, if any one was. Esteemed as such among 

1 This letter is addressed to Dr. Bucer, Bishop of Strasbourg. Martin Bucer, 
a very distinguished minister and theologian, was born at Schelestadt in 1491, 
and was initiated by Luther himself in the doctrines of the reformed, which 
he introduced at Strasbourg, in concert with Mathias Zell and Hedion. Of a 
moderate and conciliating turn, he interposed continually between the reformers 
of Germany and of Switzerland, and made sundry efforts to induce them to adopt 
a common symbol. " His learned writings and commentaries, his disputations 
and conferences on unforeseen occasions, his goings out and comings in for the sake 
of the Church s peace, will always make known his remarkable erudition, great piety 
and zeal, joined to an excellent disposition." Th. Bezse Tcones, Geneve, 1580. 
Compelled with several friends to leave Strasbourg in 1549, on the advance of the 
imperial army, he sought an asylum in England, and obtained a chair in the Uni 
versity of Cambridge. He died there in 1551, and was interred with extraordinary 
pomp. His body was disinterred under the reign of Mary, and publicly burnt at 
the stake. In the reign of Elizabeth his memory was honourably restored. 



10 1XU. MARTIN liUCKIl. 1532. 

men who were endowed with some degree of authority, and 
so as to be neither a shame nor a disgrace to them. At 
length, when he could no longer bow the neck to tlmt voluntary 
bondage which even yet we bear, he departed to take up his 
residence with you, having no prospect of return. But, as the 
matter stands, it fell out, contrary to his expectation, like the 
shifting scene of a play, and he could find no settled abode 
whither he might betake himself. Thither, also, as I hear, he 
had hastened on account of his straitened means and household 
matters, that he might have the benefit of the assistance of 
friends whom himself had formerly assisted, until better times 
should come. ISTow, observe how far more powerful is calumny 
than truth. Some inconsiderate person, I know not who, among 
your people, whom I certainly do not presume to suspect of 
malevolence, had so prepossessed the ears of every one with his 
invectives, that they were shut to all explanation. There was, 
therefore, not a single person from whom he could extract a 
penny. Probably it was not intended by the person, whoever 
he was, who kindled the sparks of this tragedy, to destroy the 
character of a harmless individual. Nevertheless, however that 
may be, I can neither excuse him nor apologize to him, and 
do not hesitate to assert that he has been in error, to the great 
hardship and calamity of this individual. They cast upon him 
these reproaches, as is said, because he had fallen under sus 
picion of Anabaptism. Strange, indeed, unless the person was 
outrageously suspicious who spun out this conjecture from so 
slender evidence. In conversation I drew him intentionally to 
speak of this sacrament. He agreed in express terms so 
entirely with myself, that never have I met with any one who 
professed the truth upon this point more frankly. Meanwhile 
he suifers notwithstanding, nor does there appear any probability 
that these sinister rumours, which have already obtained a cer 
tain degree of credit, will soon be suppressed. I intreat of you, 
Master Buccr, if my prayers if my tears, are of any avail, that 
you would compassionate and help him in his wretchedness. 
The poor are left in a special manner to your care you are 
the helper of the orphan. Suffer him not to be reduced to such 
necessity as to be driven to extremity. You can help him, if 



1533. FRANCIS DANIEL. 1 1 

you choose, in some one way or other, but rather do so your 
self, according to your own discretion. I could not, however, 
hold my hand from going even beyond the bounds of ordinary 
restraint in supporting the cause of this individual. These 
for the present. Most learned sir, farewell. Thine from my 
heart, CALVIN. 

[Lat. oiig. autogr. Protestant Seminary of Strasbourg.] 

VIII. To FRANCIS DANIEL. 1 

Various communications a new work put forth. 

[PARIS, 1533.] 

I send you these collectanea of late events, on this condition, 
that, according to the best of your faith and duty, they may cir 
culate among the friends, whom also you will respectfully salute 
for me, except Framberg, whom I have resolved to tame by my 
silence, seeing that I have not been able to coax him by gentle 
ness, nor to get anything out of him by scolding. Besides, what 
is worse than all, when his brother came hither, he did not even 
send me a single greeting by him. I wish you would take 
charge of Michael s law-suit, if by any means it can be brought 
to bear ; but there is need of despatch. For whom, if you do 
all that is in your power, I shall have to thank you the same as 
if you had done the favour to myself. You will do the office 
of interpreter to the sisters, that you may not enjoy your laugh 
alone. I send you another Epitome of our Gymnasium, to 
which I had resolved to add as an appendix what had been 
broken off from those former Commentaries, if time had allowed. 

Adieu, rny brother and most trusty friend, your brother, 

CALVIN. 

I need not say that these are troublous times ; they speak 
for themselves. Beware of incautiously communicating the 
Epitome. 

[Lat. or if/, au oyr. Library of Berne. Vol. 141, p. 43.] 

1 Addressed To Monsieur my brother and good friend, Monsieur Daniel, Advo 
cate at Orleans. 



12 FRANCIS DANIEL. 1533. 



IX. TO FllANCIS DANIEL. 1 

The Reformation in Paris rage of the Sorbonne satirical Comedy directed 
against the Queen of Navarre intervention of Francis I. deliberation 
of the Four Facilities revocation of the censure pronounced against the 
book entitled " The Mirror of the Sinful Soul." 

PARIS, [October] 1533. 

Although I have beside me a forest of materials which fur 
nish most satisfactory evidence of what is written, } r et I will 
restrain my pen, that you may have rather the leading features 
than a long narrative ; to which were I to give way, it would 
grow almost into a goodly volume. On the first of October, at 
which time of the year the boys who pass out of the grammar 
class into that of the dialectics, are wont, for the sake of practice, 
to act a play, they performed one in the Navarre Gymnasium, 
which was unusually pungent with the sprinkling of gall and 
vinegar. The persons brought upon the stage are a Queen, 2 
who, in womanly fashion, was taken up with spinning, and 
wholly occupied with the distaff and the needle : then the 



1 Letter without date of the month. Written, doubtless, in October 1533. On 
the testimony of Th. Beza, we know that Calvin dwelt at this period in the College 
of Forteret at Paris, ffistoire JEcclesiastique, edit, de 1580, torn. i. p. 14; the 
same author, in Vita Calvini. Already he preached the reformed doctrine with 
much skill and success. Implicated in the month of November following, along 
with his friend Nicolas Cop, the Kector of the University of Paris, he had to leave 
the capital, in order to escape the pursuit of which he was the object, and secretly 
repaired to Angouleme. 

2 Margaret of Valois, sister of Francis I., Queen of Navarre, one of the most distin 
guished women of her age, both by the generosity of her character and the graces of 
her understanding. Inclined by the bent of her mind towards reform, by the devout 
breathings of her soul, of which we find the expression in her poetry and in her 
letters, she made use of her influence with her brother, the French monarch, to 
abate the persecution directed against the disciples of the Evangel, and her gener 
ous conduct more than once aroused the fury of the Sorbonne against her. Calvin, 
exiled from France, had recourse on more than one occasion to the influence of 
this Princess, and addressed very free exhortations to her. See, in this collection, 
the letter of Calvin to the Queen of Navarre, of the 28th April. 1515. 



1533. FRANCIS DANIEL. 13 

fury Megasra 1 appeared, bringing lighted torches near to her, 
that she might throw away the rock and the needle. For a 
little while she opposed and struggled ; but when she had 
yielded, she received the gospel into her hand, and straightway 
forgets all she had formerly grown into the habit of, and almost 
even herself. Last of all, she becomes tyrannical, and persecutes 
the innocent and unfortunate by every method of cruelty. Many 
other devices were introduced in the same style, most unworthily 
indeed against that excellent woman, whom, neither indirectly 
nor obscurely, they tauntingly revile with their reproaches. For 
a few days the affair was suppressed. Afterwards, however, as 
Truth is the daughter of Time, the whole matter being reported 
to the Queen, it seemed to her that it would set a very bad 
example and encouragement to their wantonness, who are 
always gaping after something new, if this impertinence were 
allowed to pass unpunished. The prefect of police, with a 
hundred officers, proceeded to the Gymnasium, and by his orders, 
surrounded the building, that no one might slip out. He then 
entered with some few of his men, but did not succeed in find 
ing the author of the drama. They say, that he had little ex 
pected such a proceeding, and had made no provision in the 
event of it ; but that, being by accident in a friend s room, he 
heard the noise before they could get sight of him, and so hid 
himself away until an opportunity of escape presented. The 
prefect in command of the police captured the boyish performers ; 
the master of the Gymnasium, meanwhile, resisted this proceed 
ing ; in the midst of their wranglings, stones were thrown by 
some of the boys. The prefect, nevertheless, keeps hold of 
his prisoners, and forced them to explain what parts they 
had acted in the scene before supper. When the author of 
the mischief could not be apprehended, the next thing was 

1 Megjera. This Megere was an allusion to Gerard Roussel, preacher to the 
Queen of Navarre, one of the most zealous missionaries of the Reformation at Paris. 
(Megcera Mag. Gerardus.) This information we have from the celebrated John 
Sturm, in a letter to Bucer, which shews that the introduction of Megaera was a 
play upon the name : " Nuper in Gymnasio Navarrico novus quidam . . . vroivryf 
Reginam introduxit, quse se in disciplinam diaboli traderet, una cum sacrifice quern 
Megeram appellant, alludens ad nomen Magistri Gerardi." Letter of Nov. 1533, 
printed in Strobel. ffistoire du Gymnase de Strasbourg, p. 109. 



14 FRANCIS DANIEL. 1533. 

to inquire after those who, when they could have hindered, 
had permitted the performance, and had so long concealed 
the whole affair. One who is distinguished above the rest 
in authority and name, (for he is the great master Lauret, 3 ) 
sought that he might be imprisoned more respectably in the 
house of one of the Commissaries, (as they call them.) Another 
of them, Morinus, the second after him, was ordered to keep at 
home. Meanwhile, the inquiry goes forward. What has been 
discovered I know not : he is now summoned to appear on a 
citation of three short days, as they now phrase it. So much 
for the Comedies. Certain factious theologues have perpetrated 
another exploit equally malignant, and perhaps almost as auda 
cious. When they searched the shops of the booksellers, among 
the books which they brought away, they seized the book which 
is called Le Miroir de TAme Pecheresse? the reading of which 
they wish to prohibit. When the Queen was informed of it, she 
called on the King her brother, and told him she had written 
the book. By letters addressed to the masters of the Paris 
Academy he required them to certify to himself whether they 
had examined the book, and whether they had classed it 
among those of unsound religion ; that if they considered it 
such that they would give him. the reason of their opinion. 
Keferring to the whole procedure, Nicolas Cop, the physician, 
at present the rector, stated the affair to the four colleges of 
arts, of medicine, of philosophy, of theology, and of the canon 
law. Among the masters of arts whom he first addressed, he 
inveighed in a long and bitter oration against the doctors, 
because of their rash and arrogant behaviour towards her 
majesty the queen. He advised them not to interfere in any 
way in a matter of so much danger, if they did not wish to 
incur the displeasure of the king, nor to array themselves 

1 This Lauret is designated, in the letter of Sturm above cited, as a man of great 
erudition and of much influence, " homo potens et rex sapientum" 

The Mirror of a Sinful Soul : a mystical poem, wherein the Queen of Navarre 
acknowledges no other Mediator than Jesus Christ, and no other righteousness than 
his expiatory death. This hook, which first appeared in print at Alenyon in 1531, 
reprinted in 1533 at Paris, forms part of the poetical collection published under the 
title, " Marguerites de la Marguerite des Princesses, tres illustre Eeyne de Navarre." 
Lyon. 1547. 2 vols. in 8vo. 



1533. FRANCIS DANIEL. 15 

against the queen, that mother of all the virtues and of all good 
learning. Lastly., that they ought riot to take the blame of this 
offence upon themselves, lest they should encourage the pre 
sumption of those who were always ready to enter upon any 
thing under cover of the pretext that it was the deed of the 
academy to which they had committed them, without the aca 
demy being at all aware of it. It was the opinion of them all 
that the act ought to be disavowed. The theologians, canonists, 
and physicians, were of the same mind. The rector reported 
the decree of his order ; next, the dean of the faculty of medi 
cine ; third, the doctor of canon law ; fourth, the faculty of the 
ology. Le Clerc, the parish priest of St Andrew, had the last 
word, on whom the whole mischief was laid, others retiring 
from him out of sight. First of all he praised, in lofty expres 
sion, the uprightness of the king, the undaunted firmness 
with which hitherto he has conducted himself as a protector 
of the faith. That there were some busy-bodies who endea 
voured to pervert this excellent person, who also were in league 
together for the destruction of the sacred faculty ; that he, 
however, entertained the confident expectation that they would 
not succeed in their wishes, and that, in opposition to such 
firmness as he knew the king to possess. That as regarded 
the matter in hand, he was indeed appointed by the decree 
of the academy to that office ; that nothing, however, was less 
intended by him than to attempt anything against the queen, a 
woman so adorned by godly conversation as well as by pure 
religion, in proof of which he adduced the reverence with which 
she had observed the funeral rites in memory of her deceased 
mother j 1 that he held as forbidden books, both those obscene 
productions, Pantagruel and the Forest of Loves , and others 
of the same mint ; that, in the meantime, he had put aside the 
book in question as liable to suspicion, because it was published 
without the approval of the faculty, in fraud and contravention 
of the arret, whereby it was prohibited to put forth anything 

1 Louise of Savoy, regent of France during the captivity of Francis I. at Madrid. 
She died in 1531. After having favoured for a time the doctrines of the Reformers, 
this cunning and cruel princess gave the signal for the most ruthless persecution of 
the preachers of the Gospel. 



16 FRANCIS DANIEL. 1533. 

concerning the faith, without the advice and approbation of the 
faculty ; that, in a word, this was his defence, that what was 
called in question had been done under warrant and commission 
of the faculty ; that all were partakers in the offence, if there 
was any, although they might point blank deny it. And all this 
was spoken in French, that all might understand whether he 
spake the truth ; they all cried out, however, that he pleaded 
this pretended ignorance by way of excuse. There were pre 
sent also the Bishop of Senlis, L Etoile, and one of the prefects 
of the palace When Le Clerc had made an end of speaking 
Parvi 1 said, that he had read the book, that he had found 
nothing requiring expurgation unless he had forgot his theology. 
Finally, he required that they would give out a decree by which 
they might satisfy the king. Cop, the rector, announced that 
the academy did not acknowledge that censure as it stood ; that 
they did not approve nor homologate the censure by which the 
book in question was classed among the prohibited or suspected 
books ; that those who had done so must look to it, on what 
ground they were to defend the proceeding ; that letters would 
be prepared in due time, whereby the academy might excuse 
itself to the king, and also return thanks for that he had so 
kindly addressed them in a fatherly way. The royal diploma 
was produced, by which permission is granted to the Bishop 
of Paris to appoint what preachers he pleases to the different 
parishes, where formerly they were chosen at the will of the 
parishioners ; the chief influence being enjoyed by those who 
were most obstreperous and possessed by a senseless furor, which 
they consider zeal, such as never fired Elias, with which, how 
ever, he was zealous over the house of God. Farewell. 

[Lat. orig. autogr. Library of Berne. Vol. 141.] 



1 William Parvi, Bishop of Senlis and confessor of the king. He had translated 
into French the Livre cPHeures of Margaret of Valois, suppressing at the same 
time from the hook a great number of pieces addressed to the Virgin and to the 
saints. 



1534. FRANCIS DANIEL. 17 



X. To FRANCIS DANIEL. 1 

Retirement of Calvin to Angouleme. 

DOXOPOLIS, [1534.] 

Without having anything particular to write I can at any 
time play the gossip with you, and so fill up a letter. Yet why 
should I intrude upon you with my complainings ? The chief 
matter which, in my opinion, is of sufficient interest to be com 
municated to you at present is that I am getting on well, and 
taking into account the constitutional weakness and infirmity 
which you are well aware of, am also making some progress 
in study. Certainly., also, the kindness of my patron may well 
quicken the inactivity of the most indolent individual, for it is 
such that I clearly understand that it is given for the sake of 
letters. So that I must all the more endeavour and earnestly 
strive that I be not utterly overwhelmed under the pressure of 
so much generous kindness, which somehow constrains me to 
exertion. Although, indeed, were I to strain every nerve to the 
utmost I could never make any adequate, or even inadequate re 
turn, so great is the amount of obligation which I would have 
to encounter. This inducement, therefore, must keep me con 
tinually mindful to cultivate those common pursuits of study 
for the sake of which so great a value is put upon me. If 
permitted to enjoy in repose such as this the interval, whether 
I am to consider it of my exile or of my retirement, I shall 
conclude that I have been very favourably dealt by. But the 
Lord, by ivliose Providence, all is foreseen, will look to these 
things. I have learned from experience that we cannot see 

1 Without date. After an attentive examination of this letter we believe it to 
refer to the first months of the year 1534, while Calvin resided with his friend Louis 
du Tillet at Angouleme. It is known that the young reformer, while he was 
obliged to retire from Paris, after the discourse of his friend Nicolas Cop, (No 
vember 1533,) found an asylum in the house of Du Tillet, and spent several 
months at Angouleme in solitude and retirement. It is from that town, designated 
under the Greek name of Doxopolis, that he wrote to his friend Francis Daniel, 
in praise of the kindness of his host (Louis du Tillet) and of the peaceful retreat 
which Providence had prepared for him. 

VOL. I. 



1 8 CHRISTOPHER LIBERTET. 1534. 

very far before us. When I promised myself an easy tranquil 
life, then what I least expected was at hand ; and, on the con 
trary, when it appeared to me that my situation might not be 
an agreeable one, a quiet nest was built for me, beyond my ex 
pectation, and this is the doing of the Lord, to whom, when we 
commit ourselves, Himself will have a care for us. But I have 
already almost filled my page, partly with writing, partly with 
blotting. Adieu, greet whom you will. 

| Lett, copy Library of Berne. Vol. 450.] 



XI. To CHRISTOPHER LiBERTET. 1 

Calvin in Basle revision of the Bible of Robert Olivetan treatise on 
the Immortality of the Soul. 

BASLE, 1 1th September, [1534. 2 ] 

When our friend Olivetan 3 had intimated, by the letters which 
he wrote about the time of his departure, that he had put off 
his intended publication of the New Testament to another time, 
it appeared to me that I might make the revision which had 
been promised at my leisure, and reserve it to another time. 
Meanwhile other studies engaged my attention, and I thought 
no more of the matter, or rather sank clown into my wonted 
languor. As yet, I have scarcely got my hand to work upon it, 
and besides, the volume which I sent will be necessary in the 

1 Christopher Libertet or Fabri, of Vienne in Dauphiny, a worthy minister of 
the Church of Neuchatel. At an early period he entered into friendly relations 
with Calvin, was in 1836 pastor of the congregation at Thonon, took part the same 
year in the disputation at Lausanne, and was recalled in 1546 by the Church of 
Neuchatel, which he served until the time of his death, in 1563, with equal wisdom 
and faithfulness. 

2 Without date. This letter, written before the publication of the Bible of 
Eobert Olivetan, refers evidently to the year 1534. Under the necessity of leaving 
France in order to escape persecution, Calvin had retired to Basle, where, in the 
year following, he composed his book, " De I Institution Chretienne." 

3 Peter Eobert Olivetan, related to Calvin, and translator of the Bible into the 
French language. Banished from Geneva in 1533, he had retired to Neuchatel, 
where he published successively (1534-1535) his translation of the New and of the 
Old Testament, This work, undertaken at the request of the Vaudois of Piedmont, 
had been revised by Calvin. 



1534. CHRISTOPHER L1BERTET. 19 

collation, and yet, though it was brought three months ago, it 
has not yet been put together. This has not occurred through 
any indifference on my part, but partly by the slowness of the 
binder, whom, nevertheless, we have not ceased to call upon 
daily, partly also because when it was brought to me at first 
we required a supply of paper to the extent of six sheets, 
which could not be had immediately. Henceforward, however, 
I shall set apart an hour every day to be bestowed on this work. 
And should I throw together any remarks, I will not deposit 
them with any other person than yourself, unless Olivetan 
on his return shall anticipate you. Further, word has been 
brought me by some one, I know not who, at your request, that 
you did not entirely approve of some things in my treatise on 
the Immortality of Souls. 1 So far from being offended because 
of your opinion, I am greatly delighted with this straight 
forward plainness. Nor does my perversity reach to such a 
degree as to allow myself in a freedom of opinion, which I would 
wish to take away from others. That I may not, however, vex 
or annoy you unnecessarily, by fighting the same battle over 
and over again, I wish you to understand that the book has 
been recast by me. Some things have been added, others left 
out, but altogether in a different form and method. Although 
some few things have been omitted I have inserted others, and 
some things I have altered. As for that essay which I had 
given Olivetan to read, it contained my first thoughts, rather 
thrown together in the shape of memoranda or common places, 
than digested after any definite and certain method, although 
there was some appearance of order. That new book (for so it 
must be called) I would have sent you, had it been read over 
again by me. But since it was written out by Gaspar, I have not 
looked into it. Farewell ; may the Lord have you in His keeping, 
and enrich you always with His own gifts. Yours, 

MARTIANUS LucANius. 2 

1 This is the treatise which is entitled, " Psycliopannychia, qua refellitur eorum 
error qui animas post mortem usque ad ultimum judicium dormire putant." 
Paris, 1534, 8vo. This treatise, translated into French by Calvin himself, has 
been inserted, with a preface of the author, " a un sien amy," in the " Eecueil des 
Opuscules," p. 1. 

2 A pseudonyme which Calvin sometimes made use of in his Latin correspondence. 



20 FRANCIS DANIEL. 1536. 

Some how or other it has so happened that in the hurry of 
writing I omitted what by no means I had intended. It was 
to exhort you and the other brethren in a few words, but most 
heartily, to the cultivation of peace, for the preservation of 
which you ought all of you to strive the more earnestly as Satan 
watches intently for its overthrow. You can scarce believe 
how much I was shocked at hearing of that new uproar about 
the lepers, set agoing by him of whom I would never have sus 
pected such a thing. But at length he vomited out the poison 
with which he was sweltering from long dissimulation, and 
having fixed the sting, like a viper fled away. Be not want 
ing, on your part, I entreat you, so far as lies in you, which, 
indeed, I was confident would be the case of your own accord, 
but I was willing at the same time to interpose my prayer 
for peace. 

[Lat. orig. autogr. Library of the Company of Neuchatel.] 



XII. To FRANCIS DANIEL.* 

Calvin in Geneva translation into French of the " Institutes of Christi 
anity " disputation of Lausanne establishment of the doctrines of the 
Keformation in the Pays de Vaud. 

LAUSANNE, 13th October 1536. 

That you may not, according to old use and wont, lay a long 
and clamorous accusation against my indolence, seeing that 
whole three months have passed away during which you have 
received not a single letter from me, accept now a brief state 
ment as to the state of matters upon the whole. For some days 

1 This is the first letter of the Reformer after his settlement at Geneva. Having 
left his retreat of Basle in the beginning of the year 1536, he had made a rapid tour 
in the north of Italy, and revisited France, which he had left in the month of July 
on his return to Switzerland. Not being able, without danger, to traverse Cham 
pagne and Lorraine, he went back to Basle by the way of Geneva, (August 153G,) 
when he was detained in that town by the entreaties of Fare!. Afterwards he 
accepted the office of Professor of Theology, and attended the disputation of Lau 
sanne on the 1st of October, which was followed by the establishment of the Refor 
mation in the Pays de Vaud, conquered by the Seigneury of Berne from the Duke 
of Savoy. 



1536. FRANCIS DANIEL. 21 

I was detained at Geneva by the brethren, until they ex 
tracted from me a promise to return ; then after that, I brought 
back my relative Artois 1 to Basle, and gave offence to several 
churches in the course of my journey, by whom I was requested 
to stay with them for a little while. In the meantime, the 
August fair was over, which was the most favourable oppor 
tunity for the conveyance of letters. Furthermore, as soon as 
I got back to Geneva, a violent cold attacked me, which after 
ward settled upon the upper gum, so that there was scarce any 
relief even after nine days, and after having been twice bled, 
with a double dose of pills and several fomentations. Nor is 
it yet completely shaken off. During that lost opportunity, 
although there was abundant leisure for writing, and the way 
or channel of correspondence was not entirely closed, yet I was 
kept continually occupied upon the French version of my little 
book ; 2 and the almost certain expectation began then to arise, 
that the letters might reach you enriched by that acquisition, 
rather than that they should come empty-handed. But before 
my intention could be fulfilled, the day fixed for the disputation 
at Lausanne had already arrived, 3 at which my presence was 
required ; and at the same time I saw the November fair ap 
proaching, which I considered to be a more convenient time for 
writing, and therefore it seemed to me better to wait for that 
opportunity. So much to stop your expostulations. 

The talk of the disputation above mentioned has, I understand, 
been spread so far and wide, that I do not doubt some whiff of 
it has reached your city. The disputation was appointed by a 
decree of the Council of Berne, accompanied by a solemn Edict, 4 

1 Calvin had left Noyon accompanied by his brother Antony and his sister Mary, 
who went to settle at Basle. Beze, Calvini Vita. 

2 The book here referred to is no other than the Institution Chretienne, first pub 
lished in Latin, (Basle, 1536, in 8vo.) Calvin thought of giving a translation of that 
work. The first known edition of the Institution Chretienne in French bears date 
1540. 

3 The disputation of Lausanne, in which Farel, Viret, and Calvin took part, 
began the 2d October, and lasted seven days. The narrative of what took place 
may be found in Kuchat, Histoire de la Reformation en Suisse, edit. 1836, vol. iv. 
pp. 161-163. 

4 Edict of July 16, 1536. Kuchat, Histoire de la Reformation, vol. iv. ; Pieces 
Justificatives, No. II. 



22 FRANCIS DANIEL. 1536. 

whereby the Senate declared, that it was free to every one, and 
that without the dread of being called in question, to state what 
ever might concern the matter of disagreement upon the point 
of religion. They considered that this was the most likely 
method, by which publicly to expose the unskilfulness of those 
who try to oppose the Gospel, and that thus they might render of 
no avail the triumph arising out of this new authority which 
they have accepted at the hand of the Duke of Savoy. Already 
in many places, the idols and altars of Popery have begun to 
disappear, and I hope it will not be long before all remaining 
superstition shall be effectually cleared away. The Lord grant 
that idolatry may be entirely uprooted out of the hearts of all. 
I do not describe to you the precise form in which the disputa 
tion presents itself, because it is not easy to do so in a brief 
explanation, and also because I trust it will some time or other 
be published. To-morrow, if the Lord will, I set out for Berne, 
about which affair you shall hear from me by other letters ; and 
I am afraid it will be necessary for me to hasten forward as far 
as Basle : which inconvenience, however, I shall endeavour if it 
be possible to avoid ; more especially taking into account the 
state of my health, and the very unseasonable time of the year. 
If those idle bellies with you, who chirp together so sweetly in 
the shade, were only as well disposed as they are talkative, they 
would instantly flock hither to take on themselves a share of 
the labour, to which we must be inadequate, since there are 
so few of us. You can hardly believe the small number of 
ministers compared with the very many churches which need 
pastors. How I wish, seeing the extreme necessity of the 
Church, that, however few they may be in number, there were 
at least some right-hearted men among you who may be in 
duced to lend a helping hand. May the Lord preserve you. 
Yours. MAETIANUS LUCANIUS. 

Keinember me, I entreat you, particularly to your mother and 
sister, your wife also, if you think proper, your kinsmen, and all 
the rest. 

[Lat, copy Library of Berne. Vole. 141 and 142.] 



1537. MEGANDER. 23 



XIII. TO MEGANDER. 1 

Calvin and Caroli encounter each other prayers for the dead the 
Genevese clergy accused of Arianism need of a synod. 

GENEVA, [February 1537. *} 

Grace to you and peace from the Lord. 

It must be already well known to you how much mischief 
Caroli 3 has of late stirred up ; he has devised a method, for 
sooth, hy which it is possible to aid the dead by prayer, not 
that their sins may be remitted, but that they may be raised up 
as expeditiously as possible ; certainly a piece of very necessary 
information, especially at the present time, when we are pressed 
by so many difficulties. The ambitious man wished to recom 
mend himself to the public, in whose esteem he does not rank 
very high, by some novelty, as if that had been any thing 
new which has long ago been propounded by different authors. 
Nevertheless he impudently claims the praise of the discovery, 
from whence it is evident, with what purpose he has been 
induced to put forth this dogma. But even were we to yield 
to his eager desire of popularity, that false applause which he 



1 Gaspar Grossmann, (Megander,) from Zurich, minister of the Church of Berne. 
In 1537 he presided in the Synod of Lansanne, where the errors of Caroli were con 
demned, and in the following year became pastor of the church at Zurich. 

2 Letter without date, written evidently a little before the meeting of the Synod 
of Lausanne, which took place about the middle of the month of May 1537. 
Ruchat, Histoire de la Reformation en Sidsse, torn. v. p. 24-40. 

3 Peter Cai-oli, of Rosay in Brie, doctor of the Sorbonne, known by his disputes 
with Farel and with Calvin. His unsettled disposition, as well as interested 
motives, led him towards the work of the Reformers ; he sought the friendship of 
Le Fevre of Etaples, at Paris, and, in .1.534, went to Geneva, where the license of 
his manners drew upon him the censures of Farel and also of Viret, against both of 
whom he vowed thenceforward an irreconcilable hatred. Called afterwards as 
minister to Neuchatel and to Lausanne, he attacked the doctrines of the Reformers, 
maintained the necessity of prayers for the dead, and saw his doctrine condemned 
in the Synod of Lausanne. (May 1537.) Banished by the Senate of Berne, he 
retired to France, went back to the Church of Rome, and died miserably in that 
&lt;-ity, after an agitated and wandering career. 



24 MEGANDER. 1537. 

demands, of what consequence would that be, when it shall 
have been clearly proved that the device was not only over 
curious and trifling, but also silly, as I pledge myself that I 
will show ? But setting aside all consideration of the truth 
as well as falsehood of the dogma, it is not possible to 
excuse his extreme malice and dishonesty in the spreading 
of it abroad. While he had Viret present, there was not a 
word about that matter. He paid us a visit, immediately 
thereon a rumour follows. The matter speaks for itself, that 
he had remarked upon the absence of his colleague with the 
view of disturbing the peace of the Church. To this must 
be added, that upon your own motion it was agreed, by the 
judgment of all the brethren, that nothing should be brought 
before the people in an unusual manner, or without having been 
previously considered, unless many were advised with before 
hand. You are aware how just and reasonable that is, and how 
well adapted for promoting the unity of doctrine. By this 
decree we were well assured that our Churches would be most 
seasonably guarded against being cut up by dissension. But 
this troublesome fellow, as if he did not care to what extent 
he might disturb the Church of Christ by his rashness, at 
the same time thus sets at defiance the law and judgment 
of the whole Church. Even if he had not hitherto led a 
dissolute and altogether irrational life, he ought, by this time, 
to have considered that a different kind of behaviour must 
now be adopted by him. But even now how does he pro 
ceed ? Never have I heard any thing more outrageous ; so 
that it was evident he was doing his best to carry on the 
war against us. So great was his mental excitement, such 
the fierceness of exclamation, so bitter were his expressions. 
Viret was the first to come back ; but when that had no effect, 
at the request of the brethren, I myself also interposed. In the 
presence of your deputation he positively refused, in the most 
supercilious manner, to give any explanation of his proceeding ; 
then he complained that my anxious care in bringing the 
matter under your notice was nothing less than a base conspi 
racy to ruin him, when most assuredly it is quite certain, that I 
never entertained any enmity towards him, and that Farel and 



1537. MEGANDER. 25 

Viret had never found fault with him except on account of 
his immoral conduct. But Viret refuted all his quirks and 
calumnies with so much cleverness, that being manifestly de 
tected, he might be considered as convicted upon this point. 
That he might, therefore, appear to have got the better of 
us in something or other, he accused the whole meeting of 
Arianism. I rose up immediately and brought forward the 
confession in our Catechism, which is repeated in our public 
letter to your college. Even this did not quiet him, but he 
declared that we would be suspected in that matter, until we 
subscribed the creed of Athanasius. I replied, that it was not 
my practice to approve any thing as the words of God, unless 
upon due consideration. Here observe the rabid fury of the 
little ass. Thereupon he cried out, that it was an expression 
unbecoming a Christian man. The deputies said that there 
was need of a General Assembly where these matters might be 
discussed, which they also undertook that themselves would 
see to. Neither can I in any adequate degree express in words, 
nor can you conceive, the imminent peril to the Church if that 
measure be any longer delayed ; therefore I do not think we 
ought to wait until the deputies make good their promise, but 
rather that these measures must be referred to you and to your 
colleagues. In that view of the question, the public letter has 
been addressed to your college. But, in truth, my very worthy 
brother, you can do most in this affair yourself, and ought, in 
virtue of the power which belongs to your place, above every 
other person, to strive for it to the uttermost. You appear to me 
to be specially required, seriously to turn your attention to this 
business. You can hardly believe how sorely the foundations 
which have hitherto been laid have been affected by this one 
blow, while, in the meantime, the unskilful are told, that we 
are not agreed among ourselves upon the doctrine of religion, 
nor can there be a doubt that more serious consequences will 
ensue presently, unless we apply the suitable remedy. Already 
certain of our people are called impostors, who not only con 
cealed that they pray for the dead, but have confidently affirmed 
that they do not. Further, the peasants object, that we ought to 
be agreed among ourselves before we endeavour to bring others 



26 MECANDER. 1537. 

to be of our mind. Think with yourself what may be expected 
to arise from such preliminaries as these. Moreover, this 
stigma with which that wicked calumniator has branded us 
must not be allowed to stick, so as that the seamless robe of the 
Gospel may utterly be rent asunder by the reproaches of the un 
godly. It ought, therefore, to be carefully looked to, that all the 
ministers speaking the French language, who are under the 
government of your republic, may be enforced to attend the 
council, where all controversies of this sort are to be decided. We 
must lose no time, however, and also strive, if by any means that 
can be obtained, that it may meet before Easter. There are, 
besides, some other matters which it may prove of no incon 
siderable advantage to have settled before that time, as, indeed, 
we hear some muttering about, I cannot tell what, of an in- 
crusted body of Christ, with which absurd folly it is requisite 
that we grapple iri due time. Do you, therefore, according to 
your piety and prudence, see to it that you be not wanting in a 
matter of so great moment, and arrange at once for the meeting 
before Easter. We have compared your directory for the cere 
monies, translated by Maurus 1 at our request, with ours, and 
find no difference except that it is more concise. I brought it 
with me lately to Lausanne, as there was some prospect that I 
might also visit Berne. It seemed to me, however, to be better 
to wait for the day of assembly, when we can go over it at our 
leisure. Pray do not hesitate to write, both concerning that 
and the calling of the synod, at which, our ministers will will 
ingly attend. 

[Lat. orig. autogr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.] 

1 Is this Maurus Musseus, a French gentleman, who was converted to the Gospel, 
the friend of Bucer and of GEcolampadius ? We are here left to loose conjecture 
in the absence of positive testimony. 



1537. VIRET. 27 



XIV. TO ViRET. 1 

Preaching of the Gospel at Besanfon ecclesiastical intelligence discour 
agement of Farel necessity for the return of Viret to Geneva. 

GENEVA, 23d April 1537. 

As I had no particular matter which occasioned my writing 
to you at present, so I had not intended to write if Farel had not 
thought otherwise. I have, therefore, taken up the pen rather 
in compliance with his request, than because I considered it to 
be necessary. For I have no doubt whatever of his having 
embraced everything in his letter which was likely to suggest 
itself to my recollection. When a certain person of our ac 
quaintance had brought us word, that he had lately been 
informed by letter that the brother who was detained in prison 
at Besan9on had been let out with the general consent of the 
people, and set entirely at liberty, when not long ago he would have 
been retained a prisoner in that dungeon, from whence no one 
was ever brought forth, unless to undergo the sentence of death, 
and besides, that the bishop, having packed up his furniture in 
a great rage, had retired into the neighbouring castle, the oppor 
tunity seemed to us to be most particularly well suited for our 
getting a footing in that quarter. We have, therefore, requested 

1 Such is the address : To my very dear brother, Viret, Minister of the Church 
of Lausanne. The minister, Peter Viret, one of the three great Eeformers of French 
Switzerland. Born at Orbe in 1511, he completed his education at the University 
of Paris, and from the time of his return to his own country, devoted himself to the 
preaching of the reformed doctrine, which he spread at Orbe, at Payerne, and at 
Granson. Gifted naturally with persuasive genius and eloquence, he was sent by 
Farel to Geneva in 1534, and there held a public disputation against the Dominican 
Furbiti. He contributed powerfully to the establishment of the Eeformation in 
that city. Named two years after (1537) Pastor of the Church of Lausanne, he 
served that charge until 1538, the period of his destitution by the Senate of Berne, 
and of his retirement to Geneva with the more illustrious members of the Vaudois 
clergy. Compelled by his weak state of health to leave Switzerland, he removed 
in 1561 to the South of France, wrought in the work of the ministry in the 
churches of Nimes, of Lyons, of Orange, and died in 1571, either at Orthes or 
Pau. The numerous writings of Viret mentioned by Senebier, Hist. Litt. de Geneve, 
torn. i. pp. 156-159. prove him to have been^an original writer, though rather diffuse, 
and ingenious and eloquent as a moralist. 



28 VIRET. 1537. 

a certain native of Langres, who was then close at hand, a man 
richly endowed in the best kind of learning and of mild deport 
ment, that he would undertake the management of that pro 
vince. But as he could not be induced to do so by any entreaties, 
we have thought of him of Tournay, if anyhow he could be 
dragged away from Aigle, which we suppose might not be alto 
gether impracticable, if Froment 1 would so far acquiesce as 
to take upon him that charge of his. He may very well give 
them to understand, that he has been called by his friends in 
France for a few days to Geneva, in which interval he will be 
able to ascertain whether there is any chink or inlet by which 
to gain an entrance ; and should he have any success at all, then 
all is well the point is gained ; but if he shall see that the 
corn is not yet ripe, he will retire without delay. 

Do urge forward matters as much as possible, that we may 
be ready beforehand on the day of assembly, and do so arrange 
in the meantime that all our friends attend on the day of meet 
ing thoroughly well prepared. For we shall never be able to 
stand our ground against so much wickedness, unless we hold 
closely together in the most perfect agreement with each other. 
Wherefore, both in setting forth the confession and in all our 
deliberation, it will be desirable to have one voice for all to be 
unanimous. 

Michel, notwithstanding the remonstrance of the whole Pres 
bytery, being self-elected Bishop of Aubonne, has gone away 
from hence, noways delayed or hindered by the very many 
Bolemn entreaties of the brethren, by which they endeavoured 
to withdraw him from so bold an undertaking. If such a 
precedent were once allowed, what will our ministry be but 
plain robbery ? I therefore say nothing about the man, be 
cause at first sight you will easily scent out what he would be 



1 Antony Froment, originally from Dauphiny, one of the earlier missionaries of 
the Reformation at Geneva. He was nominated pastor of the Parish of Saint Ger- 
vais in 1537 ; at a later period he resigned the ministry, was attached as secretary 
to Bonnivnrd in the work of drawing up the Chronicles of that town and city, and 
died, leaving behind some curious memoirs on the history of the religious revolution 
of which he had been one of the instruments at Geneva. Senebier, Hist. Litt. de 
Geneve, torn. i. pp. 93 and 150 ; MSS. in the Library of Geneva, No. 140. 



1537. SIMON GRYNEE. 29 

at. I consider your being restored to us to be indispensable, 
unless we are willing to lose Farel, who is more exhausted with 
the great anxiety than I ever thought would be the case with 
one of such an iron constitution. I wished you to be aware of 
this, that at your leisure you might think of a successor. I 
am afraid, also, lest that church may be entirely dispersed 
by schism rending it in pieces, if we leave any gap or vacancy 
in it. 

May the Lord continually enrich you with the daily increase of 
His Spirit, my most friendly brother. Mr. de Hautmont 1 in 
tends returning to France. If, therefore, you can procure a 
trustworthy and suitable conveyance, will you send back the 
cloak and such of the books as had been brought thither. 
Saunier 2 himself and his relative salute you. 

[Lat. orig. autogr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.] 



XV. To SIMON GRYNEE. S 

The nature of the controversy between Calvin and Carol! clearly laid open 
Synod of Lausanne Caroli is condemned, and the teaching of Calvin 
and Farel solemnly approved. 

BERNE, [May 1537.] 

Although the tricks and wiles of Satan are altogether mar 
vellous and not easy to believe, those, I mean, by which he 
closely assails us in our work, of which we have had -some 

1 Louis du Tillet, senior curate of Claix in Poitou, and fellow-student of Calvin, 
then in retirement at Geneva, under the name of Mr. de Hautmont. In the year 
following he returned to France. See, in this Collection, three Letters of Calvin 
to Louis du Tillet, (1538.) 

2 Antoine Saunier, regent of the College of Geneva. 

8 Simon Grynee, a learned theologian and professor of the Idles lettres, the friend 
of Erasmus and of Melanchthon, rector of the Academy of Basle. His intercourse 
with Calvin dates from the epoch of the first visit of the Eeformer to that town, 
(1535, 1536.) They became more intimate when Calvin, banished from Geneva, 
returned anew to seek an asylum at Basle, and was hospitably entertained in the 
house of Grynee, to whom he dedicated, in testimony of his remembrance, his Com 
mentary on the Epistle of St. Paul to the Eomans, (18th October 1539.) Two years 
afterwards, Simon Grynee died of the plague. His nephew, James Grynee, discharged 



30 SIMON GRYNEE. 1537. 

bypast experience, the malicious craftiness wherewith he has of 
late assaulted us by his apt tool Caroli, 1 has never in the least 
beguiled us. For we had not only foreseen all this sort of war 
fare long ago ; we were even prepared with our utmost energy 
to maintain the conflict. When first we heard, therefore, that 
the Arian heresy was imputed to us, and then a little after 
wards the Sabellian, none of these things very much disturbed 
us, seeing that our ears had long since been well seasoned 
against such calumnies ; and we entertained the assured hope 
that they would eventually pass away in a wreath of smoke. 
In the meantime we could only oppose all this by availing 
ourselves of that defence, which lay ready to our hand, by 
which we could give abundant satisfaction to all pious and 
right-minded men. Indeed, some short time previous we 
had drawn up and set forth a catechism, 2 also published 
in French, where we testify that we embraced the Father, 
the Son, and the Spirit, under one essence of the God 
head: making, nevertheless, such a distinction between each 
from the other, that no room might be left for any crooked 
suspicion of ambiguity. We taught, certainly, that Christ is 
the true and natural Son of God, who had possessed the like 
essential deity with the Father from all eternity, who in the 
fulness of time had assumed our flesh, foreordained for our 
redemption. 

When we saw that the wild beast was persevering in his 
rabid course, we sought a hearing in the assembly of ministers 
from throughout the whole canton of Berne, in whose presence 
we might publicly defend our innocence. Those brethren 



the office of Dean of the Church of Basle, and was the correspondent and friend of 
Theodor de Beze. 

The calumnious accusations directed by Caroli against the doctrine of Farel and 
of Calvin having spread at Basle, the latter considered it his duty, in a letter to 
Grynee, to expose the whole history of the controversy with Caroli, in order to 
oppose the entire calumny. See the two letters of Grynee to Calvin. Simonis 
Gryncei Epistolce. Edit, de Streuber. Basle, 1847, pp. 50-53. 

1 See Note 3, p. 23. 

2 In 1536. No copy of this first edition of the Catechism of Calvin is known, 
nor of the second, which was published two years later at Basle, (1538.) The ear 
liest known edition is that of (1541) at Strasbourg. 



1537. SIMON GRYNEE. 31 

speaking the French language met first of all at Lausanne, 1 
whither also two deputies from the Senate of Berne, 2 as well as 
two ministers, were sent, 3 Whatsoever falsehoods they were 
able to trump up that worthy personage gathered up into one 
bundle. Indeed he had come well furnished in the way of 
accusation, prepared and ready with his bag, after the fashion 
of a lawyer. We emptied his bag, however, to such a degree, 
by our refutation, as not to leave even the shadow of a sus 
picion upon the mind of any one present. At last we came to 
the reading aloud of our Confession of Faith, in which he 
pointed out some ten errors which he considered as such ; 
almost every one else was of opinion that there was nought ex 
pressed in it that was not godly and devout. We were there 
upon absolved forthwith by the judgment of the synod, while, 
on the other hand, he was adjudged unworthy to discharge the 
functions of the ministry. His persevering impudence shewed 
clearly that he was no way abashed or downcast by such a 
result. Again he brought forth that silly bag of emptiness 
crammed more full than ever ; and when we had unbagged 
the whole of its contents, by which he was doing his best to 
throw some suspicion on the past, the formulary of our Con 
fession was at length produced, which, although it was not 
chargeable with any other crime whatever, he held notwith 
standing to be guilty of one capital offence, because Christ 
was there affirmed to be that Jehovah, who of Himself alone 
was always self-existent, which charge I was quite ready to 
meet. Certainly, if the distinction between the Father and 
the Word be attentively considered, we shall say that the 
one is from the other. If, however, the essential quality 
of the Word be considered, in so far as He is one God 
with the Father, whatever can be said concerning God may 

1 That meeting had ended on the 13th May. See Buchat, Hist, de la Ref., 
torn. v. p. 24. 

2 These two deputies were Rudolph de Graffenried, Banderet, and Nicolas Zer- 
kinden, Secretary of State. 

3 One of these ministers was Gaspar Grossmann, (Megander.) See Letter XIII. 
p. 23. He had been charged by the seigneury of Berne to draw up the oath which 
was to be taken by the ministers, and the order of procedure to be followed in the 
Synod. 



32 SIMON GRYNEE. 1537. 

also be applied to Him, the second person in the glorious 
Trinity. Now, what is the meaning of the name Jehovah ? 
What did that answer imply which was spoken to Moses ? 
I AM THAT I AM. Paul makes Christ the author of this 
saying. We do not take the trouble to persuade you and 
all the godly to approve the truth of that judgment ; but 
we have been unwilling that the concealed malignity of this 
hopeless calumniator should pass unnoticed, lest rumours of 
any kind might reach you so as to make an impression at 
variance with the true state of the case. Nothing, indeed, 
could have been set forth more plainly than the statement 
in our Confession, that Christ is that eternal Word begotten 
of the Father before ah 1 time. Therefore, of a truth, unless we 
please to imagine a twofold Deity, it behoves that we speak 
concerning His essence no otherwise than as concerning the 
essence of the one God. There is no one to be found who is 
not satisfied with this form of expression except himself. The 
brethren, as was worthy of the faithful ministers of Christ, ar 
rived at the formal conclusion, that it appeared to them that we 
had been most unfairly and unreasonably brought under any 
suspicion at all ; and that they had not observed anything to be 
disapproved in our Confession. While these proceedings were 
going forward, a letter was brought from Myconius addressed 
publicly to the meeting. On the back of that, another from 
Capito to Farel, addressed in general terms, from both of which 
it was evident that an appalling rumour had been spread far 
and wide about our controversy. To sum up the whole, this 
affair has been maliciously, as well as artfully, cooked up by 
certain individuals, in order to stir up an evil report, and to 
encourage a bad opinion of us throughout all countries. And 
although this man of straw has not been able hitherto to 
succeed in his most vain attempt, yet this, however, is cer 
tain, that he has greatly annoyed us. As indeed we cannot 
esteem it to be a matter of no great consequence that our 
adversaries should hear, that we are jangling in debate with 
one another, and not even agreed upon that most important 
doctrine of our religion, far more, that the churches should 
suspect us of such a thing. We have been the more astounded 



1537. SIMON GRYNEE. 33 

by this intelligence, because it never entered into our imagina 
tion that we had any need to be alarmed on that account. We 
hope, however, it will yet come to pass, through the goodness 
of the Lord, that these noisome exhalations from the pit may 
soon be blown away and fall back upon those who devise 
any mischief to the cause of Christ and of His Church. Al 
ready, indeed, the arm of the Lord has begun to reveal itself, 
and to put forth his power in extinguishing these beginnings of 
evil, such as they are. The calumniator himself 1 has been driven 
into banishment by a decree of the Senate ; we have been 
openly and at once acquitted, not merely from crime, but also 
from even the suspicion of guilt. Though, indeed, for a season, 
the fellow may try to set out his wares to the best advantage 
under the sign of Athanasius, as if he were suffering in defence 
of the faith, there does not, however, appear to be any great 
danger that the world will esteem as an Athanasius a person 
who is sacrilegious, a whoremonger, a homicide steeped in 
the blood of many saints. While we proclaim him to be 
such an one, we avouch nothing but what we are ready to 
establish by solid proof. These facts, I wished in brief compass 
to signify to you, that we may not in absence (as sometimes 
happens) be pressed beyond measure by the overweening ig 
norance and the malicious accusations of the ungodly. I send 
you also a copy of the Confession, which you may communicate 
to your colleagues. 2 For I consider this to be a matter of great 
moment, that we may not be frightened from our propriety 
by obscure reports which, no one can lay hold upon. I have at 
the same time to beseech of you that you will take charge of 
sending, not only the Confession, but also this letter, to each of 
the brethren, or rather that you do stretch a point to allay their 
anxiety, by a letter from yourself. Adieu ; may the Lord 



1 On the authority of Rucliat, it appears that Oaroli did not wait for the deci 
sion of the Lords of Berne, and that he withdrew himself into voluntary exile from 
the condemnation with which he was threatened. The act of his desertion was 
given to Farel and to Calvin, the 29th of June 1537. (MSS. de Grossmann. 
Archives de Berne.) We shall meet him again in the following letters of the 
Reformer. 

2 See that Confession, (Calv. Epist. et Reeponsa,) p. 227. 

VOL. I. (! 



34 THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH OF BASLE. 1537. 

Jesus fill you with His Spirit, so that with one mind and heart 
you may be enabled to extend the glory of His name. Yours, 

CALVIN. 

[Calvin s Latin Correspondence Amsterdam Edit., torn, ix. p. 228.] 



XVI. To THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH OF BASLE. 

Persecution in France request addressed to the Seigneury of Basle in 
favour of the faithful of the Church at Nismes. 

GE.VF.VA, ISth November 1537. 

The urgent business on account of which we have thought it 
right to send this person by express to you may be stated in 
few words. A new outbreak of the cruel rage of the ungodly 
has burst forth at. Nismes, as the place is now called, no mean 
city, a town of Languedoc, against the unhappy brethren who 
reside there, scattered up and down, and that at a time when 
we might have suspected nothing of the kind. Not very long 
ago we had obtained letters from the town councils of Stras 
bourg and Basle, by which the safety and personal security of 
all those, who were then imprisoned throughout France on 
account of religion, was commended to the care of Count Wil 
liam. 1 That eminent person, as was reported, had obtained of 
the king that they should all be set at liberty. We rested 

1 William du Bellay, Seigneur of Langey, one of the cleverest diplomatists under 
the reign of Francis the First. Born in 1491, he died the 9th January 1543. 
William du Bellay and his brother John, the Bishop of Paris, had shown them- 
selves favourable to the first ideas of Reformation, and had consulted with the 
King for the purpose of calling Melanchlhon into France, there to put in train 
the work of religious pacification. Beze, Hist. Eccl. tom. i. p. 10; Florimond de 
TJemond, Hisloire de la Naiisance et du Progres de VJferesie, liv. vii. p. 817. The 
last mentioned author has given the letters which passed on this occasion between 
Melanchthon and Francis I. The French Protestants formed great expectations 
from Du Bellay. In these terms Bucer wrote to the physician Ulrich Chelius, 17th 
Aug. 1534 : "Dominus excitet multos isti heroi similes, et spes erit forte ut emer- 
gat aliquanto regnum Christi." Sturm, on his part, wrote to Bucer, 17th Nov. 
1535 : " Si Langams isthuc veniat obsecro, habe cum in numero eorum qui quidvis 
pati volunt pro Christo." M88. de Strasbourg. 



1537. THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH OF BASLE. 35 

secure in this expectation, until word was brought to us. that 
the fire of persecution was again raging in that quarter. Two 
persons have been burnt, concerning the manner of whose 
death you will hear from the eye-witness himself, for he can 
relate to you in Latin what he has narrated in detail to us. 
Many have been thrown into prison, who are in jeopardy 
of their lives, unless timely opposition is made to the fury 
of those who, already drunk with the blood of these two 
victims, are not otherwise at all likely to set any bounds to 
their persecuting spirit. The two who suffered have shown 
a remarkable spirit of constancy to the very last, although 
their patient endurance of suffering was tried with the 
most exquisite cruelty. Of a truth, we may question whether 
the same strength of mind will be found in the others. 
Relief, therefore, ought to be brought to them in their 
present exigency, if anyhow it can be supplied, lest those 
may break down who are weaker in the faith. Besides, the 
utmost care must be taken that the blood of the godly, which 
is so precious in the sight of God, may not be lightly esteemed 
by us. 

We hear that a treaty was lately agreed upon by your Rulers 
with our King, in which some mention was made of religion, to 
the effect that henceforth those who agree with yourselves in 
their sentiments of religion, should not be punished with the 
wonted severity. If that is true, we must not allow so favour 
able an opportunity of helping the brethren, to escape unim 
proved, unto whose assistance Christ is not only calling us with 
a loud voice, but complains that He is deserted and forsaken by 
us when they are deserted. 

Wherefore, most excellent and pious brethren, devote your 
selves entirely to this cause, according to the Christian sin 
cerity of your heart ; because we are confident you will do this 
of your own accord, we do not press you more urgently upon 
the matter. Take measures, therefore, with your council, that 
the subject may be brought under their consideration effectually 
and in earnest, and with as much brevity as possible, so that 
these furious men may not be able to counterwork you. You 
know how watchful is their enmity. Most learned and beloved 



36 LOUIS DU TILLET. 1538. 

brethren, may the Lord Jesus daily enrich you more and more 
with the increase of his Spirit. Yours, 

JOHN CALVIN. 

[Lot. Copy Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.] 



XVII. TO LOUIS DU TlLLET. 1 

Departure of Louis du Tillet from Geneva regret of Calvin controversy 
between the two friends regarding the character of the Church of Jesus 
Christ. 

FROM ViLLEPRANCHE, 2 Blst January [1538.] 

MONSIEUR, Eight days before I received the letters which you 
left at your departure to be forwarded to me, John had arrived, 3 
BO that some weeks before I had any news of you the rumour 
of your departure -had taken wing hither. Although such a 
state of uncertainty was very great occasion of annoyance to 

1 Louis du Tillet, cure of Claix in Poitou, canon and archdeacon of Angouleme. 
He was the brother of John du Tillet, the celebrated registrar of the Parliament of 
Paris, and of that other Du Tillet who became Bishop of Sainte-Brieuc and of Meaux. 
Having devoted himself to an ecclesiastical career, his first leanings inclined him 
towards the Reformed. With Calvin ho became acquainted at the University of 
Paris, formed a friendship with him, shared his perils, and received him in 1534 at 
AngoulOme in his own house. United thenceforth to the young Reformer by a like 
faith, he resigned his curacy of Claix to follow him, under the name of Hautmont, 
to Strasbourg, to Basle, and into Italy. In August 1536 he was at Geneva, when 
Calvin was there retained by the earnest entreaties of Farel. But the struggles to 
which the Reformer was thenceforward condemned, were little (suited to the mild 
und contemplative disposition of Louis du Tillet. A prey to indecision, he secretly 
left Geneva and went to Strasbourg, where his anxieties were only put an end to 
by his return to the Roman Catholic faith. He wrote to Calvin to inform him of 
this change, and to submit to him his scruples regarding the lawfulness of the 
ministry in the Reformed Churches. Calvin replied ; and that controversy, free, 
sincere, but tempered by respect, marked the later relations between these two men, 
at first united and too soon separated by the religious revolution of the sixteenth 
century. 

2 Ville Affranchie (Geneve.) 

3 John du Tillet, brother of Louis, raised at a later period to the honours of the 
Episcopate. Accomplished in the knowledge of the ancient languages and in 
Kacred archaeology, he was charged with various scientific missions by Francis L, 
and in the course of his travels had visited Geneva. 



1538. LOUIS DU TILLET. 37 

me, nevertheless, I held my judgment in suspense as much as 
was possible ; what troubled and tormented me most was the 
fear I entertained of having offended you by my imprudence, as 
I know and acknowledge that I have not observed towards you 
the due consideration which I ought. It is indeed true, that I 
derived such advantage from your society and conversation, that 
absence could not be joyous to me ; but inasmuch as I saw you 
were in a somewhat languid state, I bore my loss patiently, 
considering your comfort as a sufficient recompense. Finally, 
since the arrival of your letters from two different quarters, by 
them I have partly understood your intention. While I con 
sider, however, that my company could not be very agreeable 
in such rudeness and incivility as I used towards you, notwith 
standing, I feel confident that that circumstance has neither 
estranged nor alienated you from us, for which we may cer 
tainly rather thank your prudence, which I have had to sustain 
me in regard to that, than because I conducted myself as be 
came me. 

I cannot conceal from you that I have been very much 
astonished on hearing of your intention, and even the reasons 
which are put forth along with the declaration of it in your 
letters. What occasions me the greatest surprise is, that I 
considered you so settled and resolved in that affair, that it 
would no way be possible to dislodge you from your purpose, 
and although you could not have had in the course you have 
been folloAving very solid reasons, yet tins so sudden change has 
appeared very strange to me, seeing the constancy and firmness 
which you manifested. May God grant, nevertheless, that your 
change of opinion may be as benignly construed by others as I 
endeavour to take it, 

As for the reasons which have swayed you in arriving at 
that determination I cannot perceive them to be very per 
emptory. I know well that my conscience before God is 
sufficiently assured of the contrary, and I hope that it will be 
BO until the day when we must appear to give in our account. 
Besides, I am much misunderstood if I have not manifestly 
proved the justice of my cause in snch a way that every one 
ought to }}( content, wore it not that the one parfy pardon 



38 LOUIS DU TILLET. 1538. 

themselves too easily, while the others would readily give en 
trance to Jesus Christ, but only by ways wherein He will in 
nowise walk. I have never doubted that the eminent persons 1 
you mention might in some degree have helped, without in 
tending it, to land you in such a conclusion, while in touching 
on this point in letters written to me, they concealed it. Cer 
tainly their great learning and piety may well lend authority 
to their consultations. But I am well assured that in this 
matter, besides substantial grounds, I shall have more colour of 
reason than they, if I assume a mask to make myself look like 
them. Both the one and the other constrain me by their con 
duct to desire in them greater firmness and constancy. How 
ever high our reputation may be, it is never well to be so very 
liberal in bestowing another s property ; and if we must beware 
of being bountiful at the expense of men, what caution ought 
to be exercised in dispensing the truth of God, which He does 
not commit to our trust that we may lessen it in anything ? I 
pray the Lord that Himself would give us so much understand 
ing as that we may clearly comprehend that He will not be 
served by halves, and as our foolishness would divide His por 
tion, but entirely according to His own will. 

If you do acknowledge for churches of God those who hold 
us in execration, I cannot help it. But we should be in a 
sad plight if it indeed were so. For certainly you cannot give 
them this title, unless you hold us to be schismatics, in which 
case you will have to consider hcnv your opinion will agree 
with the deliverance of our Master, " whatsoever ye shall bind 
on earth/ &c. If you consider that there always remains some 
remnant of the blessing of God, as St. Paul affirms of the 
Israelites, you may well understand that I agree with you, 
seeing that I have sometimes declared to you that such was my 
opinion even as regards the Greek churches. But it does not 
follow as a consequence from that, that in the assembly we 
are bound to acknowledge the church ; and if we do there 
acknowledge her, she will be our church, not that of Jesus 
Christ, who marks His own by other tokens, when He says, my 
sheep hear iny voice; and St. Paul, when he calls her the 

J Biirer arid C apito, the Reformers of Strasbourg. 



1538. LOUIS DU TILLET. 39 

" pillar of truth." You will answer me that she will be found 
nowhere, seeing that everywhere there is ignorance. Yet the 
ignorance of the children of God is cf such a nature, that it 
does not hinder them from following His will. 

Were it a question of comparison of such meetings with the 
synagogues of the Jews, I should fear to injure the latter in 
not preferring them to the other, or at least placing them in the 
background, for their idolatry is not so great, nor their abomi 
nation so horrible. What one can see of good, it is common to 
both, except indeed that it appears to be a great advantage that 
the name of Jesus Christ is avowed in the one and not in the 
other. But its influence is not the less abolished. Or if we 
would find a more suitable comparison, it is such a state as 
existed among the people of Israel under Jeroboam, or rather 
under Ahab, at a time when the spirit of the people had been 
corrupted by long usage. I do not mention these things with 
out good cause, for I perceive how many begin to flatter them 
selves under the title of The Church, strongly condemning 
whatsoever is not like their own, for which they will have to 
render account. Let them consider by what right they do 
so, for I know well that our assurance is too certain to yield 
merely to frivolous objections. As regards yourself I do not 
think that you can look upon us otherwise than as if you held 
intercommunion with us, but it is a step towards separation 
from the Church of God when any one joins that which is 
opposed to Him. 

Moreover, I think that I perceive such a fear of God to be 
in you that I must see great arguments to move me from the 
persuasion which I have entertained. Be assured, then, that the 
first slight reports will not have such power over me as to over 
turn the experience I have had of you for many long years. 
But although I may tolerate that infirmity, offering you no 
more opposition than if you were one of ourselves, I can by no 
means approve your conduct ; and would choose rather that 
I should be taken out of the world by a bitter death, than 
approve your deed, which I know to be damnable in itself, and 
besides that, fraught with ruin, or at least marvellous offence 
towards manv, as well as because I see the readiness with which 



40 LOUIS DU TILLET. 1538. 

we justify ourselves., in order to encourage others to follow our 
example. However, concerning those matters of which at pre 
sent you cire resolved, I will make no long dispute. I would 
rather entreat the Lord that it may be His pleasure to deliver 
you from all scruples, so that His way may be quite plain and 
open in that direction, waiting an opportunity when such shall 
offer itself. 

As for the departure of Lois Dartois, I never had a suspicion 
that it proceeded from you, inasmuch as I have been lately 
informed to the contrary. But it has been a poor stratagem 
on his part to conceal things from me in which he could not 
deceive God ; for it is no light thing to tempt God, which those 
do who voluntarily bring themselves again under bondage. 
The miserable excuses with which we are wont to cover even 
our moral nakedness before men, 1 will never be able to endure 
the heat of God s judgment. 

You have long ago graciously permitted me to consider all 
things in common between us. Would that it pleased God I 
could make you a due acknowledgment. My companions charge 
me to commend them to you, who are of the same mind with 
me, although I have striven to the utmost, without shewing 
your letters, to prevent their taking offence. I could give no 
other counsel to John than that which my conscience warranted, 
unless I would turn traitor to the truth of God, and to his per 
sonal salvation. You will not take it amiss. I entreat you to 
have special remembrance of us in your prayers, to which al 
though the knowledge you have of our weakness ought suffi 
ciently to stir you up, nevertheless, the difficulties which press 
upon us ought yet more to arouse you, as they are now greater 
than ever. 2 After humbly commending myself to your kind 
remembrance, I pray the Lord to keep you in His holy protec- 

1 In the French original : Les sacs mouilles dont nous avons coutume de nous 
oouvrir devant les homines. 

2 The opposition which the establishment of the ecclesiastical discipline drawn 
up hy Farel and Calvin met with at Geneva, became every day more intense 
and lively. The newly-elected Syndics made common cause with the malcontents, 
and already gave signs of the forthcoming crisis which was to lead the way to the 
triumph of the party of the Libertins and the banishment of the Ministers. Spon, 
Histoi,-e dc Grncrc, Mit. 1780, torn. i. p. 27fi. 



1538. HENRY BULLINGER. 41 

tion, and so to direct you that you may not go astray in that 
slippery path whereon you are, until Himself shall have mani 
fested to you His complete deliverance. 

You will pardon me if this present is very confusedly written, 
shortness of time is in part the cause, and partly our troubles, 
besides that the argument was not very easy to handle. 
Your very humble servant and brother, 

CHARLES D EsFEViLLE. 1 

[Fr. Copy Imperial Library, Paris MSS.fr. Fonds Baluze, 8069-5.] 



XVIII. To HENRY BULLINGER. S 

State of the Church at Geneva wish for the union of the Eeformed 
Churches mention of Luther. 

GENEVA, 21st February 1538. 

Grace to you and peace, from God the Father and from 
Christ the Lord, most respected and learned brother. 

1 Charles d Espeville. Pseudonyme adopted by Calvin during his residence at 
Angouleme, and his journey in Italy, (1534-1536.) 

2 Henry Bullinger, born July 18, 1504, at Bremgarten, minister of that parish 
in 1529, was a friend of the reformer Zuingli and his successor at Zurich, after the 
fatal battle of Cappel, 1531. He discharged the ministry of that church with wis 
dom and prudence for more than forty years, kept up a regular correspondence 
with the Reformers abroad, was on friendly terms with Melanchthon, Cranrner, 
Calvin, Theodor cle Beze. In 1566 he drew up the Swiss Confession of Faith, and 
in the way of advice, exercised a decisive influence over the progress of the Refor 
mation in the different countries of Europe. He died at Zurich, September 17, 
1 575. His decease was deplored by the churches of Switzerland as that of a father, 
and Theodor de Beze consecrated some verses to his memory. 

" Doctrina si interire, si pietas mori, 

Occidere si candor potest ; 
Doctrina, pietas, candor, hoc tumulo jacent 
Henrice, tecuni condita." .... 

(Icones Virorum Illnstriwn.) 

Bullinger left some precious works ; among others a Chronicle which he wrote in 
German, Commentaries and Theological Treatises, some of them on important 
and remarkable questions, and a vast Correspondence, preserved more especially at 
Zurich and nt Geneva, 



42 HENKY BULLINGER. 1538. 

Were I to begin to describe to you at length the full narra 
tive of our most wretched condition, a long history must be 
unfolded by me. For I call ours the trouble which for a long 
time has pressed, and which now severely presses upon that 
Church over which the Lord has been pleased to set us. But be 
cause there is not enough of leisure at present for explaining 
everything., and these good men can relate somewhat themselves, 
I will not trouble you with a larger epistle. Although, indeed, 
they have not perhaps discerned the very source of the evil, 
nor perceived whither the attempts of the wicked tended, yet 
they have forecasten pretty clearly the aspect of affairs, how it 
was likely to turn out. How I wish that we could have a 
single day for free communication together, for from such a 
meeting we could not depart without much advantage. I 
have some things which can neither be treated safely in 
a letter, nor determined, until they have been weighed and 
thoroughly discussed on both sides. This, however, I will 
venture to throw out in passing, that it does appear to me, 
that we shall have no lasting Church unless that ancient apos 
tolic discipline be completely restored, which in many respects 
is much needed among us. We have not yet been able to 
obtain, that the faithful and holy exercise of ecclesiastical ex 
communication be rescued from the oblivion into which it 
has fallen ; and that the city, which in proportion to its ex 
tent is very populous, may be distributed into parishes, as 
is rendered necessary by the complicated administration of 
the Church. The generality of men are more ready to ac 
knowledge us as preachers than as pastors. There are many 
other things besides, which, although we desire intensely to 
see amended, we can find out no means of doing so, unless that 
can be accomplished by faith, by diligence, arid by persever 
ance on the part of all. Oh, if a pure and sincere accommoda 
tion could be agreed upon at length among us ! What, then, 
would hinder the assembling of some public Synod, where in 
dividuals might propose whatever they may conceive to be 
most for the benefit of the churches ? A way might be found 
out of going to work by common deliberation, and if need be, 
that the cities and princes also should assist in this undertaking 



1538, HENRY BULLINGER. 43 

by mutual exhortation and counsel, and also confirm by their 
authority ; but in so great perplexity, the Lord is rather to be 
inquired of, that Himself may open up a way. 

Pellican has informed us that you have received a kind and 
friendly reply from Luther, from which Grynee affirms that 
he entertains much hope of seeing peace established. 1 But 
of what kind we have not been able to divine, seeing that that 
church, which, from its near neighbourhood, might most easily 
communicate with us in all things, has not thought us worthy 
to receive any intelligence whatever. When occasion offers, 
you must not grudge to let us at least understand the sum of 
it. Farel greets you. Will you salute for me with no com 
mon esteem my highly respected brethren in the Lord, your 
colleagues, Pellican, Leo, Theodore, Bibliander, and besides, 
Phyrisius. May the Lord keep you all in safety for the pro 
moting of His kingdom. Yours wholly, CALVIN. 

[Lett, oricj. autogr. Archives of Zurich. Vol. i. Gest. vi. p. 287.] 

1 Bucer and Capito were at this time engaged in very active negotiations to bring 
about a union between the Reformed Churches of Switzerland and those of Ger 
many. Luther did not oppose himself to this accommodation, and had written, 
Dec. 1, 1537, to the reformed districts of Switzerland, a letter full of the spirit of 
tolerance and conciliation, in which we remark the following passage : " They 
can easily advise with Bucer also and Capito on all these matters, provided we can 
lay aside all that is offensive, and in like-minded agreement give room for the lead 
ing and guidance of the Holy Spirit, that we may go forward in pious and brotherly 
concord. Assuredly, in so far as we are concerned, and especially as regards my 
self, casting aside whatever may be occasion of offence, I shall embrace you in 
faith, good will, and with love." Hospinian Historia Sacramentaria^ torn. ii. 
p. 276. In another letter to Capito of the same year, 6th Dec. 1537, he thus ex 
presses himself: " I write these things that you may know that our heart is 
upright and sincere in the hope of agreement ; may the Lord himself complete the 
work. Amen." D. M. Luther s Brief e, edit. De Wette, torn. v. p. 70. 

In a letter to Bullinger, written 4th March 1538, at length he renders an evi 
dently deep-felt homage to the memory of Zuingli and (Ecolampadius. " I can 
freely declare that, after having seen and heard Zuingli at Marbourg, I have con 
sidered and esteemed him as a most excellent man, as also (Ecolampadius ; so that 
their calamity has well-nigh disheartened me," &c. These sentiments of true 
generosity seemed almost to open up an era of reconciliation and of peace between 
the Churches. 



44 HENRY BULLINGKR. 1538. 



XIX. To HENRY BuLLiNGER. 1 

Synod of Zurich attempt at reconciliation between the banished 
ministers and the town of Geneva. 

BERNE, 20th May 1538. 

If I have hitherto deferred writing, it has been because 
everything was so very much in suspense, that it was not 
possible to write anything for certain. And now, as the nar 
rative of all that has happened [at Geneva] could not be given 
by us without complaining, we only desire to acquaint you, that 
the treatment which we have experienced, though in opposition 
to all our wishes, has nevertheless been in accordance with our 
expectation. Besides the very irksome delay of a fortnight, it 
was also a source of very much annoyance, that none of those 
things which passed at Zurich, and had been openly concluded 
there, were noticed by Konzen. 2 And in order not to appear to 
uphold a bad cause, he declaimed with much violence against 
us, as if it were evident that we wished to draw back and not 
to keep the promise we had given to the brethren. It only re 
mained, therefore, that the Senate itself should take the lead 
in regard to everything, who in passing the decree took no 

1 Important events had fallen out at Geneva. Expelled from that town (23d 
April 1538) for having refused to administer the communion on Easter day, Calvin 
and Farel had gone to Beme. (Spon, Hist, de Geneve, torn. i. p. 276.) The de 
puties of the reformed Swiss cantons were met at Zurich to treat about the union 
with the Lutheran Church. The two ministers appeared before that assemblv 
and gave account of their conduct at Geneva. Without intimating any opinion 
on the matter at issue, " The Lords deputies resolved to write in friendly terms 
to the Genevese, to induce them to support their pastors in the work of re 
establishing and putting their churches on a better footing. They also charged 
the Bernese to support that letter by a deputation." (Ruchat, Histoire de la 
Reformation en Suisse, torn. v. p. 84.) But this double intervention proved in 
effectual. The banishment of the ministers was confirmed, May 2fith, by the 
assembly. 

2 Peter Konzen, minister of Berne, deputy to the Synod of Zurich. In that as 
sembly he manifested the most hostile sentiments toward Farel and Calvin, whose 
Conduct at Geneva he disapproved. 



1538. PETER VIRET. 45 

very particular account of those things which had been con 
ceded to us at Zurich by the general consent of all. For we 
are content rather to encounter any alternative than not to try 
every method by which the requirements of religion may be 
satisfied, or by which we may discharge the duty we owe to 
the Church. Now, therefore, we start upon our journey, 1 which 
may it please the Lord to prosper, for as we look to Him in 
our proceedings, so we commit the success to His wise disposal. 
I am compelled to interrupt my letter, scarcely now begun, 
because the brethren hasten to depart. Adieu, most kindly 
brother, and with very respectful regard. Greet for me most 
lovingly your colleagues. Yours, 

CALVIN. 

[Lat. orig. aiitoyr. Archives of Zurich. Gcst. vi. 166, p. 1.] 



XX. To PETER VIRET. 

Arrival of Farel and Calvin at Basle. 

BASLE, [towards the end of May 1538.] 

We have at length reached Basle, but well soaked with the 
rain and completely spent and worn out. Nor was our journey 
free from perils, for in truth one of us was almost carried away 
by the swollen currents ; but we have experienced more tender 
usage from the impetuous river than from our fellow-men, 
for since, contrary to all right and reason, they had decided 
that we should travel on foot, that also has been complied with 
through the mercy of the Lord in preserving us. There is 
nothing fixed or agreed on as yet, because Grynee has com 
mitted the charge of the Academy to Oporin. 2 We departed 
from Berne without taking leave of the Senate, although it had 

1 In order to testify the conciliatory spirit which animated them, Calvin and 
Farel accompanied, within a short distance from Geneva, the deputation which 
had been charged to entreat their return. But their solicitations having been re 
jected, they determined to proceed to Basle, where they arrived after a most 
fatiguing and even perilous journey. See following letter. 

2 John Oporin, Director of the Academy of Basle, one of the most celebrated 
printers of that town. 



46 PETER VIRET. 1538. 

been agreed in common among ourselves to do so. We per 
ceived some here were inclined that we should be retained ; 
and they confidently alleged that we would be unpardonable if 
we should decline so just a call. That we might not do anything 
rashly, the Lord at length has opened an outlet to us. For when 
we asked a hearing of the Senate, we were put off to the next 
day, on the receiving of which answer to our request, it 
seemed to us that we had done all that was required of us in 
duty, and that we were discharged from further application in 
that quarter. 

Your affairs, dear Courault, 1 we have entrusted to good 
men, according to our ability, but only in a general way, 
that you may not be brought under obligation before we have 
tried to do our best elsewhere. You know how much we wish 
to serve you. When we have got some settled abode we will 
write to you more at large and by the first opportunity. Fare 
well, most excellent and dear friends and brethren. Your 
brethren, FAREL AND CALVIN. 

This brother to whom we have delivered the horses to be 
brought back, has made up his mind to stay with you if he can 
procure any suitable employment : therefore see what can be 
done to put him in the way of being serviceable to the Church 
of Christ. We think well of his sincerity and probity, and 
that he is not unskilled in useful learning. If he shall appear 
worthy of your regard, for our sake also we desire to commend 
him to your good offices. 

[Lat. orig. autoyr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.] 

1 The conclusion of this letter is addressed to the minister Courault, the col 
league of Calvin, expelled along with him from Geneva. He lived in retirement 
with Christopher Fabri at Thonon, whence he was called as minister by the 
Church of Orbe. 



1538. LOUIS DU TILLET. 47 



XXI. TO LOUIS DU TlLLET. 1 

Journey of Calvin to Strasbourg project of a new assembly at Zurich 
policy of the Bernese in his retirement Calvin breathes freely news 
from France. 

STRASBOURG, Wth July 1538. 

I hope, Sir, you will not take in ill part that John 2 is gone 
away thitherward to you without my letter, for it grieved me to 
write to you, having so many things to communicate, without 
having time to make at least a partial communication. On the 
other hand, it was not easy for me to impart such information 
to you by halves, without at once entering fully into the de 
tails. The complete declaration was by no means impossible, 
but I was afraid that it would scarce be pleasing to you, where 
fore I greatly preferred entirely to forbear writing, casting the 
duty upon John, who, as I think, will have faithfully acquitted 
himself of the charge, except that he will not have been able 
clearly to discover to you the source and origin of the evil, 
which is not known to many. I have been so greatly impor 
tuned by the two of this town 3 that to satisfy them I have 
made the journey hither. 

Touching ourselves, it has been resolved that it is fit and 
proper even now to call an assembly, where Zurich, Berne, 

1 The first letter of Calvin to Du Tillct (Letter xvii. p. 36) did not remain 
unanswered: " If my retreat in this country has caused you great annoyance, as 
I have understood by your letter of the last of January, I myself have not thought 
the less of it, considering the interruption of our accustomed converse and fami 
liarity . . . could not produce in you so much disquietude. But what could I 
have done, if, having been there two years or thereby, my conscience could never 
be at peace on this account, that without a clear call I had retired from a charge 
which I ought not to have relinquished without the command of God, whereby I 
have been put into a state of languor, such as you have seen, and by reason of 
the great unceasing depression of mind which has taken possession of my spirit, I 
have for this some time past been useless for every thing." Paris ]\ISS. This 
letter, written from Paris, (10th March,) did not reach Calvin at all ; it was during 
a sojourn to Strasbourg that the Eeformer, driven from Geneva, (23d April 1538,) 
had retired to Basle, and imparted to his old friend the events which condemned 
him to a new exile. 

a See Note, p. 36. 

3 Bucer and Capito, already mentioned. 



48 j LOUIS DU TILLET. 1538. 

Basle, this town of Strasbourg, Bienne, 1 and one from the 
aforesaid place, 2 shall be present, where, after diligent inquiry 
made by them, it may be formally declared that we have duly 
and faithfully administered our charge, to the end that such a 
testimony may stand as a lawful judgment, to shut the spiteful 
mouths of the malignant, as well as to the confusion of those 
who have taken upon them to engage in such an enterprise. 
By the same method they hope that the schisms which may 
take place, and have already begun, will disappear. When I 
do well consider the case, the difficulty seems to me to overpass 
all human help ; wherefore, I have nought else to recommend 
than to commit the issue to the great Physician, who alone can 
provide and take order in applying the proper remedy. 

The Bernese endeavour, or, I should rather say, persist, 3 as 
much as they are able, to make believe that all goes well, but 
there is no one else who does not think quite the contrary. By 
his just judgment God sends blessing after such a fashion upon 
the head and family of those who thus wickedly mock at the 
disorder of His Church ; and it is sent for their correction, in 
order that they may be differently minded in an affair of so 
great importance. I shall retire to Basle, waiting to under 
stand what the Lord would have me to do. It is riot the fault 
of those of this town that I am not their guest ; but they have 
charge enough without me, and I can live for a while support 
ing myself on what you left with me, and a portion of my books ; 
yet the Lord himself will direct us. Above all, however, on look 
ing back and considering the perplexities which environed me 
from the time when I first went thither, there is nothing I dread 
more than returning to the charge from which I have been set 
free. For while, when first I entered upon it I could discern 
the calling of God which held me fast bound, with which I 
consoled myself, now, on the contrary, I am in fear lest I tempt 

1 That town, then independent, and already reformed, was united by a treaty of 
alliance to the Protestant cantons of Switzerland. 

2 Probably Geneva. 

3 The Bernese were the declared opponents of the ecclesiastical discipline which 
Farel and Calvin had wished to establish at Geneva, and which appeared to them 
to trench upon the right of the civil power. The seigneury of Berne were not 
disposed to favour the two banished ministers. 



1538. WILLIAM FAREL. 49 

Him if I resume so great a burden, which has been already felt 
to be insupportable. There are other reasons, which can only 
be explained in conversation, with which, however, those with 
whom I have to do will never rest contented. Nevertheless, I 
know assuredly that our Lord will guide me in that so very 
doubtful a deliberation, the more so because I shall look rather 
to what He will point out to me than to my own judgment, 
which beyond measure drawing me contrariwise, I feel ought to 
be suspected. 

There is a stir at present about an affair of vast consequence, 
and not without the knoivledge of the king and the emperor^ 
which I can well suppose that Monsieur Firmin 2 will tell 
you something about, and therefore I say no more about it. 
One may very much doubt whether they are not merely trying 
the ford without any thoroughgoing intention ; but within two 
months we shall know for certain whether there is any thing in 
it. After my humble commendation to your good graces, I 
pray our Lord so to guide you in His way, that you may be holy 
and unspotted at the day of His appearing. 

Your humble servant and assured friend, 

CHARLES D ESPEVILLE. 

[Fr. Copy Imperial Library of Paris. Baluze, 8069-5.] 



XXII. To WILLIAM FAREL. S 

Farel called as minister to the Church of Neuchatel sad condition of the 
Church at Geneva uncertainty of Calvin Bucer s urgency to draw him 
to Strasbourg. 

BASLE, 4th August 1538. 

The grace of the Lord be with you. The person who had 
brought back the horse, promised that he would return after 

1 Allusion to the truce concluded, 18th June 1538, between Francis I. and the 
Emperor Charles V., and to the approaching conclusion of a general peace, on which 
great expectation was founded for the settlement and reformation of the Church. 

2 Antony Firmin, minister of the church of St. Thomas at Strasbourg. See 
Sculteti Annales, I. 170, 172. 

3 To my most excellent friend and brother, William Farel, faithful minister of 
the church at Neuchatel. 

William Farel, the most illustrious missionary of the Reformation in French 
VOL. I. D 



50 WILLIAM FAREL. 1538. 

three days. When, after the lapse of five days, I had ceased 
to expect him, I began to look about for a messenger. For I 
knew that as soon as my silence began to appear to you to be 
longer than it ought, you would impute it to carelessness as 
well as indolence. But while these were my thoughts, lo, the 
messenger presented himself upon the spot, who informed me of 
your departure two days before he came away. With regard to 
your letter, that elaborate lament over your own clownish sim 
plicity with which you furnished me for Grynee, I have care 
fully complied with. When dinner-time arrived, I told Grynee 
that I observed from your letter the rain somewhat had slackened 
your wonted speed : whereupon, by your riding at so slow a pace, 
Simon remembered that you were a rustic. Thereafter also I read 
to him your letter, and added of my own accord, what appeared 
to me to be required in the way of serious apology. In regard to 
him, so little need was there of clearing yourself, that he would 
have complied good-humouredly with your infectious anxiety, if 
the business in which he is now completely immersed had not 
stood in the way. How our successors 1 are likely to get on, I can 

Switzerland, was born at Gap, in Dauphiny, (1509 ?) He studied at the University 
of Paris, under the direction of the learned Le Fevre of Etaples, whose friendship 
he speedily obtained, and shared with him the same faith. Of an ardent spirit, 
and gifted with an impetuous eloquence, he preached the doctrines of the Reforma 
tion successively at Paris, at Meaux, in Dauphiny. In 1524 he left France, when he 
retired to Strasbourg, and brought over to the new doctrine (;is the true doctrine of 
the Gospel was termed at that time) the Duchy of Montbeliard, Bienne, Mornt, 
Neuchatel, Aigle, Geneve. Driven at first from the latter town in 1532, he re 
appeared there, and was thereupon banished. On the 27th August 1535, he 
obtained the famous declaration which restored the Reformation. In less than two 
years afterwards lie was banished from Geneva along with his colleague Calvin, 
whom he followed to Basle, and became, in the month of July 1538, pastor of the 
church of Neuchatel, which he served until his death (13th Sept. 1565) with inde 
fatigable activity. 

Having been called as minister by the Church of Neuchatel, Farcl had left 
Basle precipitately, without taking leave of Calvin, then on his journey to Stras 
bourg. On returning to Basle, Calvin wrote the following letter to his old colleague, 
which is one of the earliest in the long correspondence which they kept up with 
each other. 

1 The new ministers elected at Geneva to replace Calvin, Farel, and Courault, 
were Antony Marcourt, pastor of the Church of Nyon, and Doctor Morand. Their 
nomination, approved only by a part of the Church, gave occasion to serious dis 
order. See Gaberel, Histoire de V Eylisc tie Geneve, 1853, vol. i. passim. 



1538. WILLIAM FAREL. 51 

conjecture from the first beginnings. While already they 
entirely break off every appearance of peace by their want of 
temper, they suppose that the best course for themselves to 
pursue was to tear in pieces our estimation, publicly and 
privately, so as to render us as odious as possible. But if we 
know that they cannot calumniate us, excepting in so far as 
God permits, we know also the end God has in view in granting 
such permission. Let us humble ourselves, therefore, unless we 
wish to strive with God when He would humble us. Meanwhile, 
let us wait upon God. For the crown of pride of the drunkards 
of Ephraim will speedily wither. I could wish that you had not 
so much anxiety on my account. Since your departure, I have 
begun to consider more attentively what it may be right to 
be prepared for in case of emergency. It cannot be told how 
this apprehension torments me, lest those who measure us by 
their own standard, because conscience accuses themselves, may 
think that we have fixed designedly upon our present abode as 
convenient for the purpose of retaliating injuries, and so may 
set themselves to contrive some new contests, and take no rest 
until they have stirred up some fresh disturbances against us. 
When I am out of the way, suspicion will not be so apt to arise. 
For no one will be so utterly malignant as to suppose that we 
intend anything farther. But if you do not at once come 
hither, we must put off until the meeting become hopeless, 
which the Strasburghers always insist on our requiring ; or 
if we obtain it the result will teach us what we ought to do. 
This above all, in the name of the Lord, I entreat of you, 
that you do determine nothing about me without first of all 
giving me a previous warning. You will perceive, from 
Bucer s letter, what are his present sentiments. He has com 
municated certain other matters to Grynee in writing, which 
I have not yet had an opportunity of reading. I strongly 
suspect, however, that they tend to the point of my hasten 
ing thither, which I shall not comply with, unless a greater 
necessity convinces me. In so far as I can discover, the person 
you wot of has endeavoured most ambitiously, by means of his 
relations, to pave the way for himself to the office of the mini 
stry. Expressions sometimes are thrown out which afford greater 



52 WILLIAM FAREL. 1538. 

room for conjecture than for any meaning which they con 
tain. But as he hoped that erelong I would take my depar 
ture, he advised me to undertake what by and by I might resign 
to him. He did not know what might be brought to pass with 
you, and I took care closely to conceal that from him. " Are 
you not ashamed/ said he, " in so great an assemblage to remain 
silent ? Would there be no church here vacant for you ?" I 
replied, that we had an auditory also in our house at home 
which suited us very well. He, forsooth, would have nought 
but what was public. Having dined once with us, he wished 
to be received at table by Grynee through my introduction. 
Excuse was of no avail, but he must urge the proposal with 
unseasonable importunity, until Grynee restrained his forward 
ness by checking him aloud. I have satisfied the owner of the 
horse ; the rest of your commissions are duly attended to. 
Grynee salutes you in the most friendly manner, and entreats 
you to pardon him,- on account of his business engagements, 
that he does not write at present. Oporin also, Stagnteus, Du 
Tailly, for the other two have gone from this. May the Lord 
preserve and protect you, may your soul prosper in the strength 
of His own Spirit. You will not envy me the reading of 
Capito s epistle, which I send you unsealed. Will you, if you 
please, return both the letters of Bucer, or carefully preserve 
them, as hereafter we shall have occasion for them ? Salute 
not merely with your complaisance, but from my heart, all our 
brethren, especially such of them as you well know are here 
meant. If you desire that I should write, arrange that I may 
have messengers from yourself. Yours, CALVIN. 

Read after this Bucer s letter, where he advises that we care 
fully avoid colleaguing together, since it may be suspected that 
the one urges on the other, to what both are too much inclined 
to. He even wishes that I may yield to that extent, in order 
that this irritable disposition may not be disturbed by frequent 
rumours. 

[Lat. orig. autogr. Library of Genera. Vol. 10(3.] 



J538. FAREL. 53 



XXIIL To FAREL. 

New efforts of the ministers of Strasbourg to attract Calvin thither the 
plague at Basle detail of the death of a nephew of Farel. 

BASLE, 20tk August [1538.] 

The grace of the Lord be with you. 

After frequent perusal of your letter at length I perceived 
my own obtuseness, who could be so much bewildered about 
the rank of Count John, as if, indeed, there could have been 
any one more competent to deal with the matter than your 
neighbour. Now my wonder ceases ; for there has been a 
Helen in the strife ? but well hath the Lord cared for the 
interests of the Church in not permitting him to fall a victim 
to her seductions. Explain to me, I entreat you, the other 
things about which I am at a loss, particularly what was 
reported in French separately concerning the two ministers, 
both the elder and the younger. I know not what to think 
regarding Peter/ but the whole weight and import of what 
was said, depends on the person of the speaker. The Stras- 
burghers are taking active measures just now concerning me, 
that I may agree to go to them. They plead very earnestly 
with Grynee ; nor indeed do they conceal from me their strong 
desire that I would acquiesce. Bucer s last letter I send you 
herewith, by which, as usual, he persists in advising me to do 
so. Firmin 2 urges, by many arguments, that it is desirable. 
Some of the reasons I put aside as savouring of his peculiarities ; 
but others are specious, such as that it would prove of some ad 
vantage when our adversaries should see that I had an oppor 
tunity of lecturing in that church, which they are compelled, 
willingly or unwillingly, to respect. Then, if a diet can be 
had, that my opinion would have more weight, and would 
carry with it a sort of prestige when it was known that such 
a Church had bestowed on me the ministry. I have excused 

1 Without doubt, Peter Oaroli.-See Note 3, p. 33. 

2 See Note 2. p. 49. 



54 FAREL. 1538. 

myself anew however, since they could not include you. Gry- 
nee, although with more reserve, that he might riot appear 
to suggest any thing in this arrangement from a desire to 
be rid of the charge of entertaining me, shewed that the 
bent of his opinion inclined to the advice they had given. 
If they wished to bind me for a longer period, the determina 
tion would not be so difficult ; but you perceive what they 
require. I shall wait for your opinion. To prevent them 
having immediate recourse to you, I leave them to suppose that 
I am detained here by weighty reasons. They will allow you, 
indeed, quietly to go forward in the work of the Lord, but will 
not suffer both of us to labour together. 

I wish that here I could have ended my letter, that you might 
be spared the hearing of what will be unpleasing to you. But 
I shall not hesitate to inform you of what the Lord has done, 
who are yourself both learning and teaching others willingly to 
submit to His providence. Last Sabbath-day your nephew was 
seized with the plague. 1 His companion and the goldsmith who 
bore testimony to the Gospel at Lyons brought me word imme 
diately. As I had taken some pills to relieve the complaint in 
my head I could not go to him myself. Every thing, however, 
which was required for the preservation of his life was both 
faithfully and carefully attended to. A woman, acquainted 
with both languages, was engaged to sit up with him, and in 
some degree accustomed to the care of persons suffering under 
such maladies. Not being able to undergo the fatigue of con 
stant attendance herself, she got her son-in-law to assist her. 
Grynee visited him frequently ; I did so too as soon as my health 
allowed it. When our friend Du Tailly saw that I did not fear 
the danger, he insisted on sharing it with me : we were with 
him for a long while yesterday, and as the signs of approach 
ing death were now evident, I imparted spiritual rather than 
bodily comfort. He wandered a little in his mind, yet had so 
much consciousness of his state as to call me back to his chamber 

1 The pestilence, seven times in the course of this century, made great havoc in 
the city of Basle. The plague of 1565 can-led off a third part of the population 
of the town and fmbnrhs. See Jean de Midler, Hist. &lt;le la Confederation Sirisse, 
t&lt;&gt;ni. xi. pttssim, and the Diirti of the Physician P/crfenw, MS. Library of Basle. 



1538. FAKEL. 55 

that he might entreat me earnestly to pray for him ; for he 
had heard me discoursing of the benefit of prayer. This 
morning, about five o clock in the morning, he departed to 
the Lord. Of his companion, who was afflicted with the same 
malady, we cannot yet write anything certain. Yesterday, there 
appeared to me to be some hope. I fear, however, that last 
night may have injured him ; for although he occupied a sepa 
rate bedchamber, and had his own attendant, he heard what had 
happened to his companion. I shall see him, as I hope, again 
to-day. That excellent man, the goldsmith, because he had 
intercourse with the infected, has been dismissed by his master. 
I have sent him, with my recommendation, to Strasbourg, that 
he may get a situation there. Concerning the wearing apparel 
and other moveables of your nephew thus you have it : The 
son-in-law of the old woman affirms that all his clothes, 
which, however, are not many, were left to him, but with no 
appearance of truth, since he could not have done so unless 
in the intervals of delirium under which he laboured during 
the whole night. He has a sword and a shirt with Wolf. 
I know for certain that he had no money when he fell ill. 
It was required, therefore, to expend somewhat for his sup 
port while living and what w r as necessary for his burial. I fear, 
however, lest any little sum of money which I conjecture to 
remain may be made away with. This I write to you somewhat 
minutely, since I consider it right to inform you that you may 
know all. His landlord, Wolf, who has this morning told me 
all these things, thinks that the story about the legacy of 
clothes is a pure fable. He is a decent fellow, and one 
who conducts himself uprightly. Adieu, excellent and most 
esteemed brother. Hastily yours, 

CALVIN. 

Our friends salute you and Michael Mullot, who has stolen 
hither for three days during the holidays of his school, to take 
counsel along with us. On his return he will intimate that he 
does not remain there beyond the time agreed on. After having 
heard your last letter, Gryne e requested to be informed as 
soon as I should have obtained the first opportunity of a mes- 



56 FAREL. 1538. 

senger, but I was unwilling to interrupt him at this time of 
the day. 

[Lat. orig. autogr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.] 



XXIV. TO FAREL. 1 

Calvin at Strasbourg negotiations between Bucer and the magistrates of 
Geneva first preaching of Calvin in the French Church Anabaptists 
of Metz. 

STRASBOURG, [September 1538.J ; ; 

My departure from Basle was so hurried and disorderly, that 
I brought away with me, stuffed aside in the innumerable 
travelling-pouches of the brain, the letter which I promised 
would be left for you ; nor indeed was there at the time, any 
thing that required my writing sooner. Three days after my 
arrival a messenger presented himself, and there was already 
somewhat worth communicating. But as I was afraid to 
run the risk of sending my letter by that channel, I chose 
rather to put it off until now. Bucer 2 does not deny that N. 
has sent an answer such as might be expected from him. 
Indeed, the only reason he gives why he would not read it to 
me, is because he was unwilling to raise my indignation to 
no purpose. You may hence infer how much spiteful bitter 
ness there was in it, which, according to his wonted prudence, 
he plainly intimated could not be passed over by me with 
out committing a worse scandal. S., in the meanwhile, 
applauds his complacent courtesy. For he entertains the 
possible hope that both he (i.e., N.) and the senators who have 
hitherto been opposed to us can be reconciled, if only first 
of all we declare our good-will by letter. Which, as it is 

1 Letter without date, but written, as the first words indicate, shortly after the 
departure of Calvin from Basle, and his arrival at Strasbourg, (September 1538.) 
Earnestly solicited by Bucer and Capito to associate himself in their labours, ho 
had accepted the charge of Professor of Theology and the ministry of the French 
Church in that town. 

2 Bucer had entered into correspondence with some of the magistrates of Geneva 
to bring about a m:&lt;ndliation between tln-m and the banished ministers. 



1538. FAKEL. 57 

vastly ridiculous, Bucer reckons out of the question. But sup 
pose that might be hoped for, at what point could we begin ? 
Shall we, as though we were the authors of the scandal, 
study to conciliate them ? and that we may not blink that 
consideration, shall we consider, also, what method should 
be observed for the reparation of the offence? I am not of 
opinion that past negligences are so far about to be amended, 
nor do I perceive any provision about to be made for the 
future. We may indeed acknowledge before God and His 
people, that it is in some measure owing to our unskilful- 
ness, indolence, negligence, and error, that the Church com 
mitted to our care has fallen into such a sad state of col 
lapse j 1 but it is also our duty to assert our innocence and our 
purity against those who, by their fraud, malignity, knavery, 
and wickedness, have assuredly brought about this ruin. 
Willingly, "therefore, do we acknowledge before God and all 
the pious, that our unskilfulness, as well as carelessness, de 
served to be chastised by an example of this kind. But I 
will never admit that that unhappy Church fell into such 
utter disorder through our fault, seeing that we are conscious 
in ourselves, that it is far otherwise in the sight of God. 
Nor is there an individual among them who can fix upon 
us the smallest particle of blame. Now, in reference to the 
future, who cannot see that by the proposed method we shall 
be exposed to scorn and mockery ? For there is none of them 
who would not immediately cry out that we would shrink from no 
disgrace, however great, provided only that we might be restored 
to our position. But the Lord, as I hope, will open up a better way. 
Nor indeed has Bucer himself given over writing, whose autho 
rity they cannot despise ; but he will appear to be set at nought, 
unless at length they now yield somewhat to him. This, 
moreover, is his best hope, that if he shall not obtain a meeting 
or conference before next spring, even then at least he may 
discover a remedy. And in the meanwhile, perhaps the Lord 
will so order and dispose in providence that all may be more 
fully ripened. I preached on the Lord s day. which, as it was 

1 The Church at Geneva was at this, period given up to flip most lamentahlc 
divisions and in a state of deplorable disorder. 



58 THE CHURCH OF GENEVA. 1538. 

commended among the people by the acceptance of all the 
brethren, had many who were either hearers or at least spec 
tators. The brethren have a mind, should there appear to 
exist among them any face of a Church, to grant also the 
administration of the Lord s Sapper. At Metz, 1 when already 
everything was opposed to pure religion, when the Senate was 
sworn to its destruction, and when the priesthood had joined 
them with all their fury, there has arisen the plague of the 
Anabaptists, as it were, to create fresh scandal : two were cast 
headlong into the Moselle, a third was punished by banishment, 
with the brand of ignominy. So far as I could ascertain by 
conjecture, that barber who was the companion of Hermann 
was one of them. I fear that this pestilential doctrine is widely 
spread among the simple sort in that city. The Lord preserve 
you and the rest of the brethren to Himself, and make you the 
means of prospering His own work. Salute all of them for me, 
especially Thomas and the others who w^ere guests with me 
along with yourself. Yours, 

CALVIN. 

[Lat. orig. autoyr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 100.] 



XXV. To THE CHURCH OF GENEVA. - 3 

Letter of consolation and advice addressed to the Church at Geneva, de 
prived of her faithful pastor testimonies of his innocence confidence in 
God trust for the future. 

FROM STRASBOURG, this 1st of October 1538. 

To my dearly-beloved brethren in our Lord, who are the 
relics of the dispersion of the Church of Geneva, 

1 The Reformation had extended to Metz in 1523. Two martyrs, Jean le Clerc 
and Jean Chatelain, had sealed with their blood the introduction of the Gospel 
into that country. Beze, Hist. Eccl., torn. iii. p. 431. 

2 Although he had become the minister of a community of exiles, and had en 
gaged in theological works of the greatest importance at Strasbourg, the activity 
of Calvin was by no means confined to these objects. But in the midst of the 
contending claims on his time and care, his attention was ever turned towards the 
Church of which he had been the pastor towards " these relics of the dispersion," 
whom he exhorted from the depths of his exile, and whom he consoled by his letters. 



1538. THE CHURCH OF GENEVA. 59 

The mercy of God our Father, and the grace of our Lord 
Jesus Christ, be continually multiplied to you by the commu 
nication of the Holy Spirit. 

MY BRETHREN, I have restrained myself from writing to 
you until this present, in the hope that the letter of our brother 
Farel, who had taken upon him that charge for both, would 
prove sufficient ; and also by that means I would take off all 
occasion, in so far as was possible, for misrepresentation on the 
part of those who are on the outlook for it. That is, in order 
that they may not calumniate us by affirming that we pur 
pose, in drawing you closer to ourselves, to retain you in some 
degree of partiality toward us. I have been unable, however, 
to refrain from writing to you to assure you of the affection 
with which I do ever regard you, and my remembrance of 
you in the Lord, as it is my bounden duty ; neither shall 
that fear prevent me which has somewhat withheld me to the 
present time, forasmuch as I see right well that the colour 
of pretext which the malicious, from the love of detraction, 
might put upon it, would be found utterly frivolous and 
vain. God is our witness, and your own consciences before 
His judgment-seat, that while we had our conversation among 
you, our whole study has been to keep you together in happy 
union and concord of agreement. Those who, for the sake of 
making and maintaining a faction apart, had separated from 
us, have introduced division as well into your Church as into 
your town. Discerning the beginnings of that plague from 
the commencement, we have faithfully occupied ourselves as 
before God whom we serve, to apply the remedy ; where 
fore, an appeal to the past exempts us from all their calum 
nies. And if now, in thus communicating with you, we 
afford you some good reason to retain us in your memory, 
this ought not to be made a reproach to us ; for our own 
conscience is well assured Godward, that it has been by Him 
that we have been called to the fellowship of this ministry 
among you. For which reason it cannot be in the power of 
men to break asunder such a tie ; and as in time bygone we 
have been upheld, we hope still by the guidance of our Lord 
so to conduct ourselves, that we shall afford no occasion of 



GO THE CHURCH OF GENEVA. 1538. 

trouble, nor .present any cause of division, unless it be to 
those who are so closely banded against Jesus Christ and all 
His people, that they cannot suffer any agreement with His 
servants. For to such manner of folk, if this blessed Saviour 
is a scandal and an offence, what must we be, who ought to 
carry His mark impressed upon our soul and on our body ? 
But herein is our consolation, that we give them no occasion ; 
even as our kind Master did not come to throw obstacles in 
men s path, but rather to be the way wherein all may walk 
without stumbling. 

To proceed, then, my beloved brethren, for that the hand of 
the Lord, from all that I can understand, is continually 
stretched forth to visit you, and that by His righteous per 
mission the devil strives incessantly to scatter the Church 
which has begun to be formed among you, there is a manifest 
necessity to admonish you of your duty. That is, that you 
consider and seriously meditate, that whatsoever perversity 
of will urges forward to action the men who so trouble and 
vex you, the assaults are not made upon you so directly by 
them as they are the work of Satan, who uses their malice 
as his instrument, for your annoyance. This is what the 
Apostle teaches in the word of exhortation when he says, 
that we do not fight against flesh and blood, that is to say, 
against men, but against the powers of the air, and against the 
prince of darkness. You are well aware how necessary it is to 
reconnoitre an enemy to know by what method to counterwork 
his stratagems. If we set ourselves to do battle with men, 
thinking only to wreak our vengeance upon them, and so to 
have satisfaction for the wrongs which they have done to us, 
it may well be doubted whether we could ever conquer so 
long as we entertained such views. Nay, it is a certain 
fact, that by following that method, we shall ourselves be 
vanquished by the devil. On the other hand, if avoiding 
all conflict with men, except only insomuch as we are con 
strained to have them opposed to us, inasmuch as they 
are the adversaries of Jesus Christ, we do resist the wiles of 
our spiritual enemy, being furnished with the armour where 
with the Lord would have His people to be girded and 



1538. THE CHURCH OF GENEVA. 61 

strengthened; there need then be no fear about our getting 
the upper hand. Wherefore, my brethren, if you seek true 
victory, do not oppose evil by evil of a like kind, but laying 
aside all evil affections, be guided solely by your zeal for the 
service of God, moderated by His Spirit according to the rule 
of His Word. 

You have besides to consider, that these things have not 
thus fallen out without the dispensation of the Lord, who 
carries forward His purposes even by means of the wicked, 
according to the good pleasure of His own will. Now, that 
thought will turn you away from the pursuit of your enemies, 
to consider and look into yourselves, and so to consider, that 
you may acknowledge that you have well deserved on your 
part to receive such a visitation, to chastise your negligence, 
your contempt, or even your careless slighting of the Word 
of God which you had among you; your slothfulness in 
following and rendering to Him a strict obedience. For 
you cannot excuse yourselves from having committed many 
faults ; and how easy soever you may think it, to justify 
yourselves in some degree before men, nevertheless before 
God, your conscience must yet feel burdened and charge 
able. The servants of God have so demeaned themselves 
in their tribulations, that is to say, from whatever direction 
their trials came they have ever turned their thoughts to 
the hand of God and to their own sins, acknowledging the 
cause to be discoverable in themselves, and to afford quite 
sufficient reason why the Lord should so afflict them. Daniel 
understood well what had been the perverseness of the King of 
Babylon in his destruction and scattering of the people of God 
merely to satisfy his avarice, arrogance, and cruelty ; what also 
had been his iniquity in unjustly oppressing them. Yet never 
theless, seeing that the first cause lay wholly in themselves, 
inasmuch as the Babylonians could do nought against them 
unless by the Lord s permission, that he might follow and duly 
observe a right order, Daniel begins first with the confession 
of his own faults, and then those of the kings and of the people 
of Israel. If the prophet humbled himself in this manner, 
bethink yourselves what far greater occasion you have ; and if 



62 THE CHURCH OF GENEVA. 1538. 

it was necessary for him to do so in order to obtain the mercy 
of God, what purblind folly would it be in you to stand still and 
engage in the accusation of your enemies without any acknow 
ledgment of your own faults, which far surpass, by many degrees 
of ascent, those of the holy Seer ? 

In so far as we ourselves are concerned, if there is any occa 
sion to argue our case against the ungodly and calumniators 
who would charge offence upon us, I know that not only is our 
conscience clear to answer before God, but we have also where 
withal to purge ourselves before the whole w r oiid. And this 
assurance we have testified sufficiently when we demanded to 
be heard in our defence ; yea, even in the face of our adversaries, 
in answer to every thing which they would lay against us. A 
man had need to be well furnished with his justifications when 
he presents himself at so great disadvantage, being inferior 
in every way to his opponents, except in the goodness of his 
cause. As oft as the question recurs of compearance before 
God, I make no doubt that He has humbled us in this way to 
make us acknowledge our ignorance, our imprudence, and those 
infirmities which, for my own part, I feel in myself, and do 
make no difficulty in confessing before the Church of the Lord. 
In doing so we must not be afraid lest thereby we might give 
occasion to our enemies ; for Daniel did not justify Nabuchodo- 
nosor when he attributes to the sins of the Israelites the oppres 
sion which they suffered under that tyranny, but rather he has 
confounded him, shewing that he was the rod of God s wrath 
as well as the devil and his underlings. Neither is there any 
danger that we might subject our cause to reproach or sharne ; 
for if we have presented ourselves before all the Churches, 
shewing again and again that duly and faithfully we have 
discharged our duty, and if still from day to day we are ready 
to do so, it is no sign that we have thereby given the opportunity 
to bite, or to detract from us, and if we cannot hinder them 
from miscalling us seeing that some of them are transported, 
not simply by an unruly temper, but even by ungovernable 
rage, we know the promise which is given, that the Lord will 
make our innocence appear like the bright and morning star, 
and will cause our righteousness to shine forth like the sun. 



1538. THE CHURCH OF GENEVA. 63 

We may boldly lay hold on this confidence whenever there 
is occasion to contend against the wicked, albeit that we our 
selves may be answerable in a very high degree to the justice 
of the Lord. 

In the day of our humility and downcasting, the Lord, never 
theless, will not forsake us until He has supplied very full con 
solation to uphold and comfort ; we have it even ever present 
and ready to our hand, when Himself hath said in His Scrip 
ture of Truth, that the chastisements which He sends on His 
friends are for their welfare and salvation, provided they accept 
them with submission. Wherefore, my beloved brethren, re 
turn always to this consolation, that although the wicked strive 
with all their might to bring ruin upon your Church, and 
although your faults and offences have deserved far more 
than you could ever endure, yet, nevertheless, our Lord will 
vouchsafe such an outgate to the corrections which He has 
sent, as that they shall be made helpful to your salvation. His 
wrath towards His Church, inasmuch as it is only intended to 
bring her back to welldoing, is only for a little moment, and 
then it passes away, as saith the prophet ; His mercy, on 
the contrary, is eternal, extending to future generations; for 
from the fathers it descends to their children and to children s 
children. Look at the proceedings of your enemies, you 
will clearly discover that all their doings tend to confusion, 
and, notwithstanding, they are quite of the opinion that they 
have attained to the uttermost point of their enterprise. Do 
not, therefore, cast away your consolation, for that it hath 
pleased the Lord to abase you for a season, seeing that this 
is no more than what the Scripture forewarns you must conic 
to pass, even that He exalts the humble and the despised, 
and lifteth them out of the dust, the needy lie raises up 
from the dunghill ; that to those who are in weeping and in 
tears He gives a crown of joy ; that He gives light to those 
who sit in darkness, and raises up to newness of life those 
who have dwelt in the valley of the shadow of death. Hope, 
therefore, that this gracious God will open Rich a deliver 
ance that you shall have good cause to magnify and also to 
glorify his clemency. Take comfort from this blessed hope, 



f)4 THE CHURCH OF GENEVA. 1538. 

and strengthen yourselves also to endure patiently the rod of 
his correction, until He shall be pleased to declare himself 
gracious, which, without a doubt, will be erelong, provided 
that we can willingly commit all to the guidance of His pro 
vidence who knows the fit opportunity, and sees to be more for 
our real advantage than we can anyhow conceive. 

Above all, take heed that you watch unto prayer; for if 
your whole expectation rests upon God, as it ought, there 
is good reason to infer that your heart should be daily lifted 
up to heaven in calling upon the Lord, and earnestly sup 
plicating the mercy which you hope to obtain from himself. 
Understand, moreover, that if He delays to grant the desire 
of His children, and does not immediately manifest himself in 
the time of need for their deliverance, it is generally because 
He wishes to stir them up and urge them on to supplicate 
His favour. However confident we may be in making a vain 
glorious boast of putting our trust in Him, it will be of no 
avail while we do not offer any proof of it, by flying to Him 
as our refuge, in prayer. Besides, it is a matter of tried 
experience, that there is never such an earnest fervency of 
stayed affection and ardour in our prayers as there ought to 
be, save when we persevere therein without ceasing. 

I pray the Lord of all consolation to strengthen you and 
sustain you in patience, so long as it is His will to prove 
you in these tribulations, and to confirm you in the hope 
of the promises which He has made to His servants. He has 
said that He will not try them beyond what they can endure, 
but that along with the affliction He will increase strength 
and give a prosperous issue. 

Your brother and servant in the Lord, 

JOHN CALVIN. 

[Fr. cop)/ Archives of Geneva, No. 1203.] 



FAREL. 



XXVL To FAREL. 

Conferences of Basle- absence of the theologians of Zurich and of Berne 
the minister Konzen complaints against Bucer a wish for the estab 
lishment of Ecclesiastical discipline celebration of the Supper in the 
French Church of Strasbourg the news of Germany and the Netherlands 
question addressed to Melanchthon domestic affairs. 

[October 1538. 1 ] 

Grace to you and peace in the Lord. 

Yes, indeed, I do very much rejoice that the marriage of 
Grynee happened at the time when so many and such weighty 
matters kept you necessarily at home. For the expected con- 
ferential meeting did not after all take place, 2 and after two 
days our friends returned. Yea, forsooth, and the Zurichers had 
scented out what Grynee would be at ; therefore, having pro 
mised that they would be present on the day appointed, they 
managed somehow to excuse themselves. Afterwards, when 
they were pressed somewhat closer on the affair of the confer 
ence, they cut off all hope of it. We have reason to lament 
that good and otherwise right-hearted men are not more ear 
nestly affected by the desire of promoting the public peace. 
For if they no longer need to care for the establishment among 
themselves of a godly union, they ought at least to consider it a 
duty to endeavour to come to a good mutual understanding 
with the churches. Luther, with whom I do freely acknow 
ledge that I am not satisfied, may have been to blame. But 
what will it at length come to, if thus of set purpose we 
contend with each other, which can exceed the other in sin ? 

1 From Farel s hand: Received in the month of October 1538. 

2 The negotiations relative to the union of the Reformed Churches of Germany 
with those of Switzerland, were at all times eagerly promoted by Bucer. But the 
theologians of Zurich had but little hope of arriving at a satisfactory accord of 
agreement between the two parties, on account of the absolute opinion of Luther 
on the Supper. Having been invited to a conference held in the house of Simon 
Grynee, at Basle, they did not attend that meeting, where Bucer and Capito were 
both present, and which took place without attaining the object for which they had 
met. Hospinian, Hist. Sacrament., vol. ii. pp. 290-300. 

VOL. I. E 



66 FAREL. 1538. 

Besides, they are in no trifling degree injurious to Bucer, con 
cerning whom they cannot brook the thought of imagining any 
good. Lastly, while they desire to have the upper hand in every 
thing, they are faulty in the very form and substance of their 
procedure. For why do they stand in so much dread of a Con 
vocation ? If they have seen anything in Bucer which needs 
to be reproved, where could they find a more suitable occasion 
for admonishing him ? It is needless, however, for me to 
write of these things to you, who deplore them as much as 
myself, and who are not able to correct them. The Bernese, 
expecting that we should soon have a conference, have thought 
that it would be expedient to absent themselves from the 
marriage, that they might not appear to take any measure 
separately or apart from others. Therefore they also excused 
themselves. As for myself, unless I had wished to rush 
upon death, it was impossible for me at that time to ven 
ture on a journey. The day before I must have set out, so 
violent an attack of dysentery had seized me, that in the course 
of a single day I was exhausted to such a degree, that I could 
with difficulty remain with comfort in one position ; it was 
well, therefore, that you did not fatigue yourself to no purpose. 
The conference which you relate as having had with the mayor 
was by no means to be evaded, although I confess that it afforded 
me very little pleasure. For I see much that we have to fear 
in that quarter ; what good we may expect, I do not perceive. 
He manifests the same disposition in his expressions wiiich we 
have hitherto known by experience. For he either upbraids 
and rails at us, or, where there is not any ground of more 
serious accusation, in his own peculiar way he trifles with you, 
carping and biting under cover of some figurative expression. 
Then you were scarcely cautious enough when you came to 
speak of Konzen, 1 in having poured out your indignation with 
such exceeding liberality. How much do I fear lest this your 
complaint, although most just, prove the cause of much annoy 
ance to us ! The other things which nettled the spirit of the 
man, I venture to believe, may have been so well excused, that 

1 Pierre Konzen, minister of Berne, the opponent of Farel and of Calvin, whose 
conduct at Geneva he disapproved. 



1538. FAREL. 67 

even what you said about Konzen may have passed over 
quietly. As for the rest, if you hearken to our friends, you 
will endeavour for the future when you meet with him, and 
in so far as he shall give you opportunity, to insinuate your 
self into his familiarity : he cannot manage so craftily but that 
you may hear many things ivliicli it may be of use for us 
to know. Himself also will be forced to hear, in his turn, 
many things from you, by which his temper will either be in 
some small degree softened or subdued. What ought to be 
said, what not spoken about at all, and what method of treat 
ment is to be applied in each emergency, it would be absurd 
were I to admonish you. From long and close experience, you 
yourself know the temper and disposition of the man. The best 
defence of our cause is planted in the truth, from which, should 
I attempt to draw you away, I could effect nothing. If we be 
lieve the Lord the defender of the innocent, since we cannot be 
deprived of the testimony of a good conscience as in his sight, 
let us be content with this sole defence. For I will never advise 
that we should adopt those underhand, those wily methods, which 
are the false refuges of a bad cause. Nevertheless, we must not 
let slip the opportunities which, in entering upon a course of sin 
cere dealing with the conscience, do not require us to set aside 
our own reason, and we ought to reckon it a great gain to have 
restored such a man to many of the servants of Christ, from 
whom, by the false representations of the wicked, to the great 
loss and inconvenience of the Church, he had become estranged. 
Lastly, whether you can thoroughly conciliate him to yourself 
or them, this, however, in any event, will be beneficial, if you 
shew yourself friendly. 

It is singular how confidently Sulzer undertakes for Konzen 
even yet. For he writes that there is not a doubt but that he 
will consent willingly to the Diet, and refer the matter to arbi 
tration, that we may return to an entire agreement. What I 
disapprove of in Bucer s method of dealing with this matter is, 
that he declares that we have sinned through too much severity ; 
he subjoins, it is true, But where shall you find better ? where 
more learned ? I would rather that he had been more sparing 
of praise, and at the same time have abstained from any charge 



68 FAREL. 1538. 

against us, that he might not have this only vantage-ground, 
on which he may flatter himself that he has got the victory. 

In your next letter I look for a full detail of the matters 
which have been discussed in your assembly, as well as of what 
has been done. Most gladly would I hear that somewhat has 
been undertaken which might tend to consolidate the Church. 
With great exertion they hasten forward the setting up of our 
Discipline, but without seeming to do so, that the evil-disposed 
may not understand what they are about, and throw hindrances 
in their way at the very commencement. If any degree of order 
is established here, I see some good prospect of introducing it 
among you, if it is sought for on the common application of the 
brethren in the first assembly. But this must be well considered 
before the fall of the year. Indeed, I do not see any hope of 
success in trying to bring it about sooner. For if the assembly 
shall be obtained after winter, of which Sulzer s letter holds out 
to us the expectation, it will be occupied with other business, 
unless, perhaps, it passes from the consideration of Ecclesias 
tical Agreement to that of Order. I almost think that I have 
found out the cause which took Morand and Marcourt to Berne, 1 
since they are learning by experience what they did not foresee, 
that in order to clear themselves of the imputation of conceit or 
vanity, they must lay the blame on the exceeding malignity of 
those who favour our views. If I am not mistaken in my opi 
nion, they will so strain the terms of their accusation, as to 
embrace the entire community of Geneva. Thus, of necessity 
they will have to seek out a new settlement for themselves. May 
the Lord so order it, that they might set themselves down any 
where else than in your neighbourhood. If we had fit persons 
here who could drive away such pests immediately on their 
approach, I would rather take in hand to go thither myself, 
than leave you exposed to such danger as I see to impend over 
you, if they make an inroad. For the first time, we have admi 
nistered the sacrament of the Supper in our little church 2 
according to the custom of the place, which we purpose to 
repeat every month. Capito and Bucer, and all our brethren, 

1 Ministers of the Church of Geneva. See note 1, p. 50. 

2 The French Church of Strasbourg. 



1538. FABEL. 69 

have charged me in their name to return their friendly saluta 
tions to our friends. Bucer has undertaken a long and at 
tin s season of the year tiresome journey : he is gone to the 
Landgrave, and thence he will go into Saxony. He has busi 
ness to treat about with the Landgrave and some of the free 
cities, with Luther and the Saxons, relating to the Ecclesias 
tical property, which they desire to restore to its legitimate 
purposes. I delivered to him a letter for Philip, in which I 
requested that he would inform me of his opinion in this mat 
ter. I appended twelve Articles, which if he can acquiesce in 
them with me, nothing farther can be required, either from 
himself or Luther, in this business. If I receive anything of a 
reply, I will thereupon communicate with you. I wrote so hur 
riedly, that I had not the opportunity of retaining a copy. 
Germany is alarmed by the expectation of new disturbances : if 
the affair of the Dukedom of Gueldres is to be decided by arms 
with the Duke of Cleves, there is some danger lest our friends 
be drawn indirectly into the contest. What the amount of our 
reckoning was with Oporin you will understand from his letter. 
It was the opinion of Grynee that the wine ought not to be taken 
into account, because he had bestowed it himself. When, how 
ever, I saw that Oporin of his own accord was not inclined 
thereto, I was unwilling to higgle about it. You have boarded 
seven weeks and two days with him, myself two months and 
about twelve clays ; which I think will amount to less than 
the heavy expense which you anticipated. Thus I divide it : 
I pay five gold crowns ; you, four. Balthazar had given us 
eight crowns ; there was one remaining of the common fund. 
You had paid six out of your own money ; I, one. Thus 
there had been paid by you ten and a half. You have received, 
through my brother, five crowns ; four have been expended on 
victuals ; I yet owe you one gold crown and a half, which I will 
pay as soon as possible. Here, unless I would be a burden to the 
brethren, I must live at my own expense. I have paid that 
which was owing for hire to the owner of the horse, and 
the half of what was due to the matron with whom we had a 
bed. I have about twenty shillings of Basle money, more or 
less ; for the hire of the horse cost sixteen shillings and a half. 



70 FAllEL. 1538. 

My outlay on account of your nephew I have received except 
about ten shillings, which Claude was about to send me ; for 
there was wherewithal to make up that small amount. I do 
not know what prevented him. I mention that, lest you may 
think that I had received nothing. Adieu, my very dear 
brother, with all our brethren, whom may the Lord preserve, 
along with yourself, in safety. Yours, CALVIN. 

What is that I hear about the ludicrous engagement of the 
Bombardiers ? Why, they say that it has become a matter of 
ridicule to the whole neighbourhood ! WTiat brazen impudence ! 
As if they were not everywhere sufficiently odious already, 
unless they take occasion from every folly : thus it is that God 
darkens the understanding of his enemies, either with frivolities 
or things of nought. I shall remove within two days to the 
dwelling of Bucer. I have kept this letter ten days waiting for 
a messenger. 

[Oriy. autogr. Library of Geneva, Vol. 106.] 



XXVIL TO LOUIS DU TlLLET. 1 

^ Reply to doubts as to the lawfulness of his call inward assurance of his 
calling declines the kind offer of Louis du Tillet appeals to the tribunal 
of God from the accusation of schism charged on him by his friend. 

STRASBOURG, 20th October 1538. 

Prolonged and lengthened as the time has been during which 
our Lord has made me feel the exhortations and remonstrances 

1 In a new letter to Calvin (7th September 1538) Louis du Tillet had thought it 
his duty to signalize the events which had recently occurred at Geneva as a pro 
vidential chastening, destined to recall his old friend from the way of schism. " I 
am disposed to think, indeed," said he, " that the things which have happened to 
you have been brought about and pursued by the evil disposition of persons who 
have more care about the aims and ends of this world than consideration of what 
is due to God. But what I beseech you take in good part, I believe you have 
rather to consider on your part whether our Lord has not meant to warn you 
by that to bethink yourself if there has been nothing to reprove in your adminis 
tration and to humble you in His sight, and that by this means the great gifts and 
graces with which our Lord has furnished you may be employed to His glory, to 



1538. LOUIS DU TILLET. 71 

which are contained in your letter, I cannot but take them in 
good part, unless, indeed, I would give the lie to my own con 
science. I learn therefrom, that in the dealings which our Lord 
has taken with me, I should find both material and occasion for 
the acknowledgment of my faults. Neither am I content to ex 
amine myself only and call them to mind, but, as was my duty, 
I have made no difficulty to confess them in the presence of 
those who would have been better pleased to justify me than 
to ween that there was any need to blame myself. True 
it is that, so far as our adversaries are concerned, I have, with 
good reason, always maintained mine innocence, suchlike as I 
could testify it before God. And, in like manner, I have never 
yielded to those who set themselves up rashly to sit in judg 
ment, as for the most part overforward to determine the nature 
of the malady while ignorant of its root. But I have never failed 
to declare, whether it was in public or in private, that we must 
accept that calamity as a singularly remarkable chastisement of 
our ignorance as well as of our other vices which called for it. 
Whatsoever are my peculiar faults as an individual, while I 
can discern very many, yet I hold, nevertheless, that I do not 
perceive the greatest of them, even the grosser faults. Where 
fore, I pray the Lord that He would make them more clearly 
manifest to me from day to day. Those which you point out 
are not to be laid to my charge. If there was any ground to 
dispute my call, I believe that you have got no such reasons to 
impugn my ministry, but the Lord has furnished me with more 
firm and stable ones for my confirmation. If you entertain 
some doubt about that, it is enough for me that it is quite clear 
to my own satisfaction, and not only so, but that I can approve 
it to those who are willing to submit their censures to the test 
of truth. You do well to admonish me that it is wrong to con 
fide too much in one s own understanding, for I know my range 
to be such that I cannot presume ever so little upon myself 
without exceeding. I would, however, request of you to believe 
that the complaints which, on other occasions, you have heard 

the salvation of His elect, and on that account always more and more increased." 
MSS. of Paris. Calvin replies to that objection, and appeals from " the sentence 
of the wise" to the tribunal of God. 



72 LOUIS 1)L T1LLET. 1538. 

rue make, were not the utterances of hypocrisy, for they testi 
fied that I was well aware of my insufficiency for the charge I 
hold. 

You dwell very much upon the point, that it might be pain 
ful to us to make retractions under the fear of the imputation 
of trifling, when we have formed a rash and inconsiderate deter 
mination. For my own part, as I know well enough that by 
good right I ought to fear lest that foolish ambition should so 
far hoodwink me as to deflect the straightforwardness of my 
judgment, so, on the other hand, I hope that our Lord will not 
leave me so far to myself as to fall into such a degree of pride, 
that for the sake of preserving mine own honour scatheless 
I would wilfully oppose myself to His truth. I have discussed 
this Cjuestion with some eminent persons whom you know. I 
cannot, even now, see the case in any other light than that which 
I have declared. I know not whether the witness who w r as pre 
sent has brought you any random report of what took place, 
as he has a shrewd turn at upsetting and embroiling whatsoever 
he puts his hand to. 

Concerning that objection of condemning others, I feel con 
strained to make one observation, which possibly shall not be 
pleasing to you. I would that you should take a part of 
these observations to yourself. For in calling the darkness 
light throughout the whole of your letter, you do condemn 
those who walk far more straightforwardly in regard to that 
matter than any of yourselves. 1 I shall not enter upon a dis 
putation, for neither is that your intention ; but I would like 
to know what equity there is in a person who passes judgment 
in his closet, condemning all those who maintain their doctrine 
daily openly before all the world, and who thinks, notwith 
standing, that it is presumption in those others to dare to 



1 The passage in Du Tillet s letter, to which Calvin here alludes, is as follows : 
" One thing to be most carefully avoided is an overweening confidence in our own 
judgment, and a too great readiness either to accept new opinions or to condemn 
old ones, especially where matters of religion or piety are concerned ; for a mistake 
on such ground is more fatal than on any other ; . . . . and God punishes the 
temerity of such as thus act, bringing them into a thousand perplexities." MSS. 
of Paris. 



1538. LOUIS DU TILLET. 73 

condemn the manifest enemies of God and of his majesty. 
What you have said in reference to that question I take 
as proceeding from a good intention, but must attribute it 
to a very different spirit from that of God. Touching my 
retirement, I confess to you that I have found somewhat 
strange the first word which you have spoken to me regarding 
it, as to seeking the means of returning to a place where I 
would be as it were in a sort of hell. 1 The earth is the Lord s, 
you will say, but I beg you will allow me to follow the rule of 
my conscience, which I know to be surer than yours. As to 
my resuming the charge, I could indeed have wished to be be 
lieved and taken at my word ; and had I only had to do with 
those whom you might consider too inconsiderately and obsti 
nately determined on setting men to work, I should have been 
in no hurry to do so ; but when the most moderate of them all 
threaten that the Lord would find me out as he did Jonah ; 
and when they come to such words as these, " Suppose to your 
self the Church to be lost through your fault alone. What 
better course of repentance lies open to you than to dedicate 
yourself wholly to the Lord ? You who are endowed with 
such gifts, with what conscience can you decline the ministry 
which is offered to you ? &c. . . . " 2 What else to do I knew 
not, except to state the reasons which deterred me, in order 
that I might follow my own inclination with their consent. 
When that was to no purpose, I concluded that I had no 
alternative, in such a state of perplexity, but to follow that 

1 That is to say, in France. Louis du Tillet had advised Calvin to return to that 
country, where the profession of the Evangel was interdicted. " I greatly desire 
that on your part it might be possible for you to retire hithenvard, and that our 
Lord had furnished you the means . . . but if that cannot be done as yet, I ap 
plaud and appreciate your determination to stop for the present at Basle, without 
mixing yourself up in anything else. In waiting upon our Lord you will shew 
plainly whitherward you tend." MSS. of Paris. 

2 These expressions are taken from a letter addressed by Simon Grynee to 
Calvin, to induce him to decide on accepting the ministerial charge at Strasbourg. 
Here is the original text, which Calvin quotes from memory : " Fac esse quod 
tua unius gravissima culpa res Christ! sic labefactae sint Genevas, non tamen pia 
erit ejusniodi pcenitentia, qua in ist-a ministrorum qui istic idonei sunt copia, tu 
istis dotibus non tibi sed Ecclesise orriatus, oblatum ministerium repudies." 
Gryncei Ejii stolce, edition of Streuber, p. 55. 



74 LOUIS DU TILLET. 1538. 

which I thought was pointed out to me by the servants of God. 
I give you my hearty assurance that care about the body would 
not have brought me to that conclusion, for I had seriously 
pondered the question of setting about the gaining of a liveli 
hood for myself in some private station, which I think is not 
altogether impossible ; but I have decided that the will of God 
has otherwise disposed. If I have erred, reprove me, I beseech 
you, only let it not be by a simple explicit condemnation, to 
which I can attribute no authority, against so many reasons 
and the testimony of individuals who are nowise contemptible, 
nor ought they to be so accounted in your esteem. 

You have made me an offer for which I cannot sufficiently 
thank you ; neither am I so rude and unmannerly as not to feel 
the unmerited kindness so deeply, that even in declining to 
accept it, I can never adequately express the obligation that I 
owe you. 1 I shall abstain, however, as much as possible, from 
being burdensome to any one, but principally to you, who have 
already in the past been put to too much expense. My aliment 
at present costs me nothing. To meet my necessary require 
ments over and above my daily bread, the money for the books 
will furnish somewhat, for I hope that you will kindly give me 
others in case of need. Had you addressed your proposition 
to me in such terms as to have left no imputation, but only on 
myself personally, I could easily have put up with it. But 
inasmuch as you do injustice to the truth of God, and to His 
servants, it has on my part been inevitable that I must reply 
briefly, in order that you may not indulge the notion that I 
have acquiesced. I believe that you have considered our afflic 
tion to be quite sufficient to cast me into the utmost perplexity, 
even such as to throw all former trials into the shade. I have 
been greatly afflicted, it is true, but never to such a degree as 



1 Du Tillet had made an offer of money to Calvin in the letter above cited : 
"It is possible that you may be ill provided with money, without which you 
cannot live there in a manner becoming you ; but you need not mind about that, 
for should you receive nothing elsewhere but from me, if you wish it, God helping, 
I will supply enough to meet your necessity, as for the present I have no occasion 
for any money, living entirely in the house of my brother . . . But that not 
withstanding, I will find means to furnish you." 



1538. FAREL. 75 

to have to say, Nescio ubi sint vice Domini, (I know not where 
are the ways of the Lord,) wherefore these temptations are 
tried upon me in vain. 

One of my companions 1 is now before God to render account 
of the cause which has been common to him and me. When 
we come thither, it will be known on which side the rashness 
and desertion has been. It is thither that I appeal from the 
judgments of all the worldly-wise sages, who think their simple 
word has weight enough for our condemnation. There, the 
angels of God will bear witness who are the schismatics. 

After having humbly commended myself to your good-will 
I shall entreat our Lord that He would uphold and keep you 
in His holy protection, so directing you, that you decline not 
from His way. Your humble servant and sincere friend, 

CHARLES D ESPEVILLE. 

[Fr. Copy Imperial Library of Paris. Fonds Baluze, 8069-5.] 



XXVIII. To FAREL. 

Death of Courault Calvin s discouragement and trust in God answers a 
question of Saunier regarding the Supper the faithful at Geneva ex 
horted not to separate from the new preachers affectionate advice given 
to Farel. 

STRASBOURG, 24th October 1538. 

The death of Courault has so overwhelmed me, that I can set 
no bounds to my grief. 2 None of my daily occupations can so 
avail to engage my mind as that they do not seem to turn upon 
that one thought. Distress and wretchedness during the day 

1 The minister Courault. See following note. 

2 The aged monk, Augustin Courault, a zealous preacher of the Reformation at 
Paris and at Geneva. He took part with Calvin and Farel ; after a short imprison 
ment was banished from Geneva, found a retreat with Christopher Fabri at 
Thonon, and was appointed pastor at Orbe, where he died, 4th October 1538. 
Courault was advanced in years, and had become blind. (" Illuminant les ames, 
dit Beze, combien qu il fust devenu aveugle quant au corps." Hist. Eccl. torn. i. 
p.^15.) His death, which was at first attributed to poison, caused the deepest 
regret both to Farel and Calvin, who were his colleagues in the ministry. 



76 FAKEL. 1538. 

seems only to prepare a lodging for the more painful and 
excruciating thoughts of the night. It is not merely the 
want of sleep, to which custom has so inured me, by which 
I am harassed, but I arn utterly exhausted by these melan 
choly thoughts all night long, than which I find there is 
nothing more destructive of my health. But that atrocious 
deed chiefly rankles my mind, if indeed the suspicion is well 
founded, to which, whether I will or nill, I am constrained 
to allow some weight. To what a degree of wickedness 
must our posterity at length arrive when in the very com 
mencement such monstrosities rise up before our eyes ? I 
much fear lest this great wickedness may speedily be punished 
by some great affliction of the Church. Moreover, it is no 
slight evidence of the anger of God, that amid so great a 
scarcity of good ministers, the Church should be deprived of 
one who stood in the foremost rank of the good. What else, 
therefore, dear brother- can we do than lament our calamity ? 
although, nevertheless, we are not lacking in solid consola 
tion. This of itself is a great comfort when all do thus 
testify, by affectionate sorrow as for their OAVH loss, the high 
esteem in which they held him for courage and uprightness. 
So neither does the Lord suffer the wickedness of our enemies 
to remain concealed upon earth. They have not gained the 
worth of a single hair by his death. For there stands before 
the judgment-seat of God a witness and avenger of their 
villany, whose voice will proclaim their destruction more 
loudly than if it shook the earth. We, the survivors whom 
the Lord has left behind for a while, let us persevere in 
the same path wherein our deceased brother walked until we 
have finished our course. Whatsoever difficulties may be 
thrown across our path, they will not prevent our arriving at 
that rest into which he has been already admitted. Unless 
this sure hope held us firm and steadfast, what ground of 
despair encompasses us round about ? But since the truth 
of the Lord remains firm and unshaken, let us stand reso 
lutely upon the watch-tower even to the end, until the king 
dom of Christ, which is now hidden and obscured, may shine 
forth. 



1538. FAREL. 77 

Our opponents have already sounded the trumpet on ac 
count of the sentence pronounced against the town of Minden. 1 
As the interest of religion is concerned in the matter, our 
friends are necessarily implicated. It will be our surest and 
invincible defence if the Lord of Hosts shall defend us by His 
own strength. Otherwise we are scarcely strong enough to 
repel the assaults of our enemies. Let us therefore take refuge 
in that one asylum, which, even although the whole earth may 
be shaken, can never be moved. 

We do not slacken our endeavour, and continue to cry in 
cessantly for a conference until it shall have been obtained. 
Saunier 2 wished another question to be discussed by us, - 
Whether it is lawful for himself, and others similarly situated, 
to receive the sacrament of the Lord s Supper from the hands 
of the new ministers, and to partake of it along with such a 
promiscuous assemblage of unworthy communicants ? In this 
matter I quite agree with Capito. This, in brief, was the 
sum of our discussion : that among Christians there ought 
to be so great a dislike of schism, as that they may always 
avoid it so far as lies in their power. That there ought to 
prevail among them such a reverence for the ministry of the 
Word and of the Sacraments, that wherever they perceive 
these things to be, there they may consider the Church to 
exist. Whenever therefore it happens, by the Lord s per 
mission, that the Church is administered by pastors, whatever 
kind of persons they may be, if we see there the marks of the 

1 As one of the cities in league with Smalkalde for the defence of the Gospel, 
the town of Minden had just been placed under the ban of the empire. The 
Roman Catholic princes of Germany confederated at Nuremberg, prepared to exe 
cute the sentence against which the Protestant princes had solemnly protested. 
Sleidan, Commentarii, lib. xii. p. 338, edit, de 1612, in 4to. 

2 Antony Saunier, countryman and disciple of Farel, was honoured to be his 
companion in announcing for the first time the simple Gospel in Geneva, (Septem 
ber 1532.) (See Spon, Hist, de Geneve, torn. i. p. 215, Note P.) Having been 
appointed Regent of the college of that town, he offered, in 1538, a determined 
opposition to the pastors who were elected in room of Farel and Calvin, and along 
with his colleague Mathurin Cordier was banished, on account of his refusal not 
withstanding the advice of Calvin himself, to receive the sacrament at the hands 
of the new ministers. He retired to the Pays de Vaud, and at a later period be 
came pastor of the church at Morges. 



78 FAREL. 1538. 

Church, it will be better not to break the unity. Nor need it 
be any hindrance that some points of doctrine are not quite 
so pure, seeing that there is scarcely any Church which does 
not retain some remnants of former ignorance. It is sufficient 
for us if the doctrine on which the Church of God is founded 
be recognised, and maintain its place. Nor should it prove 
any obstacle, that he ought not to be reckoned a lawful pastor 
who shall not only have fraudulently insinuated himself into 
the office of a true minister, but shall have wickedly usurped it. 
For there is no reason why every private person should mix 
himself up with these scruples. The Sacraments are the means 
of communion with the Church ; they must needs therefore be 
administered by the hands of pastors. In regard to those, 
therefore, who already occupy that position, legitimately or 
not, and although the right of judging as to that is not denied, 
it will be well to suspend judgment in the meantime, until the 
matter shall have been legally adjudicated. Therefore, if 
men wait upon their ministry, they will run no risk, that 
they should appear either to acknowledge or approve, or in any 
way to ratify their commission. But by this means they will 
give a proof of their patience in tolerating those who they 
know will be condemned by a solemn judgment. The refusal 
at first of these excellent brethren did not surprise nor even 
displease me. In truth, at a time of so great excitement, 
which could not fail to produce an ebullition in the minds of 
men, a schism in the body of Christ was the infallible result. 
Besides, they were still uncertain whither at length this tem 
pest would drive them, which for the time put everything in 
confusion and disorder. 

Saunier then proceeded to speak of himself, but with so 
much contention, that it seemed as if he would never have an 
end until he had extorted what he sought. There was evident 
ground of reason why we should deny. For prudence in mak 
ing a due distinction is required from the minister to whom 
the dispensation of this sacred mystery belongs. Moreover, he 
who has not from the first repudiated their fellowship plainly 
approves their ministry. Lastly, the question having been 
reduced to these conditions, whether it were better to yield or 



1538. FAEEL. 79 

to refuse, I forced him into this dilemma: If the minister 
does his duty, all will at once go well ; if not, it will beget a 
scandal which must not be endured, whatever supposed advant 
ages might arise therefrom. But when he perceived that I was 
firmly determined to accomplish what I sought to effect, he 
readily acquiesced therein, whatever it was. We know by our 
experience how difficult it is to keep within due bounds those 
who are puffed up with a silly opinion of their own wisdom. 
When we all thought this particular time very unseasonable 
for discussing the points in dispute among the brethren, the 
Lord has surpassed our utmost expectation. Whatever we 
sought has been obtained. Saunier at first seemed to dislike 
that any formula of confession should be required. He sup 
posed that our friends would be satisfied for this alone, because 
they had been taught by himself. Afterwards, however, he 
relaxed his opposition and approved without further contro 
versy, such as I have drawn it in their name. I fear that the 
person will give you most trouble whose business it ought to be 
to help you ; however, by patient sufferance you will struggle 
through. I entreat of you, my dear brother, in so great 
iniquity of the time in which we live, that you will use your 
utmost endeavour to keep together all who are any way bear 
able. As to the trifling ceremonies, strive to induce the 
brethren not to dispute the point with those of their neighbour 
hood with so much of stiifnecked obstinacy. It will then come 
to pass that we may carry our point, ourselves free from all, 
that we may only serve the interests of peace and Christian 
agreement. If I omit any important points, it is because 
your letter, which I had given to Capito to read, has not yet 
been returned to me. May the Lord preserve and strengthen 
you by His Spirit, confirm you in the ensuring of all things, 
my most beloved brother in the Lord. Your anxiety on my 
account admonishes me in my turn to recommend your taking 
care of your health, for all accounts report that you appear 
very much worn out. I beg and entreat of you, my dear 
brother, have such regard to others as at the same time to keep 
in mind that the Church of Christ cannot yet spare you. 
Greet a thousand times for me all the brethren who are with 



80 FAREL. 1538. 

you ; Viret, Francis also and James, when you write to them. 
Capito, Sturm, and Firmin, desire to salute you in the most 
friendly way. 

[Lat. orii). autogr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.] 



XXIX. To FAREL. 

Second edition of the " Institution of a Christian" death of Robert 
Olivetan state of religion in Germany first lectures of Calvin at Stras 
bourg. 

Month of January 1539. 

The grace of the Lord be with you, most sound-hearted 
brother. 

You would have received a longer letter from me had not 
grief of mind so distracted me that I had neither heart nor 
hand capable of discharging duty. When I thought that the 
edition of my work was quietly going forward, 1 lo and behold ! 
a copy is forwarded to me by my brother in the same state in 
which I had sent it ; therefore it must be put off to the next 
fair-time. This kindness has been repaid to me by Eobert. 
Although there is privately no reason why I should vex myself 
on this account ; yet since I supposed that it would be of 
public advantage that it should go forth as soon as possible, I 
could not be otherwise than greatly annoyed that the expecta 
tion and desire of many good men should be frustrated by 
the cross humour of a single individual ; for I do not wish to 
say anything more severe. The death of our friend Oli- 
vetan followed upon that other vexation, of which the wife 
of Sinapi informed rne by letter. 2 You will therefore bear 
with me in my reasonable sorrow, if my letters are not only 

1 He refers here to the second edition of the Institution Chretienne, which ap 
peared in 1539 at Strasbourg. 

2 Robert Olivetan died, in 1538, at Ferrara. That intelligence was announced 
to Calvin by Francisca Bucyronia, wife of the physician, John Sinapi, a German, 
settled at the Court of the Duchess of Ferrara as the preceptress of her children. 



1539. FAREL. 81 

confused, but also somewhat concise. What you mention 
about the reply of Konzen cheered me as much as was pos 
sible in such sadness. I entreat you, my dear brother, that 
we may follow up such favourable and auspicious beginnings. 
Now, for the first time, our spirit can be raised to entertain 
good hope of the result ; but, as you observe, we must have a 
conferential meeting, without which the fallen and miserably 
scattered churches cannot be built up. Scarcely could I have 
dared to hope for any good until I understood that this opening 
had occurred. Now am I led to entertain the sure hope of an 
excellent result, if we have once an opportunity of meeting 
together. We must wait, however, for the return of Bucer, 
who, when he was arrived at no great distance from home, 
was drawn back again upon a new piece of business, a 
secret indeed, but which I will whisper in your ear. Duke 
George of Saxony, 1 beyond all expectation, intimated that 
he wished to have some consultation with him and Melanch- 
thon about religion and the reformation of the Church, and 
appointed a day for them to come to Leipsic, on which he 
promised that he would be present ; therefore both secretly set 
out thither. If he comes to any determination he will draw 
many others after his example. Some of the princes are im 
pelled by a fierce desire of stirring up war against us, and 
already they are prepared with all requisite munition. They 
are, however ,kept in some restraint by the more prudent, who 
foresee that the Turk will not remain quiet if he sees Germany 
engaged in civil war. Already he has possession of Upper and 
Lower Wallachia, and has declared war upon the King of 
Poland unless he allow him free passage through his territories. 
As soon as Bucer returns I will tire you with a long story, 
for I am very confident that he will bring along with him a 
great store of news. He has loaded Saunier and the brethren 
with superfluous expense, and has hence fatigued them with 



1 George Duke of Saxony, cousin of the Elector of Saxony, John Frederick. 
Although the princes of his family had adopted the (so called) new doctrines, this 
prince had constantly opposed the Reformation, which he persecuted in his states. 
He died in 1589. 

VOL. T. F 



82 FAIIEL. 1539. 

labour to no purpose. I am too much intent on the success 
of this project to have any need to be goaded on regarding 
it ; but what could I do, since the proposed Diet of the princes 
and free cities on whom the charge was laid has not yet been 
held ? There met lately a council of the cities at Erlangen, 
but that concerned other matters ; nor was it composed only of 
those of our persuasion, although the cities sent deputies, but of 
all promiscuously. The Diet of those of our side, both of the 
princes and of the cities, is called for the eighth of February, 
before which day ambassadors from the Duke of Saxony and 
the Landgrave are to come hither. We are so cordial in the 
undertaking that we shall omit no opportunity of promoting it 
so far as lies in us. 

Having lately been induced by Capito, against my inclina 
tion, to lecture publicly, I either lecture or preach daily. 
Michael writes you. Others more fitted for the work will fall 
in afterwards, if they have only a little time given them. All 
send you their most friendly greetings, and specially Capito, 
who only does not write because he thinks my letter sufficient. 
Sturm, also, and Firmin, and Gaspar, and Henry, and the others. 
Adieu, most excellent brother ; may the Lord preserve you for 
Himself and His people. Salute all the brethren from me. 

You may hence be able to conjecture my state of com 
posure, from the circumstance that I have altogether forgotten 
in writing to you what I ought to have told you at the first : 
I mean, that I had written to you and Zebedeus by Dr. 
Ulrich. He avers that he entrusted the letters to a faithful 
hand. Do let me hear by the first opportunity whether they 
have reached you, and how you were pleased with the contents ; 
for I would willingly hear that you were satisfied with refer 
ence to the offence which my letters had given among the 
brethren at Geneva. 

[Orig. autoyr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.] 



1539. FAKEL. 83 



XXX. FAREL. 1 

Fruitless efforts for the union of the two Churches synod of Zurich Bul- 
linger s distrust of Bucer parallel between Luther and Zuingli Calvin 
thinks of marrying news of Germany policy of the ecclesiastical elec 
tors French Church of Strasbourg conversion of two Anabaptists. 

STRASBOURG, 28th February [1539.] 

I have carefully explained to the brethren the matters 
which you had committed to me on the part of your pres 
bytery. They both welcomed and received your admonitions 
with a very cordial and attentive hearing, for they clearly per 
ceived and understood the motives from whence they proceeded, 
and that the dangers which alarm you are not imaginary. They 
will therefore endeavour, so far as lies in their power, in troub 
lous times like the present, that your warnings may not seem to 
have been tendered to them in vain. That last point which 
you urge, about coming to an agreement with those of Zurich, 
affords a strong presumption, that you do not fully compre 
hend how much in earnest and how faithfully, our friends have 
exerted themselves to promote this object. Since the meet 
ing of that last synod 2 they have left no stone unturned whereby 
they might, in some small degree at least, either lessen or 

1 Under the inspiration of Farel the company of pastors of Neuchatel had put 
forth a desire for the union of the Churches of Germany and Switzerland ; but that 
wish for union, actively followed out by Bucer, desired with so much ardour by 
Calvin, must necessarily be the fruit of reciprocal concessions ; and certain of the 
Zurich ministers, too much inclined to exalt the memory of Zuingli at the expense 
of Luther, seemed not much disposed to favour the connexion. They altogether 
distrusted Bucer, who, they said, maintained an artificial spirit throughout these 
negotiations, equally adapted to deceive both sides, and even Bullinger himself, 
who was of so conciliating and so elevated a character, was not entirely free from 
these tendencies. Hospinian, Hist. Sacramentaria, torn. ii. p. 290. 

2 The Synod of Zurich, held from the 29th April to the 3d May of the preceding 
year, had remained without result. The ministers of Strasbourg and of Zurich 
had separated much dissatisfied with each other. 



84 FAREL. 1539. 

appease their resentment j 1 for they even ventured to hope to 
bring them back so soon to a right understanding and entire 
good-will towards each other. It would appear, however, that 
they had not forgotten either the reception they had met with 
in that quarter or the manner in which they were dismissed, 
and the rumours which had afterwards been spread abroad as 
to their procedure, as well as the letters which had been written. 
Because, however, they could of themselves make but little im 
pression, they engaged on their side all the men of worth who 
had any authority or influence among them, in order that, at the 
long run, some terms of peace, or at least some moderation of 
their differences, might be devised. In the meanwhile Bullinger 
makes public that epistle of his in which he reckons the Turn 
coats and Weathercocks as stumbling-blocks of offence and 
hindrances to the progress of the Gospel. There is no one so 
blind as not to perceive that under these designations he points, 
as with the finger, distinctly at our friends. 2 They, however, 
were forbearing enough to teach, by their example, not to 
return railing for railing, and suppressed their sense of so 
great indignity until Erasmus, one of the Zurich ministers, had 
arrived in Strasbourg. In good humour, and with courtesy, 
we expostulated with him. They did not even satisfy us 
by a single word of explanation ; but some while after, not 
without their knowledge, Bibliander 3 wrote to Sturm that we 
were tormenting ourselves by a false application of it ; for that 
Bullinger s design had been not to attack Bucer, but those 
persons in the territory of Wirtemberg who had acceded to 
the concord of agreement, for that they had themselves pro- 



1 The theologians of Zurich had accused Bucer of having spread a snare to entrap 
their good faith by artificial expressions, better suited to veil the difficulties of union 
than to solve them. See Hospinian, torn. ii. p. 290. 

2 This letter of Bullinger is only known to us by Calvin s allusion to it. Bucer 
manifested great displeasure at the conduct of the theologians of Zurich, and 
bitterly complained of it in a letter to Comander, minister of Coire. But if we 
may believe the testimony of Sturm, quoted by Hospinian, it does not appear that 
the friendly relations between the churches of Zurich and Strasbourg were thereby 
long or seriously affected. 

3 Bibliander (Theodore), professor of theology at Zurich. He died of the plague 
in 1564. 



1539. FAREL. 85 

fessed that they had not always had a clear understanding of 
the Supper, but that, as for Bucer, those things which had 
been said at Zurich were no more than might, with perfect 
propriety, be addressed to him. There is, therefore, nothing 
for us to dispute about, as if there was any hindrance on our 
part to their arriving at an entire agreement, or at this present 
moment to prevent a perfect reconciliation. And further, to 
say the truth, we have never been otherwise than their friends, 
however ill disposed they have shewn themselves to us. If 
you knew with what moderation our friends conduct them 
selves, you would be ashamed to require anything more of 
them. 

The good men flame up into a rage if any one dares to prefer 
Luther to Zuingli, just as if the Gospel were to perish if any 
thing is yielded by Zuingli. Nor, indeed, is there any injury 
thereby done to Zuingli, for if the two men are compared 
with each other you yourself know how much Luther has the 
preference. I do not at all approve, therefore, of those verses 
of Zebedeus, in which he supposed that he could not praise 
Zuingli according to his real worth, unless he said of him, 

Majorcm sperare nefas ; 

that it was profane to hope for a greater. Now, while we agree 
that it is considered unkind to speak evil over the ashes and 
the shades of the departed ; so it would be impiety in a liigh 
degree, in our thoughts of such a man, not to entertain sen 
timents of honourable esteem. It holds true, however, that the 
moderation to be observed in the award of praise, is that which 
Zebedeus has very much lost sight of. Therefore, I am so far 
from assenting to him, that now at this present, I can see 
many greater I may hope for some more I may lawfully 
desire that all were so. I ask you, dear Far el, if any one ex 
tolled Luther in this manner, would not the Zurichers have 
grumbled, and complained that Zuingli had been overborne ? 
Foolishly, you will say ; as if, indeed, those were the only men 
of any understanding who are favourable to Luther. But these 
things are intended for your ear alone. 

I myself, also, am heartily tired of discussing so often that 



86 FARKL. 

affair of Caroli, or rather, I am complete!} 7 worn out ; there 
fore all the more willingly may suffer you to enjoy quiet in time 
to come, unless some new escapade occurs. Would that only a 
single opportunity were allowed me, in a familiar and confiden 
tial way, to confide to you all my hopes and fears, and in turn 
to hear your mind and have your help, whereby we might be 
the better prepared. An excellent opportunity will occur for 
your repairing hither, if, as we hope, the marriage shall come 
to pass. 1 We look for the bride to be here a little after 
Easter. But if you will make me certain that you will 
come, the marriage ceremony might be delayed until your 
arrival. We have time enough beforehand to let you know 
the day. First of all, then, I request of you, as an act of 
friendship, that you would come. Secondly, that you assure 
me that you will come. For it is altogether indispensable that 
some one from thence be here to solemnize and ask a blessing 
upon the marriage. I would rather have you than any one else. 
Therefore, resolve whether you think it is worth while, on my 
account, to undertake this journey. I am waiting to see whether 
any good will come out of these disturbances by which Geneva 
is at present thrown into a state of commotion. The affair 
must have taken a turn one way or other before you can arrive 
here. Germany, as usual, is in a state of suspense, in expecta 
tion of great events. The surmise is very general, that the 
Emperor aims at more than he avows. Our friends are now 
assembled at Smalkald, where they will advise upon measures 
to meet either alternative ; so that, whether they settle the 
matters in dispute by reasonable arguments, or decide their 
differences by war, they may not anyhow be taken unawares and 
unprepared. God has already conferred this benefit upon us, 
that three of the Bishops Electors rather prefer to league with 
us in defence of their country s liberty, than to plot with the 
Emperor against it. 

Our little church here holds on as usual. Hermann has 
returned to church-fellowship, and in perfect sincerity, unless 



1 The friends of ( alvin at Strasbourg were at this time very desirous of having 
the Reformer married. See the following Letters, (1539-1540,) passim. 



1539. FAREL. 87 

I am much deceived. 1 He has acknowledged to me, that out 
of the Church there cannot exist the hope of salvation ; he 
says, the true Church is to be found among us ; that therefore, 
on his part, there had been a falling away, because he had lived 
as a sectary in separation from it. This he took to himself as 
criminal, in following these divisive courses, and sought forgive 
ness. About Free-will, the Divinity and Humanity of Christ, 
Regeneration, Infant Baptism, and other points, he was willing 
to be taught, and embraced our doctrine ; he only hesitated as to 
predestination, on which head, however, he subscribed upon the 
whole to my views, except that he could not unravel or describe 
explicitly the difference between foreknowledge and providence. 
He entreated, however, that this might not occasion any hin- 
derance in the way of himself and his children being received 
to Church communion. Whereupon, with the courtesy which 
the occasion called for, I received and welcomed him seeking 
forgiveness, and reached forth to him the hand in name of the 
Church. Since then, I have baptized his little daughter, who 
was more than two years of age. Unless I am very much de 
ceived, he is a pious, God-fearing man. When I exhorted him 
as to the duty of leading back others into the way of truth, he 
said, " The least I can do is, that I should now be as earnest in 
building up as I have formerly been in pulling down/ Hans, 
who lives at Ulm, appears to me to be penitent. That we may 
not boast, however, and glorify ourselves in this service, the Lord 
humbles us in a thousand ways. For we are no whit better 
here than with you, where you declare that matters are as bad 
as possible. Yet, in these otherwise desperate circumstances, 
we have always this consolation, that we do not serve God in 
vain, even when to all appearance we seem to toil to no pur 
pose. If you think proper, you will communicate the letter 
addressed to the brethren ; if otherwise, you can return or keep 
it in your own possession. 

Salute every one of them in person in our name in the most 



1 Hermann of Liege, the celebrated Flemish Anabaptist. lie had maintained a 
discussion at Geneva, publicly, against Fare! and Calvin ; and overcome on thai 
oo-asion, he had been banished from the town the 19th March 1538. 



88 FAllEL. 1539. 

friendly manner, although I desire, on my part, to do so on my 
own account, apart from the rest. 

Adieu, my very excellent and right-hearted brother. All 
here do most lovingly salute you, especially Capito, Sturm, and 
Claude ; for Bucer is absent. But all of them, at the same 
time, had requested me to undertake the province of replying 
to your letter, when I laid before them your friendly warnings ; 
on account of which, so far are they from having taken any 
offence, that their respect, which could scarcely be higher than 
it is, has rather been confirmed towards you. 

My dear friend, again adieu. Although I feel much ex 
hausted, yet I would not suffer myself to be drawn~away from 
writing to you. 

[Lat. orig. autogr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.] 



XXXI. TO BULLINGER. 1 

Excuses his long silence evidences of brotherly affection justifies Bucer 
his desire for the union of the Church of Zurich with that of 
Strasbourg. 

STRASBOURG, 12th March [1539.] 

Grace to you from God our Father and the Lord Jesus 
Christ. 

EESPECTED BROTHER, I scarce know how it has occurred, 
that for nearly a whole year and a half since I withdrew hither 
I should never have written to you, when it was so often my 
mind to do so ; when there was no want of somewhat to write 
about ; and more than once an occasion presented itself for 
doing so. But as for the first few months I had scarcely 
thought of it, and thus already some time had been allowed to 
slip away, as if the opportunity had passed, I became from day 
to day more remiss. Lately, however, while your Erasmus 

1 Written to Bullinger after a long silence, this letter was~to be the means of 
drawing closer the ties of friendship which had already united the French Ke- 
former to the minister of Zurich, and to remove the unjust prejudices of the latter 
against Bucer and the Strasbourg ministers. See the preceding letter. 



1539. BULLINGER. 89 

was here with us, he had offered, if I wished to write, to 
take charge of any letters ; whereupon I eagerly embraced an 
opportunity, of which above all things I was desirous. I 
promised, therefore, that I would write to you. As, however, 
I had returned late from the inn where he was stopping, 
and he had resolved on his departure for the morrow, I was 
unwilling to change the arrangement for his journey, although 
out of kindness he was ready to wait if only I had expressed 
the wish. The readier, however, that he was to comply, so 
much more ashamed was I to request him, more especially 
since I had an opportunity three days later of sending letters 
to Basle, from whence they could easily be forwarded to you. 
Notwithstanding that, however, when this last convenient 
occasion had also escaped me, then at length I came to the 
conclusion that I must do now what I had too long delayed. 
What ought we rather, dear Bullinger, to correspond about 
at this time than the preserving and confirming, by every 
possible means in our power, brotherly kindness among our 
selves ? We see indeed of how much importance that is, 
not only on our own account, but for the sake of the whole 
body of professing Christians everywhere, that all those on 
whom the Lord has laid any personal charge in the ordering of 
His Church, should agree together in a sincere and cordial 
understanding. Indeed, Satan himself perceives that very 
clearly, who while he plots, by every method he can devise, the 
ruin of Christ s kingdom, plies none more earnestly with all his 
might, than to sow division and discord among us, or somehow 
at least to estrange the one from the other. For that very 
reason, therefore, it is our duty to oppose these sort of devices ; 
and the more our adversary strives to rend asunder our con 
nexion, so much the more ought we to strive against him with 
more determined resolution and intense anxiety to cherish and 
uphold it. Since, therefore, it is our duty carefully to culti 
vate friendly fellowship with all the ministers of Christ, so we 
must needs also endeavour by all the means we can, that the 
churches to which we faithfully minister the Word of the Lord 
may agree among themselves. Our friendship, I trust, in 
virtue of the happy auspices winch presided at its commence- 



90 BULLINGER. 1539. 

ment, and resting as it does on so solid a foundation., will 
continue firm and entire to the last. For myself, assuredly, 
so far as depends upon me, I undertake to persevere in 
maintaining it firm and unimpaired, because, indeed, I have 
always very much deferred to you. I have also, as was meet 
and reasonable, embraced you with singular delight, nor will 
I ever cease to entertain that affection. Between this church 
and yours, although I do not see that there really exists any 
disagreement or secret grudge, yet I might wish there was 
a closer connexion or rather relationship. How it conies to 
pass that we do not draw more closely together, as I earnestly 
desire, it is not for me to determine, only it is too evident not 
to be observed that the dregs of that unhappy dispute still 
taint our memories. Hence arise many askant suspicions, 
which, when they have once fairly taken hold of us, it is not 
possible that any solid friendship can either exist or have any 
long continuance among us. On our friends part, this cer 
tainly I dare freely promise and undertake for them, that there 
is nought they more desire than to cast aside all discordance, 
that they may sincerely cultivate a brotherly friendship towards 
you ; in one word, to seek no other bond of concord than the 
pure will of God. As for Capito s sincerity, because I suppose 
it is quite well known to you, I shall say nothing. For 
Bucer I will answer, that there is no cause why he ought 
in anything to be suspected by you. Endowed, as indeed he 
is, with a singularly acute and remarkably clear judgment, 
there is, at the same time, no one who is more religiously 
desirous to keep within the simplicity of the Word of God, and 
is less given to hunt after niceties of interpretation that are 
quite foreign to it, but who actually holds them in more abhor 
rence, than himself. If, however, there is anything you still 
find wanting in him, he is a man of such modesty and good 
nature, he will not only suffer the word of admonition from you, 
but even to be reproved, if there is a need-be for it. Only let 
him see plainly, that you seek to have that sort of communica 
tion with us which ought to exist among the servants of Christ, 
There is no occasion for my dealing with you on the matter of 
the controversy itself. Indeed, it is a subject which can scarcely 



1539. BULLINGEK. 91 

be settled by letter. And perhaps, I might be thought to act 
rashly, if not with arrogance, were I to venture anything of 
the kind, yet often I can scarce refrain myself from the desire 
that an opportunity were given me of handling familiarly and 
discussing this question in your presence ; for you are aware 
that I have never conversed with you in such a way about it 
as to understand what it is that hinders a full agreement 
between us ; but whatever that may be, I feel certain that it is 
unworthy to be the cause of our disagreement. I require of 
you, dear Bullinger, or rather, again and again I entreat you, 
that we may not only be as far removed as possible from all 
hatred and contention, but even from all appearance of offence. 
Forgive my anxiety ; and, in truth, I do not say this because I 
have any doubt of your prudence, of your will, or of your deli 
berate and resolute courage. But charity hath this peculiar 
quality, that while there is nothing which it may not hope, it 
is, nevertheless, in the meanwhile anxious. Furthermore, if, 
to sum up all, you consider how many perils, in this unhappy 
age especially in which we live, beleaguer and surround us on 
all hands, you will make allowance, I trust, for this my plain 
ness if you do not pardon it. Adieu, most learned and up 
right man. Salute, I beseech you, reverently, all the brethren, 
Pellican, Leo, Theodore, Megander, and the others, whom I do 
esteem sincerely in the Lord. Would that you may not scruple 
freely also to admonish me. Yours, CALVIN. 

These worthy men are French, sprung of good families, whom 
a laudable curiosity has induced to undertake to visit you and 
to see your country. Receive them, I pray you, with your 
wonted kindness. 

[Lat. orig. autofjr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.] 



92 FAREL. 1539. 



XXXII. To FAREL. 

Departure of Calvin for the Assembly of Frankfort the question of Eccle 
siastical property news of Geneva opening of the religious conferences 
at Frankfort disposition of the Roman Catholic princes and Protestants 
in Germany policy of Charles V. Reformation in England remarkable 
judgment on Henry VIII. 

STRASBOURG, 15th March 1539. 

The day after your last letter save one reached me, I set 
out on the road for Frankfort. 1 So hurried was my departure 
that there was no time to write to you; what so frequently 
happens in the event of sudden resolves. It never entered into 
my mind to undertake that journey until the day before I 
undertook it. When, however, I had received Bucer s letter, 
in which he informed me that he could effect nothing in the 
affair of our brethren, the desire instantly seized me to go 
thither, partly that the cause of the brethren might not be 
treated negligently, as often happens in such a crowd of business, 
partly that I might interchange thoughts with Melanchthon 
about religion and the concerns of the Church. Unless I am 
mistaken, both of these reasons will appear satisfactory to you. 
I was encouraged also by the advice of Capito, and all of them 
together, with besides, the opportunity of companions ; for Sturm, 
and other worthy men, accompanied me as fellow-travellers. As 
to the Lord of N., less is to be believed concerning him than is 

1 Calvin was about to set out for Frankfort, charged with an important mission 
by the Church of Strasbourg. Reconciled by a recent treaty with his rival Fran 
cis I., Charles V. had turned his whole attention in the direction of Germany, and 
solemnly announced his intention to accommodate religious differences in that 
country. The French king appeared to enter into his views, and the German 
princes shewed themselves disposed to favour the accomplishment of his wishes in 
meeting together at a solemn public conference between the Protestants and the 
Roman Catholic doctors. The day of meeting was fixed by the emperor himself 
for the 12th February 1539, and Frankfort was pointed out for the theatre of these 
conferences. Sleidan, Commentarii, lib. xii., pp. 338, 339. Anxious to be repre 
sented at that assembly at Frankfort by the most eminent ministers, the town of 
Strasbourg chose for its deputies Bucer, Sturm, and Calvin. 



1539. FAREL. 93 

reported. You know how true is that common saying, that 
broad rumour acquires strength as it rolls on. He was look 
ing out only for one preacher who, during this time of Lent, 
might imbue his common people with a purer doctrine. The 
Lady K. at first invited me thither ; but because the way did 
not appear sufficiently open I excused myself, on the ground of 
being detained here by another engagement, which was indeed a 
small matter, but quite sufficient to lay me under the obligation 
of attending to it. Dr. Ulrich has now been away at a distance 
for about two months, so that I cannot expostulate with him 
about the letters. He alleges, by way of excuse, that he depo 
sited them with N., who, if I mistake not, is one of the brethren 
who some time ago raised disturbances against the people of 
Soleure. It grieves me very much that they are lost, for 
assuredly they contained many things which it was of very great 
consequence not to have published abroad. As for the union 
which I advised, there is no reason why you should be so 
averse to it ; for I avowed that there was nothing I wished for 
more than, as far as was possible, that all the pious might 
withdraw themselves from that side. This one thing I strove 
for, that they might not schismatically divide any Church 
whatsoever, which, however it might be very corrupt in morals, 
and infected with outlandish doctrine, had not cut itself off 
entirely from that doctrine, upon which Paul teaches the Church 
of Christ to be founded. Because, however, the question is of 
such a nature that it is better let alone, unless discussed fully 
and in a regular manner, I shall urge it no further, except that 
I wish to testify, that no other union of the brethren was recom 
mended by me than what is pointed out to us by the example of 
Christ, who, notwithstanding their deplorable impiety, did not 
scruple to unite with Jews in participating in the mysteries of 
God. And that you may understand with how much prudence 
they considered my advice, it especially exasperated them that 
I made some difference between the minister and the common 
people, and insisted that it was from him, as the dispenser, 
that both prudence and faithfulness were required. From 
private persons I said, that somewhat less strictness and a 
more easy trial might be exacted, but that every one should 



94 FABEL. 1539. 

examine himself. Even that, if we shall have an opportunity 
of conferring face to face together, can be settled with little 
trouble. When I see the clear judgments of God appearing 
in those noisome pestilences which have been afflicting the 
wretched Church, I am partly comforted and refreshed, but 
also somewhat disturbed in mind, because I perceive that 
they are sent, not altogether without just cause of anger. It 
is, however, greatly to be desired, that in whatever way it 
pleases Himself, the Lord would purify His Church from 
all filth of the kind. About Gast, my brother has written 
very plainly. I must at once disapprove of that facility of 
Grynee in giving recommendations ; nor had I delayed so 
long to speak to himself about it, if it had not been that at the 
time when your letter reached me, I thought it was right to 
spare him, for his wife was at the time in extreme danger of her 
life, for while pregnant she was seized with the plague. Let 
me understand, I entreat you, where that good and unbroken 

soldier of Christ has betaken himself unto. I see you will 

have no little trouble from K, so long as he persists in strutting 
about after this manner ; but because he cannot be got rid of 
we must just tolerate him. It is an occasion presented to you of 
the Lord, whereby He will put your patience in exercise. I 
owe you no little thanks for having greeted the mayor in my 
name ; for it is important that he should understand that both 
of us are so united with Bucer and Capito that we communi 
cate freely all impending matters with one another. As to the 
question of the ecclesiastical property, I wish that it were in 
my power to give you a more favourable account, although 
the business is not in the very worst state ; for Bucer insisted 
with so much constancy that he seems to have in no small 
degree promoted it. Philip alarmed him at first by the dif 
ficulty of carrying the business through, but he persevered, 
and was not to be diverted from his purpose. There was 
difficulty, however, in obtaining what he wanted, as the princes 
thought that they had nothing to do with that matter, 
they who take upon themselves to administer ecclesiastical 
property according to their own will. There are others who 
take it amiss, that the lucre which they have been accustomed 



1539. FAREL. 95 

to extract from that source, has been wrested out of their 
hands ; others, although they will not incur any loss, are not 
easily brought to concur, from the fear of bringing upon them 
selves the enmity of that class, which you are aware is nu 
merous in Germany. Bucer proposed a measure, based on the 
ancient custom and practice of the Church, by which he 
provided both for Christian peace and agreement, and for the 
public tranquillity of the empire. Seeing that the property 
which is at this day in the hands of the canons of the principal 
church in this city, has been bequeathed on this condition, 
that it should be administered by counts, he consents that a 
college of the nobility be instituted, by whom these revenues 
are to be held ; those, however, who are admitted to that 
office, he wishes may neither be from among the clergy 
nor from the canons, but married persons, who are only at 
tached by their faith to the Church, and who give themselves 
and all they possess to maintain its peace. As the bishop is a 
prince of the empire, and as that position cannot be suppressed 
without producing great disturbance in the empire, he con 
ceives that it would be expedient to do as of old, that in the 
place of the bishop some one of those counts should succeed, 
who should have the entire possession of those revenues which 
are at present assigned to the bishop, and that he shall be 
called the vice-dominus, as being rather the steward than the 
proprietor. That it shall be the duty of this administrator to 
protect the Church when from any quarter it shall be attacked, 
and for securing that object he must bind himself by a solemn 
oath. The other ecclesiastical properties are to be applied to 
more legitimate purposes, such as are the prebends, the chapels, 
priories, and the rest. I call that a more legitimate use, that 
they be applied to the support of the ministry, to schools, to 
the poor, and other ecclesiastical burdens. If that shall be 
obtained, it will form a tolerable provision in such an unsettled 
state of affairs. There is some, and now indeed good, expec 
tation, that the princes have begun to take up the matter in 
earnest; the free cities enter cordially into the arrangement, 
seeing that their ecclesiastical property is everywhere so 
wretchedly dilapidated. 



96 FAREL. 1539. 

Du Tailly wrote to me "concerning Basil, 1 that he had lately 
proposed a public disputation to be held at Geneva, but had 
suffered a repulse, which, indeed, I hear all the more willingly, 
that false notions may not be spread abroad among a people 
who are otherwise more than enough eagerly desirous of novelty, 
and seeing that nobody takes the trouble to oppose these errors 
by refuting them. 

Now I come to the second letter, in which you start with 
so many riddles. For who these watchmen of the night, 
drunkards, thieves, are, I can by no means ascertain, un 
less you explain yourself more clearly. As for that deputa 
tion of Le Comte 2 and Genan, 3 no other result was to be 
expected, but that they should return as they went. Whether 
there is enough of the spirit of counsel among the brethren I 
know not ; as to their courage I have no doubt. If they have 
despatched Le Comte without any certain proposed formula, I 
must entirely disapprove of the proceeding, for you know by 
experience what that mere empty affectation of authority is apt 
to produce. Let us shew we are content that all right methods 
may be tried, so that it cannot be said that we have thrown 
obstacles in the way of improving the state of the Church. They 
cannot lawfully require of you that you shall approve their 
ministry, who, everybody sees, have subjected themselves to 
the censure of the Church. What you say, however, is very true, 
that those who are conscious of what is bad, desire nothing more 
than that everything may lie hid, buried in obscurity, lest their 
own filthiness may be discovered. In such dark involvements, 
we must consider what we can do ; the rest we must commit to 
the Lord. Without doubt, I could have wished that the remem 
brance of all our ills should be buried, which, without offence, can 
not be brought up again. But of what advantage are enmities, 



1 This was, no doubt, M. Du Tailly, a French gentleman, who had taken 
refuge at Geneva. He was a correspondent of Calvin. 

2 Is this John Le Comte, minister of Grauson, or Beat Comte, minister of Lau 
sanne, who at a later period devoted himself to medicine, and distinguished himself 
by his devotedness to the care of those who were affected with the plague in that 
town ? (See Kuchat, torn. v. p. 277.) We incline rather to this last conjecture. 

3 Genan, an unknown personage. 



1539. FAREL. 97 

contentions, whether they are doctrinal or spiritual, detractions, 
and other such evils, when bottled up within the bowels of the 
Church, in order that they may break forth at last into a pestilent 
ulcer ? It is rather to be desired that they may be removed, even 
at the risk of suffering, if it cannot be done otherwise. There 
is nothing to hinder our following some middle course, that the 
honour of the ministry may be restored ; that a remedy may be 
applied to the wretched, ruined state of the Church ; that the 
stumbling-blocks among brethren may be taken out of the way, 
those evils being concealed and suppressed which there is no 
necessity for reviving and discussing anew. There are some 
wounds which, being handled, break out afresh : they are better 
healed when left to quiet and oblivion. What, I ask themselves, 
would those worthy men be at, who entertain the thought that 
I can return without you, who was cast out along with you ; 
that I should lend a hand to those, and co-operate with men 
from whom I wish to be entirely estranged until they have 
satisfied the Church ? For they so manage the affair, that 
out of four two may remain of our side ; that having been 
restored as it were by way of favour, I may enjoy a livelihood 
without any authority, the Church having given no deliverance 
on the subject. What, therefore, shall we do ? where shall we 
begin, if we attempt to rebuild the ruined edifice ? If I shall 
speak a word which is unpleasant for them to hear, forthwith 
they will enjoin silence. But I am unwilling to discourse these 
things and the like further in writing, which you yourself have 
more ripely considered than any one can set them before you. 
Besides, if that proposal were to be entertained, I could scarcely 
be able to hold up my head amid the clashings of the brethren ; 
they will also think that the main point has been attained by 
my having alone returned. I could therefore have wished, that 
those who have set this proposal afloat, had rather set some 
other stone a-rolling ; for they call me to a charge of great 
annoyance and difficulty, and that in vain. 

As I promised to you, my letter shall be brief. The state of 
affairs at Frankfort we found to be as follows : There were pre 
sent of the family of Saxony, the Elector, 1 his brother, and nephew 

1 The Elector John Frederic, the friend of Luther, and truest protector of the 
Reformation in Germany. 

VOL. i. a 



98 FAREL. 1539. 

by his brother Henry, whom they call Maurice. 1 These three had 
along with them four hundred horsemen ; the Landgrave 2 had 
brought with him as many lanzkneehts ; the Duke of Lune- 
bourg 3 came with less pomp. There were present, also, the 
younger brother of the Duke of Brandenbourg, the younger 
Prince of Brunswick, and three others, whose names I don t 
remember. All these were Leaguers : 4 the remainder who are 
included in the League had sent deputies ; as, for instance, the 
King of Denmark, 5 the Duke of Prussia, 6 and some others. As 
for these, it was not strange that they stayed at home, because 
in such an uncertain and perilous state of affairs, it would not 
have been safe for them to have remained so far from home. 
There were few, however, who did not feel indignant that the 
Duke of Wurtemberg 7 preferred rather to enjoy his field sports 
in hunting, and I know not what other sportive recreations, 
than to be present at the Conference, in which both his native 
country and perhaps his life are concerned, when he was only 
two days journey distant. Those who wished to excuse him, 
said they had no doubt that he had laid the care of attending 
to these matters on others, who he knew had the matter at 
heart. Men of the first rank were sent by the free cities. At 
the first deliberations, war was declared by the unanimous vote 
of them all, until two of the Electors arrived the Count Pala 
tine arid Joachim of Brandenbourg 8 with the Emperor s letter, 



1 Maurice of Saxony, who had so great a part in the religious wars of Germany 
with Charles V. 

2 Philip of Hesse, who, from the year 1521, had been favourable to the tenets 
of Luther. 

3 Ernest, Duke of Lunebourg, promoter of the Reformation in his states. 

4 The Treaty of Alliance formed by the Protestant Princes at Smalkald, (1530,) 
had been agreed to by a great number of the Towns. 

6 Christian III., King of Denmark, (1534-1559,) who introduced the Reforma 
tion into his States. 

6 Eastern Prussia was reformed and secularized, in 1525, by the Grand Master 
of the Teutonic Order, Albert of Brandenbourg. It formed since that epoch the 
Duchy of Prussia. 

7 Ulrich, Count of Montbeliard, and Duke of Wurtemberg. 

8 Louis, the Elector Palatine, and Joachim, the Elector of Brandenbourg, although 
favourable to the Reformation, remained attached to the cause of the Emperor, and 
tried to bring about a reconciliation between the two parties. 



1539. FAREL. 99 

and a Spanish Bishop, his ambassador, whom they call the 
Bishop of Lunden. 1 At first they set forth the commission of 
the Emperor, authorizing them to treat with our friends either 
for peace or for a truce, upon whatsoever grounds and conditions 
might seem best to them. Then, in a lengthy oration, and by 
strong arguments, they endeavoured to induce them to come to 
a treaty of peace : they urged especially this point, that the 
Turk would not remain quiet if he saw Germany involved in 
civil strife. And already he has the way open to him, since he 
holds possession of Wallachia, Upper and Lower, and is entitled,, 
by treaty with the Pole, to the free right of passage through 
his territory : thus, therefore, he already hovers over Germany. 
They desired that our friends would propound the conditions of 
peace. If peace could not be agreed on, they asked that a truce 
might be granted. The good faith and sincerity of both parties 
have been well sifted by our friends : for Joachim is entirely 
favourable, and well disposed to the cause of the Gospel ; the 
Count Palatine is not hostile. But because the Spanish Com 
missions are not to be relied on, they chose rather that the 
business should be settled and agreed on by the whole of the 
Electors, to whom the principal authority in the Empire of right 
belongs. That was hindered, because the Bishop of Mentz 2 has 
on many accounts been rejected by the Elector of Saxony. 
Joachim did not venture to give his consent in the Diet from 
which his uncle was excluded. Therefore our friends pre 
sented articles of peace, in which they set forth, that they 
unwillingly resorted to the thought of war, inasmuch as they 
laid bare the injuries on account of which they were of necessity 
driven to that determination. They proposed as conditions of 
the peace, that they might be free to administer their own 
churches, and under this administration they wished the dis 
pensation of ecclesiastical property to be regulated. Then 



1 John Vesal, Archbishop of Lunden, was the Emperor s ambassador at the Diet. 
(Sleidan, lib. xii. p. 339.) He became afterwards Bishop of Constance, and was 
present at the Council of Ti-ent. 

2 Albert of Brandenbourg, the brother of Joachim, the Elector of Brandenbourg. 
This prelate sternly opposed all compromise in religious matters. He made con 
tinual complaints of the indulgence shewn by the Emperor towards Protestants. 



100 FAREL. 1539. 

they reserved entirely to themselves the right of admission 
into the League of those who might wish to become members 
of it. When the articles had been presented, we then took our 
departure. Bucer afterwards intimated that the two Electors 
granted somewhat more than the ambassador of the Emperor. 
The reason is, that the Emperor, since he stands in need of the as 
sistance of our opponents against the Turk, as well as of our own, 
desires to gratify both parties without offending either. The 
sum of his demand is this, that without any change of the pre 
sent state, learned, tried, and well approved peaceable men may 
assemble together, who shall discuss with one another the con 
troverted heads of religion ; the matter to be afterwards referred 
to the Diet of the Empire, that by the declared judgment of all 
classes of the German Church, the Reformation may be accom 
plished. A truce for a year to be agreed to for the transaction 
of these affairs. Our friends are not satisfied with so short a 
truce, and demand that something more certain may be granted. 
Thus all as yet is in suspense, nor are we out of danger of war, 
unless the Emperor makes further concessions. The Duke of 
Juliers, lately bereaved of his father, sent an embassy empowered 
to make a statement to the effect, that he had recovered, by the 
blessing of God, the Dukedom of Gueldres, of which he was 
lawful lord : l at present a controversy had been stirred with 
him about it, at one time on the part of the Emperor, at an 
other by the Duke of Lorraine, without any sufficiently spe 
cious pretext. For Lorraine could put forward no other claim, 
except that he is the heir of the last Duke, but that he had 
possessed himself of the Duchy contrary to all law and justice, 
which had been adjudged, by the sentence of the Empire, to 
belong to the family of Juliers. That the Emperor pretended some 
title by purchase, but which appeared to be either collusive or 
altogether fraudulent : assuredly, since the alleged price was only 
fifty thousand crowns, at which the town alone may be valued, 
that amount is certainly below the annual rent of a single year. 
He sought, therefore, that those of our side would intercede with 

1 On the death of Charles Van Egmont, Duke of Gueldres, his relation, William, 
Duke of Cles r es and Juliers, took possession of that town, of which he was dis 
possessed by the Emperor in 1543. 



1539. FAREL. 101 

the Emperor, that he would not tear in pieces and oppress a prince 
of the Empire without cause. But that if the Emperor would 
not hearken to their entreaties, he implored their assistance in 
the defence of the common liberty. He has got no answer as 
yet, since they reckon it necessary to take counsel according to 
the bent of their own affairs. There was nothing said, how 
ever, about the League, although he is not hostile to our 
religious views. He of England 1 petitioned that a new em 
bassy might be sent to him, to which Philip might be added, 
that he might have the benefit of his advice in farther 
reforming the Church. 2 The princes were all agreed as to the 
sending of an embassy. They were not disposed to send 
Melanchthon, because they suspect the softness of his disposi 
tion. Nor indeed is it very clear what is or what is not his 
opinion, or whether he conceals or dissembles it, although he 
has sworn to me in the most solemn manner that this fear 
regarding him is without foundation ; and certainly, in so far 
as I seem to be able to read his mind, I would as soon trust 
him as Bucer, when we have to do with those who wish to 
be treated with special indulgence ; for so intense is the de 
sire of Bucer to propagate the Gospel, that, content to have 
obtained those things which are chiefly important, he is some 
times more easy than is right in yielding those things which he 
considers trifling, but which, nevertheless, have their weight. 
The King himself is only half wise. He prohibits under 
severe penalties, besides depriving them of the ministry, the 
priests and bishops who enter upon matrimony ; he retains the 

1 The King of England, Henry VIII. 

2 The details of these negotiations will be found in Burnet, and in Seckendorf, 
Gommentarii, lib. iii. sect. 19, par. 73. The Protestant princes of Germany, desirous 
to bind so powerful a monarch as the King of England as closely as possible to the 
cause of the Keformation, had sent deputies to request his assent to the Augsburg 
Confession, and the revocation of the cruel statutes still in force against those of 
his subjects who professed the pure Gospel. Two of the King s counsellors, Crom 
well and Archbishop Cranmcr, seconded timidly the entreaties of the Protestant 
princes ; but this imperious and violent monarch, satisfied with having transferred to 
himself the papal authority in matters of religion, shewed iiidisposedness to promote 
the interests of an actual reformation. He protracted the negotiations, and added 
daily by new laws to the rigour of the most hateful despotism that which is exer 
cised by a prince over the consciences of his subjects. 



102 FABEL. 1539. 

daily masses; he wishes the seven sacraments to remain as 
they are : in this way he has a mutilated and torn Gospel, and 
a Church stuffed full as yet with many toys and trifles. Then, 
because all do not appear to be of sound mind, he does not 
suffer the Scripture to circulate in the language of the common 
people throughout the kingdom ; and he has lately put forth a 
new interdict, by which he warns the people against the read- 
_ing of the Bible. Moreover, that you may understand that he 
is quite in earnest, and not by any means jestingly insane, he 
lately burnt a worthy and learned man 1 for denying the pre 
sence of Christ after a carnal manner in the bread, whose death 
has been greatly lamented by all pious and Educated persons, 
Our friends, however, though sorely hurt by atrocities of this 
kind, will not cease to have an eye to the condition of his king 
dom. I perceive that nothing has reached you concerning the 
conspiracy except obscure and doubtful rumour. Cardinal 
Pole 2 had a brother,, a man of chief rank among the nobility, 
and of the greatest authority among the gentry. 3 The family 
was indeed related to the King by blood; he himself was 
considered a person of uncommon prudence and gravity. 
He had conducted himself with such moderation in his bro 
ther s matters, that his credit with the King had suffered no 
diminution. Having publicly declared himself at variance 
with his brother, in order to avoid the King s suspicion, he de 
ceived them all by his shrewdness. They agreed in secret 
among themselves, that the Cardinal should lead an army 
through France, and that as soon as they approached the bounds 
of the kingdom his brother should raise a tumult, at a time 
when the King, being occupied in quelling intestine disturb 
ances, would not be able to defend himself, against a foreign 
enemy. It was easy for the Cardinal to arm his soldiery at the 



1 John Lambert, schoolmaster. See Burnet, Hist. Eef. vol. i. pp. 252-254. 

2 He was living in exile on the Continent from the time of the rupture of Eng 
land with the see of Home. He returned under the reign of Mary, became Arch 
bishop of Canterbury, President of the Royal Council, and died in 1558, after 
having been the instrument of a short but bloody restoration of Popery in his 
native country. 

8 See Hume, History of England, chap. xxxi. 



1539. FAKEL. 103 

Pope s expense. But before the expedition could arrive, the 
whole conspiracy was discovered by an informer ; for in order 
that the plot might be properly planned and executed, it was 
necessary for them to have many informed and made parties to 
it. His nephew, a bold man, when he heard that their schemes 
had been discovered, would have put himself to death. But 
having been prevented, he was unable to endure the torture 
of the rack; and the other conspirators, like him, having 
made a full confession, the law was executed upon all. Since 
the King makes such a poor return for so many and so 
great benefits from God, I greatly fear that at length he may 
suffer severe punishment for his ingratitude. In the mean 
time, while the conference was held at Frankfort, the son of 
the Elector George, 1 who was kept bound in confinement on 
account of insanity, died in a hopeless condition. If he had 
survived his father, his guardianship would have given rise 
to new disturbances. Now his undoubted successor is that 
Maurice, the son of Henry, whom I have mentioned above as a 
member of the League. There is therefore good hope that the 
territory which George now possesses will immediately form an 
accession to the heritage of Christ ; for George is beyond the 
age when he may be expected to have offspring. 2 In this way 
you see, that so far as regards the main business, all hangs in 
suspense, and has no settled bent either way: wherefore we 
ought all the more to supplicate the Almighty that He would 
vouchsafe some happy issue out of such a perplexity of affairs. 
What success I have had in the cause of the brethren, also of 
what kind, and what were the matters I conversed about with 
Philip, you shall be informed again by Michael, who has re 
solved to depart hence before nine days : therefore I am com 
pelled, on account of the urgency of the postman, to send my 
letter by halves ; you will then receive the other portion. 
Adieu, my dear friendly brother. Greet Thomas and all the 

1 See note 1, p. 81. George of Saxony himself died the same year. Sleidan, lib. 
xii. p. 342. 

2 It was not Maurice who succeeded Duke George, but his father, Henry the 
Pious, who recalled all the exiles on account of religion, and introduced the Refor 
mation into the Duchy of Saxony. Ibid. p. 344. 



104 FAREL. 1539. 

brethren for me. Capito and Sturm send a thousand saluta 
tions. The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ be with you. 
Yours, CALVIN. 

[Calvin s Latin Correspondence, Opera, torn. ix. p. 6.] 



XXXIII. To FAREL. 

Conclusion of the Assembly at Frankfort attitude of the Protestant princes 
conversations between Calvin and Melanchthon on ecclesiastical dis 
cipline opinion of the latter of Capito various details. 

Written in the month of March 1539. 

Fearing lest the further delay of my writing to you might 
be inconvenient, I chose rather to forward a part or portion of 
my letter than to keep you waiting until Michael should arrive. 
Now, therefore, I will take up the thread of my narrative ; but 
before I come to the conference with Philip, I shall briefly ex 
plain what has been the progress of affairs since that time. The 
Emperor s ambassador, notwithstanding all that has occurred, 
has ventured to propose such unjust conditions of agreement 
that the contest was very near being brought again to the 
decision of the sword. He required that our friends should 
have nothing to do with the Sacramentaries. Observe the 
artifice and wiles of Satan. He catches at this, forsooth, that 
not only the older and former hatred which he sowed might be 
kept up, but that new causes of offence may be applied, like 
lighted torches, to set on fire and kindle greater dissensions. 
Indeed, our friends do not acknowledge that there are any 
Sacramentaries, and wish to unite with the Swiss churches ; 
therefore the Emperor has omitted that article, and efforts have 
been made for the purpose of inclining us more readily to 
agree to the truce, which I wish may be of advantage to the 
Church of Christ. To my mind it bodes no good. The Elector 
of Saxony also perceives this, who, although he is reckoned not 
over hasty in his resolutions, has come to the conclusion that 
vair is unavoidable. The Landgrave, contrary to the general 



1539. FAREL. 105 

expectation, dissuades from war. And although he did not 
refuse to follow the determination of the allies if they thought 
otherwise, he, nevertheless, moderated the eagerness of those 
who had very much relied on his alacrity. Now, therefore, 
there is an inclination towards a truce, which will give oppor 
tunity for deliberation on both sides in promoting a perma 
nent reconciliation. But the adversaries were thinking of no 
thing else than gaining time to prosecute the war. The Elector 
of Saxony, after this conference, will visit the Duke of Cleves, 
whose sister he has married. 1 If the Elector can induce him 
to declare for the reformed religion it will greatly enlarge the 
kingdom of Christ, as, indeed, there is nowhere in Lower 
Germany a more powerful prince, or who rules over a greater 
extent of territory, nor is there any one even in Upper Ger 
many, excepting Ferdinand, who alone surpasses him in extent 
of dominion. When Bucer last wrote, nothing had been de 
cided concerning the embassy to the King of France, for pro 
curing his favour and protection to the brethren, as well as 
commending the cause of religion to his consideration. 2 As to 
the embassies, they are to be treated of in the last place, 
because, from the course of their proceedings, they would then 
deliberate to more advantage, on what ground, or after what 
method, they ought to state their requests. Let us, therefore, 
postpone this question until then. I had much conversation 
with Philip about many things, having written to him before 
hand on the subject of agreement, that I might with certainty 
declare their opinion to several worthy men. Therefore, I had 
submitted a few articles, in which the whole matter was 
summed up. To these, without any controversy, he himself 
at once assented, but confessed that there were in that party 

1 The Elector of Saxony, John Frederic, had married Sibilla of Cloves, who 
evinced the most noble character on the misfortune of her husband, vanquished and 
dispossessed after the battle of Muhlburg. 

2 It was not until the next year (1540) that a resolution was adopted on this 
subject. The princes desired to use their influence in favour of those who were 
Buffering in France on account of their religious opinions ; but not before they had 
obtained correct information regarding the state of affairs in that country, the 
private inclinations of the king, and the probability that their interference would 
prove successful Sleidan, xiii. p. 3G1. 



106 FAKEL. 1539. 

some persons who required something more gross and palpable, 
and that with so great obstinacy, not to say despotism, that 
for long he seemed to be in actual jeopardy, because they 
saw that he differed from them in opinion. But although 
he does not think that a solid agreement can be come to, 
he, nevertheless, wishes that the present concord, such as it 
is, may be cherished, until at length the Lord shall lead 
both sides into the unity of His own truth. As for himself, 
you need not doubt about him, but consider that he is en 
tirely of the same opinion as ourselves. It would be tire 
some to relate what conversation we had about other matters ; 
but this will form the subject of pleasant discourse some 
time or other between ourselves. As for discipline, like other 
people, he heartily deplores the want of it. Indeed, one is more 
at liberty to lament the wretched state of the Church in this 
respect than to correct the evil ; do not, therefore, suppose that 
you suffer alone in this matter. Instances occur daily every 
where which ought to make every one bestir himself in the 
endeavour to find out the desired remedy. Not very long since 
a learned and worthy man was driven away from Ulm with 
great disgrace, because he would not consent to wink at the 
vices of the inhabitants any more. He was sent away by all 
his colleagues with honourable recommendation, especially that 
of Frecht. 1 The news we have from Augsburg is in no degree 
more cheering. Thus, for the future we may expect that it 
will form a kind of sport to hunt away pastors from the ministry 
and drive them into banishment ; nor can this evil be remedied, 
because neither the common people nor the civil magistrate 
can rightly distinguish between the yoke of Christ and Papal 
tyranny. Philip, therefore, is of opinion that the better and 
wiser method in so great a tempest, with contrary winds, is that 
we ought in some degree to lie off, and he entertains the hope, 
that when we shall have more quiet, and be free from external 
hostility, we shall be more at leisure, and have better oppor 
tunity to turn our attention to the application of internal reme- 

1 Martin Frecht, a learned preacher and theologian of the Church at Ulm. 
He refused to submit to the Interim, and died the 14th September 1556, at 
Tubingen. 



1539. FAKEL. 107 

dies. Capito, at one time, protests, before God and men, that 
the Church is ruined unless speedy aid is supplied in such a 
distressing condition of affairs, at another time, because he sees 
no progress making he prays for death. If our calling is 
indeed of the Lord, as we firmly believe that it is, the Lord 
himself will bestow his blessing, although the whole universe 
may be opposed to us. Let us, therefore, try every remedy, 
while, if such is not to be found, let us, notwithstanding, 
persevere even to the last gasp. When I perceive you to be so 
much cast down, at times I desire to be with you, that I might 
suggest some comfort. On the other hand, when I see that I can 
bring you nothing but subjects for greater annoyance, I submit, 
however reluctantly, to remain at a distance, that I may not add 
to your already too heavy burdens. Our brethren of the Pays de 
Vaud owed me one crown, part of which they had received from 
me by way of loan, part I had given to the messenger who came 
with the brother at the request of Saunier. I had desired them 
to give it to you. If they have given it do you keep it, by which 
means I shall be so far out of your debt. Whatever shall 
remain due I will pay when able ; for such is my condition at 
present that I cannot reckon a single penny my own. It is 
astonishing how much money slips away in extraordinary ex 
penses ; and I am obliged to live at my own charges, unless I 
would become a burden to the brethren. It is not so easy to 
take care of my health, which you anxiously recommended me 
to have a care of; but I am too tedious; moreover, am doing 
injustice to such messengers as the present. Farewell, most 
cherished friend ; may the Lord confirm you by the strength 
of His Spirit, and bear you up under this heap of troubles. 
Yours, CALVIN. 

[Calvin s Latin Correspondence, Opera, torn. ix. p. 5.] 



108 FAREL. 1539. 



XXXIV. To FAREL. 

Numerous occupations of Calvin news of Germany firmness of the 
Senate of Strasbourg. 

STRASBOURG, 20th April 1539. 

I do not remember throughout this whole year a single day 
which was more completely engaged with various occupations. 
For when the present messenger wished to carry along with 
him the beginning of my book, 1 there were about twenty leaves 
which it required me to revise. In addition, there was the 
public lecture, and I had also to preach ; four letters were also 
to be written ; some disputes to settle, and to reply to more 
than ten interruptions in the meantime. You will therefore 
excuse if my letter should be both brief and inaccurate. We 
shall not clearly understand what was concluded in the con 
ference at Frankfort 2 until Bucer s return hither, which, from 
what he writes, we may expect before seven days. He informed 
us, however, by letter, that he had never seen our princes more 
determined in their resolution to defend the Gospel. Certainly 
the act which was transacted at Smalkald was produced by 
no very important matter, -in which, however, they displayed 
true greatness of soul. For there were at that place certain 
impure images, which they pulled down, together with their 
altars. They abolished also the elevation of the host in the 
Supper, which they had until that time retained. There are 
some just at this present time who dream about I know not 
what kind of moderation, to which they would like to call us 
back. I wished just to give you an inkling of this, that you 
may comprehend that they are very far from trepidation. Our 
Senate of Strasbourg proves itself hearty in the cause. An 
abbess who had dilapidated, or had begun to make away 
with the property of the monastery, was lately given into 
custody. The Imperial Chamber, at the request of the bishop, 

1 Tliis was undoubtedly " U Institution Chretienne." See Note 2, p. 21. 

2 Calvin had returned to Strasbourg without waiting the conclusion of the de 
liberations of the colloquy at Frankfort. 



1539. FAREL. 109 

ordered her to be set at liberty. The mandate, however, was 
treated with contempt. The members of the League approved 
of what was done, and declared that they would maintain the 
cause. A messenger was therefore despatched to the Chamber 
to give intimation that the Senate would not abide by their 
judgment, whatever might be the result. We are waiting there 
fore until they let fly their mimic thunderbolt. Will you see 
that Balliot sends the money for the payment of Wendelin 1 
the printer ? At present I can hold on no longer. Greet dili 
gently all the brethren. Yours, 

CALVIN. 

[Calvin s Latin Correspondence, Opera, torn. ix. p. 8.] 



XXXV. To FAREL. 

Union of the Swiss Churches first steps for the recall of Calvin to Geneva 
some details concerning his ministry and his straitened circumstances 
Lutheran ceremonies the Church property renewal of the League of 
Smalkald constancy of the German Princes example of fidelity to the 
cause of Christ on the part of the Town of Strasbourg. 

STRASBOURG, April 1539. 

I begin now to entertain greater hope than formerly of that 
accommodation in matters of religion, such as it may be. 2 
Whenever I took into account with what sort of men we would 
have to treat, and how very slippery and unsteady we have found 
their promises to be, I came then to the conclusion that such a 
reconciliation would be of little or no avail to us. As to rules 
or conditions fixed beforehand and agreed to on both sides, even 
although they were not on other grounds more liable to objec 
tion, I cannot at all approve of them. Now, however, if what 
you relate to me is true, that those two individuals have been 
strongly urged to fall away from their steadfastness, it was quite 

1 Wendelin, the printer at Strasbourg. 

2 Farel laboured hard to bring about a union between the Churches of Geneva, 
of Neuchatel, and of the Pays de Vaud, which were at variance in regard to the 
Sacraments, and ecclesiastical discipline in general. 



110 FAREL. 1539. 

necessary to prevent such evils, by coming to an agreement 
among ourselves, even on conditions not altogether satis 
factory. 

From constancy of a more settled kind, however, I do enter 
tain some hope, because, when they shall have given in their 
adherence to ah 1 the churches hereabout, they must then be so 
strongly bound that they cannot very easily draw back. We have 
already in some measure succeeded in what we sought to attain 
as a principal object, the quieting of those dissensions among 
brethren which are the worst of all, and which rend asunder the 
churches. We can never, therefore, be too thankful to the 
Lord, who of his own kindness has so far exceeded our expec 
tation. As to my return, I do not think that what Du Tailly 
had proposed will go forward, 1 for since that time I have heard 
not a word about it. Neither do I doubt but that the brethren 
have let that matter pass as superfluous, when they saw the 
remedy elsewhere. Thenceforward, because I imagine that 
they had grown cold upon the whole affair, or that it had fallen 
through, this matter gives me very little concern. Moreover, it 
was not without reason that I so much dreaded that intelligence 
which was brought me by Du Tailly s letter. I have not stated 
all the grounds to you, and those few circumstances which I did 
mention, I touched only briefly, without going into them at large. 
What I said about yourself carries, certainly, great weight with 
it ; for we ought both of us to be restored at the same time, 
else it must appear as if I were reponed by way of pardon. In 
this way, restitution will be conceded to the person of the 
individual, and not as a matter of principle to the cause itself. 
But the thought which chiefly alarms me is that which presents 
itself, when I set before my eyes the great gulf into which I 
must enter, where surely I felt that it would swallow me up 
entirely, when notwithstanding it would be less by a half. It 

1 A party, growing every day more numerous at Geneva, deplored the exile of 
Calvin. As the organ of that sentiment, M. Du Tailly incessantly exhorted the 
Reformer to forget the injury which had been done him, and to restore peace to 
the congregation and church at Geneva by his return. Calvin would by no means 
separate his cause from that of Farel, so as to make his return a personal matter 
to himself, and not, as it was, a question of principle. Therefore, he felt little dis- 
to resume the function of the ministry at Geneva. 



1539. FAREL. Ill 

must be acknowledged that I have my own share of contentious 
wrestlings where I am, and those of the most arduous kind ; 
but they only keep me in training, they do not overwhelm me. 
Though it would have been a serious matter this Easter-tide if 
that pest, concerning whom you make inquiry, had been pre 
sent ; for I must then have called upon him for an explanation, 
or he would certainly not have been admitted to the table of 
the Lord. One of his scholars, the same he wished to stir up 
against Claude Norman, would have presented himself, unless 
I had forewarned him that he must previously clear himself 
to me, or at least promise repentance. He had been absent 
from sermon for a whole month, and held, as it were, an open 
mart of gambling and dissipation. A whisper, also, of his 
whoredom was muttered about ; yet, nevertheless, he would have 
leaped over every fence around that most holy sacrament, unless 
I had blocked up the way. He made sport of it with the per 
son who forewarned him of what I wished him to be aware of, 
saying that he left confession to the Papists. I replied, that there 
was also a kind of Christian confession, notwithstanding. If the 
master himself shall return, I will then have open war with him. 
It is through no fault of mine, nor does it rest with me, that I have 
not long ago come to close quarters. So plainly and openly have 
I flouted him even in church because of his impiety, that it could 
be no more doubtful either to himself or others, to whom I in 
tended my observations to apply, than if I had named him at 
once, or pointed him out with the finger. Since he has now be 
taken himself to Frankfort, I have entreated Bucer that he would 
be on his guard with him as with a sworn enemy. When first 
he shall perceive himself to be so handled, what an uproar will be 
in preparation for me 1 Therefore, whether I remain where I 
am or remove, many cares, many troubles and difficulties pur 
sue me. It is very agreeable to me, I own, that the brethren 
entertain such a regard for me, that they are ready to supply 
my wants from their own means. It could not be otherwise 
than that I must be greatly delighted with such a testimony of 
their love. Nevertheless, I have determined to abstain from 
putting both your kindness and theirs in requisition, unless 
a greater necessity shall have compelled me. Wendelin the 



112 FAREL. 1539. 

printer, to whom I entrusted my book to be printed, will pro 
vide me with as much as will be sufficient for any extraordinary 
expenses. From my books which yet remain at Geneva, there 
will be enough to satisfy my landlord till next winter : as to 
the future, the Lord will provide. Although I had at one time 
a great many friends in France, there was no one who offered 
me a farthing ; and indeed if they had, they might have boasted 
gratuitously of their kindness, for it would have cost them nothing 
to have offered what I would not have accepted. Louis had 
escaped my memory ; l he was the only person who offered ; but 
even he sold his bounty at too great a price; for he almost 
advised me to recant. He certainly proclaimed aloud that I 
was a deserter from the Church. I replied, as became, to such 
addresses. The letter, however, I fear has been lost. For the 
present, therefore, I shall content myself with your kindness 
and that of the brethren ; I may put your resources in requisi 
tion when there is need. In turn, I request that for this your 
considerate kindness towards me you would be pleased to accept 
my grateful affection. I am sorry that the crown-piece has 
been lost : there were reason for accusing myself of carelessness, 
unless I had thought that the messenger would have been 
ashamed to misappropriate it. I like much your plan with 
regard to Claude, that, before his awkwardness shall have been 
confirmed, and, as it were, have become incurable, the sparks 
of better breeding, which remain as yet in that state of boy 
hood, may be carefully stirred up in him by his own endeavour. 
But what do you call my promise to help forward the en 
deavours of the brethren for the upbuilding of discipline ? For 
to whom could I write, or in what style ? Wherefore, either 
do you yourself open up the way for me, or you need not 
expect that I will rashly undertake the matter. Of late, I have 
plainly told Philip to his face how much I misliked that over- 
abounding of ceremonies. Indeed, that it seemed to me the 
form which they observe was not far removed from Judaism. 
When I pressed him with argument, he was unwilling to dis 
pute with me about the matter, but admitted that there was an 

1 Louis du Tillet. 



1530. FAREL. 113 

over-doing in these either trifling or superfluous rites and cere 
monies. He said, however, that it had been found necessary to 
yield in that matter to the Canonists, who are here the stum 
bling-block in the way. That, however, there was no part of 
Saxony which is not more burdened with them than Witten 
berg, and even there much would be retrenched by degrees from 
such a medley. But he made a small reservation, to the effect 
that the ceremonies which they had been compelled to retain 
were not more approved of by Luther than was our sparing 
use of them. I wish that our excellent friend N. could behold 
how much sincerity there is in Philip. All suspicion of double- 
dealing would entirely vanish. Besides, as to Bucer s defence v 
of Luther s ceremonies, he does not do so because he eagerly 
seeks them, or would endeavour to introduce them. By no 
means can he be brought to approve of chanting in Latin. 
Images he abhors. Some other things he despises, while others 
he cares nothing at all about. There is no occasion to fear that 
he would be for restoring those things which have been once 
abolished ; only he cannot endure that, on account of these 
trifling observances, w r e should be separated from Luther. 
Neither, certainly, do I consider them to be just causes of 
dissent. / 

The German League 1 has nothing in it which ought to give 
offence to any pious mind. Wherefore, I would ask, may they 
not combine together in the strength which the Lord has given 
them for the common defence of the Gospel ? Moreover, they 
drag no one into their alliance, either by force or by a kind of 
necessity, against their will. There are rather to be found 
some cities professing the Gospel who prefer a league with 
the Papists, and even with bishops, as Nuremberg. I wish 
N. could be informed of the subtle practices which have been 
attempted in the Diet, and of the constancy with which they 
have been withstood. The ambassador of the Emperor strove 
to the uttermost that he might detach them from the Swiss 
churches. He did not indeed name them ; but he demanded 
that they should not undertake the cause of the Sacramentaries, 

1 The alliance of Smalkald, which the intrigues of the Catholic party endea 
voured to break up, in the Assembly at Frankfort. 

VOL. I. H 



114 FAREL. 1539. 

They replied, that they were on terms of brotherly communion 
with those whom he called Sacramentaries. Such is the courage 
they have manifested in their latest proceedings. The Em 
peror imposed a condition upon them, that they should receive 
no one into the League while the truce lasted, which he had 
agreed on with themselves. They consented ; but also on this 
condition, that if anywhere they received the Gospel, such might 
be protected, although not hitherto included in the League ; 
that if such should be attacked, they wished it to be understood 
that they would consider those as Leaguers who maintained the 
cause of Christ. They in their turn required also of the 
Emperor, that no treaties should be entered into, pending the 
truce, against the Gospel. It was the wish of the Emperor 
that the Ecclesiastical revenues might be reserved to the 
priesthood until the expiry of the inducice. Our friends as 
sented to this, on condition that due provision be made for 
churches and schools ; and they kept their ground firmly to 
the last. What will you think when I tell you of the noble 
example of this city 1 in determined resolution ? When the con 
ditions were brought hither which were proposed by the Em 
peror, that the covenants which had been entered into after the 
Diet of Nuremberg should be annulled, that in future no new 
engagements should be entered into among Protestants, and 
that matters should remain as they were on both sides, until 
the conference having met, the German Church should be re 
formed ; the Senate forthwith passed a decree, by which they 
declared, that they would sooner see their wives and children 
put to death before their eyes ; that they would incur the loss 
of all their privileges ; see their city ploughed up and utterly 
destroyed, and themselves cut off to the last man, rather than 
they would admit those laws by which the progress of the 
Gospel of Christ should be interrupted. 

Consider, my dear Farel, whether we do not inflict an injury 
on such men, who ourselves at our ease find fault with them, 
while they do not allow themselves, either by threats or the fear 
of danger, to flinch one hair s-breadth from the straightforward 
path of duty. There is therefore beyond doubt every appear- 

1 The town of Strasbourg. 



1539. FAREL. 115 

ance of approaching conflict ; and already an attack has been 
made on the territory of Luneburg. It is our duty, you say, 
carefully to avoid all that may give offence to the good and 
pious. I acknowledge it ; but it is equally the duty of the 
good to beware of being too ready to take offence and without 
reasonable ground. At present while I write, the scholar of 
whom I made mention above, wishes to be restored to grace, 
and has, moreover, fixed on Claude as his umpire. The Lord 
will, I trust, enable us to quell contumacy by a severe lenity. 
It is well that we have yet fifteen days before the Supper of the 
Lord, that we may have some trial of him beforehand. Salute 
for me in the most friendly manner, Thomas and the rest of the 
brethren. May the Lord himself long preserve you all safe 
and of one mind. Do you endeavour that the churches may 
be fervent in prayer while on all hands such dangers press 
upon us. Yours, 

CALVIN. 

[Calvin s Latin Correspondence, Opera, torn. ix. p. 9.J 



XXXVLTo FAREL. 

Ecclesiastical news of Switzerland destitution of the minister Megander 
complaints addressed to Bucer further projects of marriage on the part 
of Calvin . 

STRASBOURG, 19th May 1539. 

Health to you, my excellent and most agreeable brother. 
What you have intimated by letter was very welcome in the 
way of information, even although it afforded little cause of 
gladness j 1 for not to be in ignorance is a help, and to know 
what we are about is of advantage. It is of no consequence, 
however, to reply to each single point. I did not venture 
to conclude anything concerning Claude, that my conjecture 
might not deceive me. I can now judge from the beginnings 
what amount of success is to be expected in reforming that 
Church, unless the Lord himself, contrary to our expectation, 

1 From Neuchatcl Farel observed attentively the -progress of events at Geneva, 
and sent intelligence thereof to Calvin. 



116 FABEL. 1539. 

shall give them light ; because, if our successors discharge 
their duty in a faithful manner, they will soon perceive that 
there is more difficulty than they thought. It is not unlikely, 
also, that they will be compelled to bear testimony that we 
have well and faithfully discharged our office. Nor is it won 
derful that they try to moderate your zeal, for they have not 
yet attained such a fervour as to keep up even with your indol 
ence in the race. But do you realize to yourself what are the 
absolute requirements of the time, and regulate your zeal 
accordingly. 

As to the Church of Payerne, 1 I see no proof that there has 
been any thought of offering it to Saunier ; for it is of very evil 
example that faithful pastors should be drawn away from their 
own charge where a vacant place may be left open to others. If 
Eichard continues still the same man he was, and, nevertheless, 
does not give satisfaction, I know not whom we ought to love. I 
myself assuredly do -not hesitate to prefer him to many Sauniers. 
On the present occasion also, while I hear him informed against 
to you falsely and undeservedly, it is impossible not to suspect 
somewhat of malice and of preconceived mischief in the dela 
tion. In our day we complain much, and not entirely with 
out ground, of the contempt of the ministry, and often it is 
we ourselves who, either by our folly or by our covetousness, 
furnish weapons of offence to the outrageous populace. These 
sort of manoeuvres have never been countenanced by me. 
I mean, that one person should have a hankering to be sub 
stituted in the place and charge of another, which, with these 
eyes, I have seen happen in another case. Such things, my 
dear brother, I state to yourself, lest, in the candour which 
is so much a part of you, you think all is sincerely gone about, 
while you may seem by connivance to give countenance to 
evil and selfish artifice. Nor do I wish to vex any one, or 
render him more odious, by the imputation of criminality 
doubtful even to myself, but, according to the duty of a 
friend, I do not hesitate freely to set forth what I fear rather 
than what I believe. I am quite ready to agree that he be 

1 The Church of Payerne, founded by the preaching of Farel and Viret. 



1539. FAREL. 117 

settled in that locality which he can occupy without doing 
mischief. It grieves me that Zebedee has been so harshly 
treated, nor, take my word for it, do those get much thanks 
from Bucer, who, with such a tyrannical spirit, defend his 
book. 1 Himself bears much more meekly the liberty I take 
as often as I dissent from his opinion. Although about these 
matters I would far rather converse with you face to face, an 
opportunity for which I look forward to, unless you refuse to 
give yourself a little trouble. I have told Bucer that they 
have dealt very unjustly by you, for that all those who were 
friendly to him persisted in their hostility to you ; those, 
indeed, who formerly were your friends, on his account have 
become estranged from you. He groaned more deeply than 
I had expected. When he inquired about the remedy, my 
answer was, that the sore was irritated by the very handling of 
it, that it were well, therefore, to let it alone until a better 
method of treating it might occur to us. 

Concerning the marriage I shall now speak more plainly. 2 
Previous to the departure of Michael, I do not know whether 
any one made mention of that person concerning whom I 
wrote. But always keep in mind what I seek to find in her ; 
for I am none of those insane lovers who embrace also the vices 
of those they are in love with, where they are smitten at first 
sight with a fine figure. This only is the beauty which allures 
me, if she is chaste, if not too nice or fastidious, if economical, 
if patient, if there is hope that she will be interested about my 
health ; therefore, if you think well of it, set out imme 
diately, in case some one else get beforehand with you. But 
if you think otherwise, we may let that pass. After this, I 
shall not write again until you come. Do, however, come. 

1 The minister Gaspar Grossmann, (MegamTer,) had been discharged in 1537, by 
the Senate of Berne, for having composed a Catechism, which, on some points, did 
not agree with that of Bucer. Zebedee, minister of Orbe, had been censured for the 
same reason. 

2 The friends of Calvin at Strasbourg and in Switzerland were bent on bringing 
about the marriage of the Eeformer. Farel and Bucer displayed the most active 
zeal in the prosecution of their matrimonial project ; and it is known that Calvin s 
marriage, which took place the following year, may be attributed to the manage 
ment of the latter. Th. de Beze, Calrini Vita. 



118 THE CHURCH OF GENEVA. 1539. 

You are of all persons the most desired. Come, then ; you will 
shew your well-disposedness in a remarkable way by making 
this journey. And, notwithstanding, what should prevent your 
writing while you are getting ready to set out. All salute you 
here even in a more than friendly way, Capito, Bucer, Sturm, 
Bcdrot, Gaspar, and Frenchmen whom I do not mention by 
name, because you do not know them. Salute all the brethren 
from me. May the Lord long preserve you all in safety, to 

Himself and for the good of His Church. Yours, 

CALVIN. 

[ Calvin s Latin Correspondence, Opera, torn. ix. p. 10.] 



XXXVII. To THE CHURCH OF GENEVA. 1 

Kecommencls anew the counsel of peace and brotherly agreement to the 
Church of Geneva. 

STRASBOURG, 25 7i Jane 1539. 

The mercy of our God and grace of the Lord Jesus Christ, 
be multiplied to you by the communication of His Holy Spirit. 

Nothing, most beloved brethren, has caused me greater 
sorrow, since those disturbances which had so sadly scattered 
and almost entirely overthrown your Church, than when I 
understood your strivings and contentions with those ministers 
who succeeded us. For although the disorders which were 
inseparably connected with their first arrival among you, 
might with good reason prove offensive to you ; whatever may 
have given the occasion, I cannot hear without great and 

1 A letter, written in French, like that of the 1st October 1538," To the 
residue of the dispersion of the Church of Geneva." The French original is lost. 
It is preserved only in the Latin translation by Theodore Beza. We perceive in 
it the peculiar circumstances in which the Reformer retired to Strasbourg, saw it 
to be his duty a second time to exhort the Church of Geneva. Discord among the 
members of that Church had never ceased from the time of their being deprived 
of their first pastors. The authority of the new ministers was constantly treated 
Tvith contempt, and the town, scarcely reformed, had to struggle with the old dis 
orders, aggravated by the excesses arising from the schism. Observant of these sad 
divisions, and superior to the resentment of injury personal to himself, Calvin 
exhorted the members of his old flock, reminded them of the holy sanction of the 
ministerial charge, and implored them to rally around their lawful pastors. 



1539. THE CHURCH OF GENEVA. 119 

intense horror that any schism should settle down within the 
Church. Wherefore, this was far more bitter to me than words 
can express ; I allude to what I have heard about those your con 
tentions, so long as you were tossed about in uncertainty ; since 
owing to that circumstance not only was your Church rent by 
division quite openly, but also the ecclesiastical ministry exposed 
to obloquy and contempt. This of itself is of infinite importance. 
And since, in consequence of that disorder which yet prevails 
in the Church of God, by reason of the extent of the disease, I 
can entertain the less hope of an immediate remedy, I under 
stand with the utmost delight that such a calamity has been 
changed into an assured union and agreement ; since I might 
conclude that matters would so be brought round, that every 
one would return to order, and that the Kingdom of our Lord 
Jesus Christ would be promoted. For where there are quarrels 
and discord, there is scarcely any hope of improvement. There 
fore, as I might promise myself some certain advantage from 
that reconciliation, I am readily induced to contribute to its 
confirmation j for if, even in the midst of such violent storms, 
I have always contributed my endeavour, according to the judg 
ment and fixed purpose of my conscience, towards keeping and 
preserving the communion of the Church, so much the more 
did I need to testify the inclination of my mind towards those 
pious individuals themselves, when so suitable an occasion pre 
sented itself for that purpose. And truly I saw everything at 
the time in such a state of dissolution, that it did not appear to 
me to be so easy a matter to rebuild and to restore them to 
their former state. However that may be, I considered the pre 
sent most desirable and opportune occasion as offered by the 
Lord for the restoring of your Church. Now, therefore, when, 
contrary to my expectation, I have heard that the reconcilia 
tion between your pastors and the neighbouring churches, 
having been confirmed also by Farel and by myself, was not 
found to be sufficient for binding you together in sincere and 
friendly affection, and by the tie of a lawful connexion with 
your pastors, to whom the care of your souls is committed, I felt 
myself compelled to write to you, that I might endeavour, so far 
as lay in me, to find a medicine for this disease, which, without 



120 THE CHURCH OF GENEVA. 1539. 

great sin. against God, it was not possible for nie to conceal. 
And although my former letters had not been very lovingly 
received by yon, I was nevertheless unwilling to be wanting in 
my duty, so that, should I have no further success, I would at 
least deliver my own soul. Neither do I so much question 
your spirit of obedience (of which, indeed, I have proof) toward 
God and His ministers, as that I can at all fear that this 
my exhortation will have no weight with you, neither has 
my sincerity towards you lain concealed. That my advice 
has not been taken by you, I consider is rather to be imputed 
to the circumstances of the time, when such was the state of 
disorder, that it was very difficult indeed to determine what 
was best. Now at length, however, when your affairs, by 
the favour of God, are in a more settled and composed state, 
I trust that you will readily perceive that my only object 
is to lead you into the right way ; that being so persuaded with 
regard to me, you may shew in reality by what motive you are 
^brought into subjection to the truth. Especially, I ask you to 
weigh maturely, having put aside all respect of persons, of what 
honour the Lord accounts them worthy, and what grace He has 
committed to those whom He has appointed in His own Church 
as pastors and ministers of the Word. 1 For He not only com 
mands us to render a willing obedience, with fear and trembling, 
to the Word while it is proclaimed to us ; but also commands 
that the ministers of the Word are to be treated with honour 
and reverence, as being clothed with the authority of His ambas 
sadors, whom He would have to be acknowledged even as His 
.own angels and messengers. Certainly, so long as we have been 
among you, we have not tried very much to impress upon you 
the dignity of our ministry, that we might avoid all ground of 
suspicion ; now, however, that we are placed beyond the reach 
of danger, I speak more freely nay mind. Had I to do with 
ministers themselves, I would teach what I considered to be the 
extent and measure of their office, and to what you also are 
bound as sitting under their ministry. Since, of a truth, every 
one must render an account of his own life, each individual for 
himself, as well ministers as private persons, it is rather to be 

Mai. ii. 7 ; 2 Or. v. 20 ; 1 Thcus. v. 13. 



1539. THE CHURCH OF GENEVA. 121 

desired, that every one for himself may consider, what is due to 
others, than that he may require what may further be due to 
him from some one else. Where such considerations have their 
due weight, then also this established rule will operate effec 
tually, namely, that those who hold the office of ministers of the 
Word, since the guidance and rule over your souls is entrusted 
to their care, are to be owned and acknowledged in the relation 
of parents, to be held in esteem, and honoured on account of 
that office which, by the calling of the Lord, they discharge 
among you. Nor does the extent of their function reach 
so far as to deprive you of the right conferred on you by 
God, (as upon all His own people,) that every pastor may be 
subject to examination, that those who are thus approven may 
be distinguished from the wicked, and all such may be held 
back who, under the guise of shepherds, betray a wolfish rapa 
city. This, however, is my earnest wish concerning those who 
in some measure fulfil the duty of pastors, that they may be 
tolerant, that you also may conduct yourselves towards them 
in a Christian spirit, and with this view that you may make 
greater account of that which may be due by you to others, 
than what others owe to yourselves. This also I will set forth 
plainly and in a few words. Two things here are to be consi 
dered. The one, that the calling of your ministers does not 
happen without the will of God. For although that change 
which took place upon our departure may have been brought 
to pass by the subtlety of the Devil, so that whatever fol 
lowed on that change may justly be suspected by you : in it, 
nevertheless, the remarkable grace of the Lord is to be acknow 
ledged by you, who has not allowed you to be left altogether 
destitute ; nor let you Ml back again under the yoke of 
Antichrist, from which He hath once rescued you already. 
But he rather wished that both the doctrine of the Gospel 
should still exist, and that some appearance of a Church should 
flourish among you, so that with a quiet conscience you might 
continue there. We have always admonished you that you 
should acknowledge that overturning of your Church as the 
visitation of the Lord sent upon you, and necessary also for 
us. Neither ought you so much to direct your thoughts 



122 THE CHURCH OF GENEVA. 1530. 

against the wicked and the instruments of Satan, as upon 
personal and individual sins, which have deserved no lighter 
punishment, but indeed a far more severe chastisement. I 
would now therefore once more repeat the same advice. 
For besides that such is the particular and suitable remedy 
for obtaining mercy and deliverance of the Lord from that 
just judgment which lies upon you, there is also another 
very weighty reason that ought to bring you to repentance ; 
lest peradventure we may seeni to bury in oblivion that 
very great benefit of the Lord towards you, in not having 
allowed the Gospel edifice to fall utterly to ruin in the midst of 
you, seeing that it has held so together, that as an instance 
of His direct interference it must be reckoned as a miracle 
of His power, by which alone you were preserved from 
that greatest of all calamity. However that may be, it is 
certainly the work of God s providence, that you still have 
ministers who exercise the office of shepherds of souls and 
of government in your Church. We must also take into ac 
count, that those servants of God who exercise the ministry 
of the Word in the neighbouring churches, in order to me 
diate between the parties in such dangerous contests, have 
themselves approved of the calling of those men ; whose opi 
nions we also have subscribed, since no better method oc 
curred to us by which we could consult your welfare and 
advantage. That you are well assured of our conscientious 
integrity we have no doubt, so that you ought at once to con 
clude, that we did nothing which was not sincere and upright. 
But putting out of view even all idea of kindly affection, the 
very discussion of that delicate point was a proof quite as 
sincere as could be given on my part, that you would have 
no obscure instruction from me. Therefore, you must seri 
ously look to it, that you are not too ready to disapprove of 
what the servants of God judge to be essential to your advan 
tage and the preservation of the Church. The other point to 
be well considered by you is this, that there may be due inspec 
tion of their regular discharge of duty, that they may fulfil the 
ministry of the Church. And here, I confess, discretion evi 
dently (nor would I wish to be the author of bringing any 



1539. THE CHUKCH OF GENEVA. 123 

tyranny into the Church) requires, that pious men should esteem 
as pastors those who do not stand only on their calling. For it is 
an indignity not to be borne, if that reverence and regard is to 
be given to certain personages, which the Lord Himself desires 
may be assigned only to the ministers of the Word. Conse 
quently, I readily grant you concerning that minister who shall 
not have taught the Word of our Lord Jesus Christ, whatever 
title or prerogative he may put forth as a pretence, that he 
is unworthy to be considered as a pastor, to whom due obe 
dience can be shewn in the ministry. Because, however, it is 
clear to me, in reference to our brethren who at present hold 
the office of the ministry among you, that the Gospel is taught 
you by them, I do not see what can excuse you, as before the 
Lord, while you either neglect or reject them. If some one 
may reply, that this or that in their doctrine or morals is ob 
jectionable, I require you, in the first place, by our Lord Jesus 
Christ, that so far as may be, you will first of all weigh the 
matter in your mind, and without any hastiness of judgment. 
For since we all of us owe this on the score of charity to one 
another, that we may not rashly pass sentence against others, 
but rather, so far as lies in us, that we hold fast by clemency 
and justice, much more is that moderation to be practised to 
wards those whom the Lord is pleased to peculiarly distinguish 
above others. And even although there may be somewhat 
wanting which might justly be required of them, (as to which 
I am not able to speak definitively, since I have no certain 
knowledge,) you must just consider, that you will find no per 
son so thoroughly perfect as that there shall not be many things 
which are still to be desired. Wherefore, that rule of charily 
is not duly honoured by us, unless we uphold our neighbours, 
even with their very infirmities, provided we recognise in them 
the true fear of God and the sincere desire of following the very 
truth itself. Lastly, I cannot possibly doubt, in so far as con 
cerns their doctrine, but that they faithfully deliver to you the 
chief heads of Christian religion, such as are necessary to 
salvation, and join therewith the administration of the sacra 
ments of the Lord. Wherever this is established, there also 
the very substance of the ministry ordained bv the Lord Jesus 



124 THE CHURCH OF GENEVA. 1539. 

Christ thrives and flourishes ; and all due reverence and respect 
Js to be observed toward him who is the minister. 

Now, therefore, most beloved brethren., I entreat and ad 
monish you, in the name and strength of our Lord Jesus 
Christ, that turning away from man your heart and mind, 
you betake yourselves to that one and only Eedeemer, and 
that you reflect, how much we are bound to submit entirely 
to His sacred commands. And if everything He has appointed 
among you ought deservedly to be held inviolate, no consi 
deration whatever ought so to deflect you from the path of 
duty, that you may not preserve whole and entire that mini 
stration which he so seriously commends to you. If already 
you dispute and quarrel with your pastors to the extent of 
brawls and railing, as I hear has occurred, it is quite evident 
from such a course of proceeding, that the ministry of those 
very persons in which the brightness of the glory of our 
Lord Jesus Christ ought to shine forth, must be subject to 
contempt and reproach, and all but trampled under foot. It 
is therefore incumbent on you carefully to beware, lest while 
we seem to ourselves only to insult men, we in fact declare war 
on God Himself. Nor, besides, ought it to seem a light matter 
to you, that sects and divisions are formed and cherished 
within the Church, which no one who has a Christian heart 
beating in his breast can without horror even drink in by the 
hearing of the ears. But that the state of matters is indeed 
such where a separation of this kind exists, and as it were 
a secession between pastor and people, the thing speaks for 
itself. In conclusion, therefore, accept this admonition, if you 
wish me to be held by you as a brother, that there may be 
among you a solid agreement, which may correspond with such 
a name, that you may not reject that ministry which, for 
your advantage and the prosperity of the Church, I have been 
forced to approve of without any fear or favour in respect of 
men. But because, during the whole of that time my pious 
and faithful colleague in the Lord was here, because my time, 
BO far as ordinary occupations permitted, was entirely taken up 
in conference, I could not then write to you more fully, as I 
wished. Thereupon, we thus agreed among ourselves, that I 



1539. FAREL. 125 

indeed should deliver to you in few words the right way which 
you ought here to take, but that himself as he should judge ex 
pedient should exhort you as to duty face to face. Here, there 
fore, with the most fervent salutation written by my own hand, 
do I supplicate the Lord Jesus, that He protect you in His holy 
fortress of defence ; that He may heap on you His gifts more 
and more ; that He may restore your Church to due order, and 
specially, that He may fill you with His own spirit of gentle 
ness, so that in the true conjunction of soul we may every one 
bestow ourselves in the promoting of His kingdom. 
Your most devoted, 

J. C. 

[Calvin s Latin Correspondence, Opera, torn. ix. p. 10.] 



XXXVIIL To FAREL. 

Journey of Farel to Strasbourg scanty remuneration of Calvin 
sale of his books. 

STRASBOURG, 27th July [1539.] 

We have nothing new since you left us, except that, on the 
self-same clay, about three hours after your departure, the 
directors resolved to augment my salary. They proposed to 
give me a stipend of a hundred florins, on the condition that I 
should resign that which I had formerly received ; but when 
it came the length of the college of the canons, they objected 
against it the royal caveat, by which manoeuvre they have 
excluded me. Thus am I made none the richer. I send 
you a reckoning of what you paid for me of our expenses at 
Hagenau, although you had no right to be repaid a single 
penny ; for it was your duty to have admonished me. I have 
a valid excuse, which did not occur to me until it was too late 
to plead it. Let me remind you as to what I formerly wrote, 
that if a cask should arrive from Michael of Geneva, you 
would take charge of it on account of Wendelin. Should any 
person be inclined to buy the books, do you sell them, but mine 
for not less than nine or ten batzen at the lowest, unless, per 
haps, any one like Cressonniere will take a large quantity, for 



126 FAREL. 1539. 

then you may exercise your discretion. The carriage, indeed, 
will cost no small sum, and must yet cost, before the books 
reach you. Adieu, my most excellent and kind brother. Salute 
most earnestly and lovingly all our brethren. Long may the 
Lord preserve you all. 

[Lat. orig. autogr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.] 



XXXIX. To FAREL. 

Reconciliation of Farel with Caroli intercession of the Senate of Stras 
bourg in favour of the French Protestants answer of Calvin to the 
letter of Cardinal Sadolet. 

In the month of September 1539. 1 

Yesterday, Henry came hither after supper time. As soon 
as I rose from table I went to Bucer, read over to him your 
letter, which made him very glad, especially because he could 
perceive from it your great leniency towards Caroli. He at 
once acknowledged that he could scarcely have felt himself able 
to treat that person with so much clemency. Should he visit 
Basle there is considerable risk of his being somewhat more 
severely handled by Grrynee, as both Viret and Zebedee, 
reproving his over-complaisance, have changed his feelings 
towards that individual, as I have been told. But we have 
been delighted to hear of your kindness in this case, which can 
do no injury to the Church, and which may tend to break down 
the opposition of the wicked. 

To-day, these two young men came to me in the morning, 
which occasions my writing somewhat sooner, but more briefly. 
In the case of our brethren we have performed what was our 
duty, nor was the Senate, 2 according to its usual devotedness, at 
all behindhand in taking up the matter. As soon as the affair 
was settled I sent you notice. I perceive, however, that the 
letter had not yet reached you at the time you wrote. The 

1 The date of this letter is in the handwriting of Farel. 

2 The magistrates of Strasbourg united themselves to Protestant princes of 
Germany to intercede in common with Francis I. in favour of his cruelly perse 
cuted Protestant subjects. 



1539. FAREL. 127 

messenger whom they sent to the Duke of Saxony and the 
Landgrave has not, up to this time, returned; he is hourly 
expected to arrive. Bucer is with the Chancellor almost daily. 
Be not alarmed, my dear brother, we are not iron-hearted in 
this quarter, nor will it be the fault of the Senate nor of the 
ministers, if the pious do not get help, such as in these times 
can be had. I perceive that, on many accounts, the Genevese 
will be wretched. Sulzer 1 had brought hither the epistle of 
Sadolet. 2 I was not very much concerned about an answer to 
it, but our friends have at length compelled me. At the present 
moment I am entirely occupied upon it. It will be a six 
days work. I send my book to you since I cannot repay your 
kindness by the return of a gift in kind. Adieu, most amiable 
brother. Salute very lovingly for me the whole of our brethren. 
Yours, 

CALVIN. 

[Lat. orig. autogr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.] 



XL. To FAREL. 

Caroli at Strasbourg Proceedings of Sturm and Bucer for the recon 
ciliation with Calvin. 

STRASBOURG, 8th October 1539. 

Whenever of late a new occasion of writing presented itself, 
I wished to avoid writing until the affair of Caroli, 3 the matter 

1 Sulzer, minister of the Church of Berne. At a later period he was pastor of 
the Church of Basle. 

2 Cardinal Sadolet, Bishop of Carpentras, informed of the troubles of Geneva, 
had written to the magistrates of that town exhorting them to return to the com 
munion of the Eoman Church. Calvin wrote a reply to Sadolet, and that letter, 
dated from Strasbourg, 1st September 1539, is one of the most remarkable monu 
ments of the Reformer s genius. See Col. Opera, edit. d Amsterdam, torn. viii. ; 
and the Eecueil des Opuscules, p. 145. 

3 Condemned by the Synod of Lausanne, and banished by the Senate of Berne, 
Caroli had returned to the Church of Rome, and had in vain sought the favour of 
the Cardinal de Tournon. Deceived in his expectations, he reappeared in Switzer 
land, confessed his past offences, and obtained the forgiveness of Farel. After 
wards he proceeded to Strasbourg, where Bucer and Sturm tried every means to 
reconcile him with Calvin. Ruchat, Hist, de la Reformat, en Suisse, torn. v. pp. 
129-134. 



128 FAREL. 1539. 

in hand which detained our friends, might be brought to some 
conclusion. My concern about it kept me intensely anxious. 
Bucer did not think it fitting that I should be present at any 
of the proceedings until they had arrived at some hope of 
agreement, or that at least some inclination thereto had become 
apparent on either side. On my part, he found no difficulty in 
obtaining his wish that I would say nothing harsh, because 
that would only stir up new disturbances ; and this he appeared 
greatly to desire, that there might be all the freer opportunity of 
speaking against us. They had commenced, so far as I have been 
able to learn, with doctrine ; for they have inquired, whether 
there was anything he thought defective in that faith which we 
preached. He himself discoursed about certain points of doc 
trine, which are particularly enumerated in the minutes which 
were afterwards written out and attested by our signatures. 
Thence they proceeded to inquire into the matter of his falling 
away from the truth, which was the crisis of the whole affair. 
He endeavoured in every possible way to excuse himself. He 
boasted, moreover, that at first he had a most just cause of 
complaint against us, that he did not immediately rush forward 
to accuse us, but required in a friendly way, that we should 
subscribe the three creeds ; that we not only declined doing so, 
but disparaged with much scornful derision those three sym 
bols, which by the perpetual confession of good men have 
always been held as of established authority in the Church. 
Thereupon they excepted, that he had not on that account any 
sufficient ground why he should fall away to the Papists. 
Then, having rebuked him very severely, they admonished him 
to repentance. When called upon, I replied to his objections, 
and in the first place, most assuredly did not spare, to declare 
the whole business as it stood from the very commencement. 
There was some little difficulty in clearing ourselves as to the 
symbols ; for it was certainly somewhat discreditable that we 
should have rejected those documents, which, since they have 
been received by the approving judgment of the whole Church, 
ought to be considered as beyond controversy. Although, there 
fore, it would have been easy for us to palliate that also, by re 
plying we did not reject these symbols, far less disapprove them, 



1539. FAREL. 129 

but that we had only refused our subscription, in order 
that Caroli might not thereby find occasion of triumph in 
his attacks upon our ministry, there would still have re 
mained somewhat of suspicion in regard to us. That cir 
cumstance especially procured him favour, because a little 
before that, Claude, who it was clear had been often con 
demned by all the Churches, had been received again into the 
office of the ministry. Therefore, although I shewed that he 
had done that from malice, I could not take away from him 
every pretext for attacking us. It was my duty to give satis 
faction on the score of battologies. But by no means have I 
admitted that there was here any useless battology, or mere 
contending about words. I confessed, however, that I would 
not have spoken unless I had been forced by his wickedness 
to do so. But it would be requisite that I should write 
you a volume were I to relate everything. I have, however, 
disclosed to them the sum and substance of our whole con 
tention, and have so digested it point by point, that it might 
appear easily enough the evil did not proceed from us. Never 
have I felt more decidedly how much our Bernese friends 
whom you know have injured us by their accusations. There 
was not an individual of those of our own people who. enter 
tained a doubt about our innocence. They annoyed me, how 
ever, about the creeds, because we had been unwilling to sub 
scribe them, when that might have been done without danger, 
and might have relieved us from much suspicion. Therefore 
they disapproved unanimously of our conduct. These things 
took place in the absence of Caroli. Thereupon Bucer re 
quested that I would state all those matters in which he had 
been faulty. That I would not do ; for he always had some 
thing to allege by which he could either slip away or might 
palliate his offence. Since, therefore, I saw that there was no 
good to be done in that way of proceeding, I thought it best to 
declare that I would not bring any accusation against him ; 
that it would satisfy me if he acknowledged heartily and sin 
cerely that he had sinned. But when I foresaw that an out- 
gate would not be very easy, there was nothing I urged more 
strongly than that they should proceed without me ; that I had 
VOL. i. i 



130 FAREL. 1539. 

no wish to throw hindrances in their way, provided they would 
not force my assent. This, because they considered that it was 
the greatest hindrance of all, they have not granted. Articles, 
therefore, have been drawn up, in which some things that he 
(Caroli) himself had proposed have at his own request been 
expunged ; these articles were sent to me at a late hour in 
the night. When I had read one passage in particular, I 
was so alarmed, that throughout the whole of this year I do 
not remember to have been so much grieved. The next morn 
ing I summoned Sturm to my aid. I explained to him the 
cause of my distress. He represented the matter to Bucer. 
They appointed a meeting with me together at the house of 
Mathias, where I might explain fully what it was that dis 
tressed me. There I sinned grievously in not having been 
able to keep within bounds ; for so had the bile taken entire 
possession of my mind, that I poured out bitterness on 
all sides. There was of a certainty some cause for indigna 
tion, if moderation had only been observed in the expression 
of it. I complained, on the ground that they had presented 
these articles to me for the purpose of discharging Caroli ; 
that they had given it as their opinion that they appeared 
to themselves to be good, while I was unheard ; that after 
judgment already pronounced, they required me to subscribe, 
which if I should refuse, I must look henceforth upon them as 
adversaries. But the point which chiefly stirred my indigna 
tion, was because therein Caroli declared, that lie committed 
to the Lord the offences by which he had been driven to de 
fection, and therefore he committed matters which partially 
concerned other parties. In the conclusion of my speech, 
I stated my resolution rather to die than subscribe this. 
Thereupon there was so much fervour on both sides, that I 
could not have been more rude to Caroli himself if he had 
been present. At length I forced myself out of the supper- 
room, Bucer following, who, after he had soothed me by his fair 
speeches, brought me back to the rest. I said, that I wished 
to consider the matter more fully before making any more 
distinct reply. When I got home I was seized with an extra 
ordinary paroxysm, nor did I find any other solace than in sighs 



1539. FAREL. 131 

and tears ; and I was the more deeply afflicted because you had 
occasioned me those evils. Ever and anon they were twitting 
me with your lenity, who had mercifully embraced Caroli upon 
the spot ; that I was too headstrong, who could not be moved 
one whit from that judgment which I had formed. Bucer, 
indeed, has tried every mode of representation, that he might 
soothe my mind upon the subject, but, in the meanwhile, sets 
up your example invidiously against me ; nor, indeed, can you 
thus excuse yourself of inconsiderateness, or that you were too 
easily led away by him ; and that I may freely speak my mind, 
that one might justly have expected from you more both of gravity 
and constancy and moderation. These good brethren have 
insisted that you should receive Caroli into favour. On which 
you have not merely given way, but you have fallen prostrate. 
This you yourself have discovered shortly after you repented 
of it, and you might have recovered yourself without repent 
ance, unless you had gone too far. Do you suppose that I 
take any comfort to myself from the accusation of your 
negligence, which has caused me so much annoyance ? Had 
I been able to speak with you face to face, I would have 
turned upon you the whole of the fury which I have poured 
forth upon others. When I had somewhat come to myself I 
sent for James, and inquired what had taken place with him. 
Some things he related rekindled anew in me the angry passions, 
therefore I requested that he would point out the particular 
occasion where or when he imputed the blame of his falling 
away as forced upon him by others, and expressly that the 
conditions might be confirmed, upon which he had been received 
back by you into favour at Bonneville. 1 I would have accom 
plished something better if you had not prevented me. To you 
it is to be imputed if anything is faulty. First of all, that 
you did not temper or qualify your reconciliation by that 
moderation which ought to be observed ; that you ought not to 
have received him back into communion, unless upon his own 
solemn attestation acknowledging his offence, and upon repent- 

1 Bonneville, on the Lake of Bienne. It was there where the interview between 
Caroli and Farel, accompanied by the two deputies from Neuchatel, had taken 



FAREL. 1539. 

ance ; and., lastly, that } 7 ou did not inform me by writing of 
all these matters at the time when they happened. I hope, 
however, that the document, as it now stands, may be endur 
able ; but it has cost me much grief and trouble. All that 
remains for us, now that we have received him back again into 
favour, is to persevere and maintain constantly, the grace we 
have sanctioned, for if we ought not to cast him off, he must, 
by every endeavour, be retained. That cannot otherwise be 
brought about unless you restrain all your people, that they do 
not insult him. The written document, as soon as it shall 
have been written out formally, will be forwarded to \ou. 
Therein he is bound by sufficiently powerful obligations not 
to attempt any fresh mischief. However, do you yourselves 
observe that same mildness of demeanour towards him which 
you have prematurely shewn. But these things, as well as what 
remains to be said, I shall urge more fully when the writing 
shall be sent. At present I wish to inform you, in a few 
words, what was the conclusion of this affair. Caroli has just 
set out to go to Kognac, 1 for what purpose I have not discovered, 
unless that he may seek some retreat for himself until there 
is an opportunity of doing something with you. Alexander 
accompanied him, whom he excused himself for having taken 
along with him, upon the advice of Barbarini. There was no 
occasion, however, of apprehension, either on your part or on 
ours, on his account ; for here we are not quite so facile as 
readily to embrace those whom other Churches have cast out. 
He also, indeed, requested to be heard ; but we had no leisure. 
Upon his return, so far as depends upon me, I will not inter 
cede that he may be heard, unless he shall declare to me his 
whole history, to which proposal, in respect of his dignity, he 
may except. Your letter I shall answer soon; for a severe 
cough has seized me, which does not suffer me to write more at 
present. This person who delivers my letter to you was recom 
mended to us by the Seigneur de Rognac, for whose sake we 
have endeavoured to find employment for him, but were not able. 
Among the manual arts his inclination and taste led him to try 

1 Rognae is it tlu- burgh of that namo in Provence, department of Bouches du 
Rhone ? 



1539. FAREL. 133 

the handicraft of bookbinding ; hence he has gone thither that 
he may try every where. I willingly recommend him to you, and 
hope you may be able to serve him ; for Eognac is worthy and 
deserving, for whose sake I willingly would entreat this of you, 
and even much more. All our friends greet you in the most 
friendly manner, chiefly Capito, Bucer, Sturm, Bedrot, 1 Claude, 
Gaspar, James, with his companion Enard, and all the French 
men. Because I am aware that you are quite accustomed to my 
rudeness, I will make no excuse for treating you so uncivilly. 
Salute all the brethren for me, chiefly Cordier and Chapon- 
neau and Thomas. Do as seems best to yourself in regard to 
the epistle of Sadolet, only, however, let Ine know what you 
do. Cordier will greatly oblige me if he will entrust to me the 
Psalms which he has already written out. Yours, 

CALVIN. 

[Lnt. oriy. autocjr. Library of Genera. Vol. 106.] 



XLL To FAREL. 

Farther details of the reconciliation of Calvin with Caroli the minister 
Alexander a lecture of Bucer negotiations of the Protestant Princes of 
Germany their answer to Henry Till. French translation of the epistle 
to Sadolet. 

STRASBOURG, Ilili October 1539. 

Pardon me, my most amiable brother, for not having written 
to you since that discontented letter 2 which lately had been 
forced out of me by my ill-humour in its first fervour. I do 
not quite remember what I may have written. I am aware, 
however, that I had not sufficiently softened the expressions, 
because this single solace of my grief remained, to expostulate 
with you for having created such annoyance to me through 
your extreme facility. Now, you excuse your fault in a 
lengthened apology, although, nevertheless, you try to defend 
what you have done ; the sum total, however, of the defence 

1 James Bedrot, native of the Orisons, professor of Greek in the Academy at 
Strasbourg. 

2 That is to .say, the preceding letter concerning Caroli. 



134 FAREL. 1539. 

consists of entreaty. After this, therefore, look to it that you 
set bounds to your clemency, and take care that it does no 
harm to others. I did not omit any of those things which 
you enumerate in your epistle, when I came to speak upon 
the matter. For I have diligently tracked all the exploits 
which he has perpetrated since his going away, both at Geneva 
and at Lausanne, and also in France ; but afterwards he was 
brought in, and according to his pleasure, he softened down 
some things, others he made light of, and in some he threw 
back the charge upon ourselves. They did not venture to trust 
me with him, that he might not exasperate me beyond all bear 
ing. They also qualified his answers, or suppressed them 
entirely. Thus have I been deceived in the whole affair. When I 
foresaw this from the first, my intention was expressly declared, 
to take no part either in approving or in disapproving of what 
might be done. For all the matter in discussion was, that the 
person might not be- cast off by us who had been received by 
you. You deny that you are the Church. But who can sup 
pose otherwise than that you have recommended him on the 
certificate of the Church ? Deny it if you can, that you attested 
his reconciliation by your letter. Moreover, what you wrote 
as applicable to you, was understood as referring to the whole 
Church, from whose authority all were of opinion that you 
had not departed. In this way, I have been left alone in my 
opposition. That, also, deprived me of authority, that he had 
succeeded in getting our friends to think he had some reason 
for discussing that controversy about the Trinity, in which 
respect Capito helped him not a little, who informed Bucer 
that he had formerly received a letter from you, in which you 
acknowledged that you dissented on that point from others, 
or I know not what to the same purpose, for Bucer has not 
clearly explained it to me. All of them, also, have strangely 
annoyed me about the creeds. These, and matters of a like 
kind have effected, that they have come to judge him not 
altogether unworthy of compassion. But upon what condi 
tions he was received, you will understand from the minutes. 
1 will consistently perform what I have there promised, if 
he faithfully observes his engagement. If, however, he may 



1539. FAREL. 135 

happen to deceive, that instant I am free, for I have bound 
myself in regard to him only conditionally. 

With reference to Alexandre, 1 I am already thoroughly in 
formed, so that I can welcome him, as often as he calls, accord 
ing to his deserts ; and I shall have more weight in that cause, 
because it will not appear so much as if I were pleading my 
own case. Listen to a signal instance of his impudence. Once 
he ventured to enter our dwelling with the view of obtruding 
himself upon me in some way or other. When I happened 
to go down to the lower part of the house, there I caught 
him with the domestics. He bowed in a very courtly style, 
and put himself in the gesture of preparation to speak. I 
condescended to regard him neither by look nor by salutation. 
Nevertheless, I summoned one of them, of whom I requested 
that he would desire him to go away, for that we did not suffer 
those to remain on our premises who had been cast out of the 
Church of God. From that time he has not dared to present 
himself to me. Now let him come, he shall not find me unpre 
pared. You will be amused, also, when you hear how Caroli 
was received at one of Bucer s lectures. He was treating of the 
passage about stoning the false prophet : when he had defined 
what was meant by the expression Pstudo Propheta, he said, 
that he was not a person who might teach somewhat beyond or 
independent of the Word of God, but one who could welcome 
or approve of dogmas opposed to the Word of God. He added 
an example concerning those who would imagine a certain place 
in which soids are purified, and he pronounced that doctrine to 
be absurd ; but on account of that we ought not to condemn any 
one, provided he so professed it that he left it undetermined ; 
but that lie who maintains that the dead are aided by our 
prayers, was not only to be condemned of vain worship, but also 
of impiety. When he spoke these words, at one time he looked 
towards me, and at another he turned his eyes to Caroli. Now, 
however, since we have agreed with him, we must take care 
that he has no good ground of complaint against us, either on 
the score of consistency or sincerity. I may, nevertheless, some- 

1 Alexandre, late minister of Thonon. lie had been excommunicated by the 
presbytery of Neuchatel for having deserter! his charrre. 



136 FAItEL. 1539. 

how understand with what adroitness he has conducted him 
self with Rognac. He affords me an opportunity of speaking 
of the church at Metz, and what has happened there. He 
passes on thither, and seizes an opportunity of preaching. 
Instantly an official appears, who orders him to be cited. 
What passes with him thereupon I know not, except that 
shortly afterwards he withdraws. About fifteen days before, 
I had sent my brother thither. He lived with an excellent 
and most upright man, and kept very quiet. As soon as 
they got knowledge of it, they required of his master that he 
would send him away. He refused to do so. Then they turned 
their fury against my brother, and ordered him to depart the 
city within seven days. He replied, that it was both an unjust 
and unusual proceeding to pronounce against an unoffending 
man without hearing him. He therefore went to the magistrate, 
sought a hearing, was refused ; appealed to the provost and his 
council, which consists of persons of some rank. He presented, 
according to custom, a petition and supplication, but he made 
nothing of it. Nor did they treat him only in this way, but 
they decided that no stranger in future, upon whom any suspi 
cion might fall, should be suffered to remain. Briefly, I wish 
you to understand, that the way in that direction, for the pre 
sent, is shut against the Gospel, Therefore, we must wait for 
a better opportunity, which I shall be always looking for. Those 
small vermin, Malm and Grociati, you cannot do better than 
constantly to crush and bruise them, which you may do without 
danger, for they can only spit spent venom. 

That information which the French ambassador has received 
about the Edict 1 has been the doing of Bucer, who has under 
hand instructed Doctor Cheiius 2 to write to him, that all our 
friends were greatly estranged from the King on account of that 
cruelty. 3 Not a word about the embassy. Bucer himself dic- 

1 This refers, doubtless, to the Edict which was published the following year in 
France. It contained most rigorous clauses against heretics. 

2 Ulric Cheiius, a distinguished physician, the friend of Bucer. 

3 See notes 2, pp. 105, 126. The Protestant princes of Germany, irritated by 
the persecutions directed against their brethren of the Reformed Churches of 
France, threatened the rupture of all friendly relations with the reigning SOVP- 
rpin. FranriR T. 



1539. FARF.L. 137 

tated the letter, and certainly, already we had almost begun to 
despair about it. The Landgrave had yielded, and the matter 
was already settled, unless the Elector of Saxony had stood out, 
who supposes that he does his duty well, provided he keeps 
himself at as great a distance as possible from all his adver 
saries. In the meantime, the pious who are endangered are 
deserted. The King of England had lately despatched an em 
bassy to him, to excuse himself for having sent away his 
ambassadors and those of the Landgrave without having 
attained their object. 1 He alleged as a reason, that they did 
not appear to him to be furnished with a sufficiently ample 
commission. The Elector replied, that the proverb spoke 
truth which said, that loop-holes of escape are always to be 
found by those who wish to play fast and loose ; for that the 
ambassadors had full power of entering into the treaty which 
he and his allies were willing to make with him. That he de 
ceived himself if he could suppose that our friends could be 
induced to mix themselves up with all his peculiar controver 
sies ; they would not engage in any other alliance than such as 
would be for the sake of the Gospel. Besides, that the King had 
sufficiently displayed the temper of his mind when he published 
that impious Edict ; 2 for that his conscience impelled him to 
this harsh language., nor could even he prevent the learned in 
his own dominions from denouncing so great impiety. The 
Landgrave, with no less constancy, more mildly replied, that 
he would smooth the way for him, if there was hope of 
mending the matter. The convention is now appointed for 
the 19th November, in which both embassies will be dealt 
with. Early yesterday a messenger arrived, although it is not 

1 See p. 101, note 2. These deputies had at first been most graciously received 
by the King of England. * They held frequent conferences with his counsellors, at 
the house of Thomas Cromwell, regarding the object of their mission the founda 
tion of a defensive alliance between the German princes and the English monarch. 
Henry appeared favourable to the project. -This was, however, but a political 
ruse ; for, after having amused the deputies with fair words and pretended nego 
tiations, he allowed them to depart. See Seckendorf, lib. iii. sect. 19, parag. 73 ; 
and Burnet. 

2 The Act of the Six Articles, railed the Bill of Blood, promulgated the 28th 
April 1530. See Burnet, Hist. ftef. vol. i. pp. 256-260. 



138 FAREL. 1539. 

yet known what it is about ; the consultation ; however, appears 
to be of importance. You can thence, also, conjecture what has 
so suddenly called them together. It will be a journey of ten 
days for our friends ; for the others someAvhat more, who have 
not yet had notice of it. 

Do you know what has happened to Count William ? l While 
he wished to defend these valleys of the Alps against the 
assaults of the Comte de Montmian, he incurred the enmity 
of the Constable/ which has proceeded to that extent, that he 
forced himself away from Court without even taking leave of 
the King, having, however, previously resigned his offices. The 
story is tedious, therefore I cannot relate the whole of it. 

The translation of my Epistle to Sadolet I was not able to 
compare throughout, for that employment required one whole 
day. I have looked over it, however, and having partially exa 
mined, I am able to form an opinion of it. It is not amiss. I 
am unwilling, however J that it should be published before it has 
been corrected. In some respects it is faulty ; I fear, however, 
that should Antony Pignorius delay, some person may be before 
hand with him, who has perhaps already finished it. For I did 
not waste a third part of the time in composing it which has 
passed away since he wrote that he had begun, nor do I doubt 
that tins has been by the advice of Michael. The Secretary of 
Payerne has one of his brethren here. By way of return, he 
is educating his brother s son. He has entrusted him to the 
care of Gaspar, a good and worthy man. The mother is mean 
while very anxious, because she hears not a word about her son. 
Do, therefore, try and make him write briefly how he is getting 
on. All here salute you in the most friendly way ; Capito, 
Bucer, Brito, the scholars of Claude, James with his comrade 
Enard, the whole of our household, where at present my brother 
is stopping with us. It will be better to* keep this letter to 
yourself, than to let it go farther. Yours, CALVIN. 

Salute for me respectfully all the brethren, your colleague 

1 William du Bellay, Lord of Langcy, and Viceroy of Piedmont, then occupied 
by Francis I. 

2 Anne de Montmorency. He had been promoted to the office of Constable in 
1538, for his able defence of Provence against the Imperialists. . 



1539. FAREL. 139 

Thomas, and the others. I have not been able just at present 
to write to Michael. Do you, however, urge him to write, by 
the first opportunity, what has been done about the Psalms. I 
had commissioned one hundred copies to be sent to Geneva. 
Now, for the first time, I have been given to understand that this 
had not been attended to. It has certainly been very neglectful 
so long to delay informing me. I cannot at present get the 
Minutes. Within a few days you shall receive them. 

(Postscript, in French.) 

You have sent me word by Alexander, that you have got for 
me Pias Orationes Lutlieri., of which you make no mention. I 
beg you will let me know also about that. 

[Lat. orig. autoyr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.] 



XLIL To FAREL. 

Carol! encounter between William du Bellay and the Constable de Mont- 
morency preparation for an approaching Assembly in Germany nego 
tiations with the King of England salutations addressed by Luther to 
Calvin hope of an accommodation between the Swiss and German 
Churches. 

STRASBOURG, 20th November [1539.] 

For a long time I have been eagerly on the outlook for your 
opinion about the minutes of reconciliation with Caroli. That 
personage has not returned, and there need be little doubt that 
he seeks to nestle in that quarter ; and assuredly it was no 
bad determination for him to arrive at. The kitchen of a 
courtier smokes very freely, and you are aware he has a quick 
scent in that direction. I am afraid, however, that he may not 
long continue with those who do not like to be out of favour 
with the King. Whatever shall happen, if he keeps his pro 
mise, it will be our duty, by the observance of all due civility, 
to have at least deserved well at his hand. The state of the 
affair as to Count William stands thus : T After the Comte de 

1 The Memoirs of Du Bellriy furnish no information in regard lo the discussi &gt;n.s 
whirh are treated of in the- close of this Irttrr, and of which the Waldc-nsos of 



140 FAREL. 1539. 

Montmian had broken violently into the valleys of the Alps, 
and had inflicted many wrongs upon the good brethren, the 
Count complained in earnest about them to the Constable, and 
did not hesitate to use threats. The latter wished at first to calm 
the temper of the Count, and to soothe his kinsman by cajoleries. 
The Count thereupon spoke more angrily, until at length the 
other also began to wax fierce. Hence there has grown up 
an undissembled hatred on both sides. The Count instantly 
thereupon, by a letter, which he allowed me to peruse, threw up 
the alliance in which he had previously been engaged with the 
Comte de Montmian. He said, that it appeared to him wicked 
and villanous, if, as was reported, he had invaded those 
valleys and had plundered a peaceful inoffensive race of men. 
An answer was returned on the part of Montmian, in which 
he said that the Count was a base liar. He added, also, 
that those people suffered no more than they deserved, on 
account of their rebellion against God and the King. The 
Count, with all speed, despatches a person by whom he 
challenges his adversary to single combat. In his progress, 
the messenger is told of the death of the adversary. In the 
meantime the Constable defends the adversary of the Count, 
. . . who provoke him with all manner of affronts. Treated 
after this fashion, the Count throws up the 1 . . . service of 
the King. And lately he received a letter from his Majesty, 
along with the defamatory libel of his opponent. To the King 
he replied, that he had a defence prepared in answer to all 
that was objected against him, if only he was allowed to 
speak the truth without offence to the court ; for that he ... 
against the Constable, whom they had discovered to be the 
source of all the mischief. Most assuredly he poured forth all 
his bitterness against him ; and that he might not appear to 
do anything covertly or underhand, he despatched four or five 
copies, which were to be presented to the Dauphin, to the King 
of Na,varre, and others. Among other things which he has 

Piedmont were the subject. William du Bell ay was governor of Piedmont, which 
had recently been subjugated by Francis I., and did honour to himself by the 
generous protection which he extended to Waldensian Churches. 
1 This word, as also several others, is effaced in the original. 



1539. FAREL. 141 

been forced to bear, that story was cast up to him about his 
brother, who they say defiled the holy cup. He replied, that 
it was a falsehood ; if it had been true he himself would have 
punished such an outrage, nor could he have escaped with im 
punity after such an act of sacrilege, either at Basle or here, or 
at Geneva: that the enemies of the Gospel, however, invent 
many stories, for the purpose of grieving and annoying us, and 
that this was one of them. He loves both of his brothers 
very much. When I lately supped with him, and one of the 
superior clergy of the cathedral was present, who it is thought 
will one clay be bishop, he spoke in a friendly way of both. I 
stayed nearly two days with him, that I might write his letters. 
On the 19th of this month the Convention is appointed to 
meet, as I have already written to you. 1 The chief point for 
deliberation will be, what they ought to advise now that the 
Emperor has given them the slip. There are very many and 
great surmises of war. The Margrave-Elector of Brandenbourg 2 
has summoned Philip, and has written to the Landgrave that 
it is his intention to receive the Gospel and to root up Popery. 
While the truce has lasted, therefore, we have acquired no 
small accession. It is doubtful as to Gueldres what may 
happen. He has betrothed his sister to the King of England, 3 
and within a few days will send her away. The English king 
has courteously entertained the ambassadors of our princes. 
What more can I say ? Never was there a time of greater 
preparedness for the reception of the Gospel. When the 
Emperor heard of the marriage he tried to induce the King, 
by means of Duke Frederic, 4 brother of the Elector-Palatine, 



1 That meeting took place at Amstaclt, a to\vn of the Thuringi. See Sleidan, 
lib. xii. p. 347. 

2 Joachim II., Margrave-Elector of Brandenbourg, (1534-1571.) After having 
shewn himself all along faithful to the cause of the Emperor, this prince established 
the Reformation in his States. 

3 Henry VIII. sought again at this time the alliance of the Protestant princes 
of Germany. He espoused (Jan. G, 1540) Anne of Cleves, whom he repudiated 
eome months afterwards. 

4 Tills prince, who at this time still wavered between Cathclic^m and the 
Reformed doctrines, succeeded his brother as Elector-Palatine, in 1544, and 
completed the work of the Reformation in his State. 



142 FAREL. 1539. 

to take the Duchess of Milan, whereby, uniting their influence, 
they might recover the kingdom of Denmark. The English 
King replied briefly, that not only would he never attempt any 
thing against the King of Denmark, but that he would assist 
him and his allies as a duty to which he was bound. He 
then advised Frederic that he should unite with us and bring 
his brother also into the League. And the more to encourage 
him, he promised that he would bring it about that the Pala 
tine s interest should be espoused by the King of Denmark. 
Our friends will now undoubtedly press forward. Bucer has 
been summoned by the Landgrave : it is doubtful whether for 
the purpose of proceeding thither with the deputies or not. 
Our friend Sturm has a commission from the Senate to look 
after the interest of the brethren. Accordingly, when I was 
requested by him to do so, I have briefly pointed out what ap 
peared to me the best method of proceeding. I send you a 
short copy of it, although it has somewhat cooled the inclina 
tion of Bucer, as he understood afterwards that the report was 
false, which having reached us by your letter, we inconsiderately 
spread abroad. For you will remember you had written, that 
some one had been burnt at Paris. Two persons have been 
here, who steadily deny the fact. Be careful, therefore, for 
the future, that you write nothing but what you have ascer 
tained as certain. Besides, Bucer was all the more displeased, 
because he had already written to the same purport to the 
Landgrave. I have already stated what I thought of the 
royal edict. If it really was supposititious, as I very much 
fear it was, how greatly must it weaken our credit ! I 
have certainly regretted to have spoken of it on such insuffi 
cient information. Let us therefore be more wary for the 
future, by which means our authority will have more weight 
and be more effectual for the help of the brethren. Be 
lieve me, I do not fail, whenever an occasion presents itself, 
to render all the aid in my power, which I merely mention, 
because many suppose me to be asleep, because not always 
boasting. 

Crato, one of our engravers, lately returned from Witt era- 
berg, who brought a letter from Luther to Bucer, in which 



1539. FAREL. 143 

there was written : 1 " Salute for me reverently Sturm and 
Calvin ; whose books I have read with special delight." Now, 
consider seriously what I have said there about the Eucharist ; 
think of the ingenuousness of Luther : it will now be easy for 
you to see how unreasonable are those who so obstinately dis 
sent from him. Philip, however, wrote thus : " Luther and 
Pomeranus have desired Calvin to be greeted ; Calvin has ac 
quired great favour in their eyes." Philip has informed me at 1 " 
the same time by the messenger, that certain persons, in order 
to irritate Luther, have shown him a passage in which he and 
his friends have been criticised by me. That thereupon he had 
examined the passage, and feeling that it was undoubtedly in 
tended for him, had said at length : " I hope that Calvin will 
one day think better of us ; but in any event it is well that he 
should even now have a proof of our good feeling towards 
him." If we are not affected by such moderation, we are 
certainly of stone. For myself, I am profoundly affected by 
it, and therefore have taken occasion to say so in the preface 
which is inserted before the Epistle to the Romans. 2 If you 
have not yet read Philip on the Authority of the Church, I 



1 Here is the passage of the letter of Luther, containing a flattering allusion to 
the letter of Calvin to Sadolet : " Bone vale, et salutabis D. Joannem Sturmium 
et Joannem Calvinum quorum libellos cum singulari voluptate legi. Sadoletum 
optarem ut crederet, Deum esse creatorem hominum etiam extra Italiam. Sed hsec 
persuasio non penetrat cord a Italorum, cum tarn soli prae cseteris exuerint plane 
humanum sensum prse superbia." Dr. Martin Luther s Briefe, edit, de "YVette, 
torn. v. p. 411. 

2 The preface of this Commentary on the Epistle to the Romans is dedicated to 
Simon Grynce, and contains an eulogium of Melanchthon, of Bucer, and of Bui- 
linger, accompanied with the following reflections : " God never designed in such 
a way to exercise liberality towards His servants, as that each should be endowed 
with a full and perfect understanding on every point ; and doubtless, in this re 
spect, He intended, in the first place, to keep us humble, and next of all to keep 
up and maintain the desire and the exercise of brotherly love and communion. On 
this account, since such is the case, we have no reason to expect, in this present 
life, to see what would otherwise be so desirable, that in the understanding and the 
exposition of certain passages of Scripture, there ever can be among us an out-and- 
out entire agreement, (in allusion to the sacraments,) yet we ought to be particu 
larly careful, when we do depart from the opinion of those who have written before 
us, that we do so without being earned away by the silly appetite for saying some 
thing new," &c. Commentary on the Epistle to lhe Romans, Geneva, in 4to, 1562. 



144 FAREL. 1539. 

desire you may read it. You will perceive lie is much more 
considerate than he appeared in his other writings. Capito, 
Bucer, Sturm, Hedio, Bedrot, and others, salute you most 
lovingly. Do you also salute respectfully all the brethren. 
Yours, 

CALVIN. 

[Lat. oriy. autogr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.] 



XLIIL To FAREL. 

Persecutions in France policy of Francis I. and Charles V. ecclesiastical 
discipline University regulations at Strasbourg illness of Farel. 

STRASBOURG, 31st December 1539. 

To-day, immediately after sermon, Fatin 1 intimated that he 
was about to leave, when I had been invited to sup with a friend ; 
whence I returned long after eight o clock, much refreshed. 
You must, therefore, expect a letter from me, as from one who 
am scarcely sufficiently free and disengaged for writing. I am 
sorry that that holy brother is deceased, as becomes me. Since, 
however, it has so happened, I rejoice that the messenger has 
confirmed your letter about his death, whereby I can more cer 
tainly aver that it is so. The sentence had not been executed 
upon Michael so lately as the end of November, at which 
period the care of his safety was commended to me by letter. 
Our friend Sturm has returned from the convention : it is not 
known what has been done. We conjecture, however, that 
this silence betokens somewhat of importance. He has brought 
word, that the proposal had been made about the brethren ; but 
it seemed to many, that the present was a very unsuitable time 
to send an embassy which could have no other effect than to 
sour the temper of the King. Those two sovereigns appear to 
have agreed together to attempt the doing of great things. 2 
The Emperor is enrolling an army not far off from this. The 
pretext is, the cities which have revolted, but it seems that the 

1 Minister of the Church of Neuchatel. 

a The truce of Nice had for the moment reconciled Charles V. and Francis I. 



1539. FAKEL. 145 

great pressure of the war is to be directed upon Gueldres. 1 
But lie will neither be abandoned by the King of England nor 
by the Elector of Saxony. What alliance he may have entered 
into with our friends, or whether there be any, is uncertain. Two 
ambassadors have been sent to the Venetians, the Marquis of 
Guasta and Marshal Annebault, to reclaim the towns which 
they have seized upon belonging to the duchy of Milan. 2 They 
rather seem to me to be heralds, than the messengers of peace. 
Either all conjectures deceive, or in a short time we shall see 
the whole of Europe in a state of war, for already the seven 
cantons are said to murmur. There is no hope of peace for 
our friends except that which shall have been obtained by war. 
Concerning the discipline, you do well to press it; but 
when the subject is well weighed, I do not know whether it 
can be established unless with the consent of the churches. 
It is therefore much to be wished, that some time or other 
the Churches may assemble to deliberate about that matter. 
We see, indeed, how very necessary it is. There was some 
slender form of discipline at Basle. What did exist has been 
half swampt in the midst of these disputes. So far have 
Myconius and Grynee advanced in that championship, which 
they imagined, in the defence of Christian liberty. If we can 
deliberate together, let us try whether somewhat may not 
be accomplished. Capito will write to the Bernese as you 
have requested, and I will address our brethren. I think I have 
already written to you with considerable prolixity on the case 
of Caroli. Although I entertain no hopeful expectation con 
cerning that individual, nevertheless I am prevented, by the 
consent of the Church, from despairing of him altogether. Let 
us wait and see how he conducts himself where he now is. 
Kognac has promised me by letter that he would come hither 
within a few days; then, I shall ascertain all about him. 
Should we be able to convict him of unfaithfulness, he can 

1 The Duke of Cleves had been put in possession of the town of Gueldres, not 
withstanding the protestations of the Emperor, and with the tacit approbation of 
the French King. 

2 The King of France and the Emperor equally put forth pretensions to the pos 
session of the Milanese. 

VOL. I. K 



146 FAREL. 1539. 

have no ground to hope henceforward to be entertained by us. 
Gaspar is more distractingly anxious than he ought to be on 
account of having incurred some amount of debt, in order 
somewhat to prolong his studies. At this present time he has 
no money wherewith to maintain himself for only two months, 
the time which he had fixed for himself. If somehow or other 
so much could be raised for him, it would be doing him a ser 
vice. Michael, the bookseller of Geneva, has informed me that 
he has sent hither the remainder of my books, with my brother s 
wearing-apparel. If they come to you, will you open the pack 
age, and if you can sell any of the books, dispose of them ? 
Will you undertake the charge of forwarding those which re 
main to Basle as soon as possible ? Furthermore, since he 
complains that my book does not sell, and that he is over 
burdened with more copies than he can get rid of, I have 
written in reply that he might send a hundred copies to you, 
which I take on my own account. If he shall have done so, 
will you let me know immediately ? I have rather chosen to 
involve myself in this difficulty than that my credit should be 
put in peril. But after this he may seek some one else who 
for his sake alone may undertake so much trouble. I ex 
perience here the same insolence as you yourself so much 
complain of. Some rules for the Academy have lately been 
made, by which the discipline will be tightened in the case of 
such as are here for the sake of study. Among our French 
friends, even among those who live with me, some are quite 
frantic. To-morrow it will be intimated to them, that they 
may depart unless they choose to obey ; and I have no doubt 
that they will avail themselves of the intimation. Whence you 
understand how well-disposed they can have come hither, that 
is, that they may have more licence. Wherefore it is the 
rather to be watchfully looked to by us, that the reverence 
and authority due to the Church may not be wanting, in order 
to subdue those lewd and mischievous desires ; although, never 
theless, I see that some allowance must be made for the folly of 
mankind ; nor ought the rigour of discipline to be stretched 
so far that they may not play the fool on some occasion. 
Greet for me most kindly all the brethren. Excuse me 



1540. FAREL. 147 

also to Oordier, because for the present I cannot reply to 
him. Yours, CALVIN. 

Although I have omitted what ought to have been done in 
the first place, to congratulate you on your restored health, it 
was not because I rejoice the less on that account ; for while I 
reflect how much of the greatest importance may depend on 
one little man, it is not possible for me not to be in a more 
than ordinary degree anxious about your life. Therefore, 
from the time that the report of your, illness was brought 
hither, I have not enjoyed one pleasant moment until I heard 
you had recovered. On that account I experienced the like joy 
from hearing by the messenger good news of your health, as lie 
enjoys who is delivered from a long-continued sickness. 

[Lat. orig. autofjr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.] 



XLIV. To FAREL. 

Further mention of Carol! discussion with Hermann the Anabaptist 
good understanding of Charles V. and Francis I. alarm of the German 
Princes some detail of the propositions addressed to Calvin. 

STRASBOURG, 6 .h February 1540. 

I entreat you, my dear brother, when I expostulate with you, 
chide you, get warm with you, accuse you, that you may take 
it all the same as if you were dealing thus with yourself. Con 
cerning Caroli, the Lord will give counsel, in whose case, if 
there has been anything sinful on our part, the Lord can correct 
it. Our friends also acknowledge, that they were more lenient 
than they ought to have been. But because there is not among 
us that severity of discipline which ought to exist, they have 
been compelled to deal more indulgently with him than they 
could have wished. Especially that error hath deceived us all, 
that we supposed he had been reconciled to you. For we re 
ceived him on the condition that all the engagements should 
remain binding by which he had been received to favour 
again by you at Bonneville. If he shall return, let us take 
care that our gentle treatment of him may not prove hurtful to 



148 FAREL. 1540. 

you. Where he is at present, I do not know that he could do 
any harm, even if he would. Should he speak reproachfully of 
us, he will not, as I expect, be very likely to be hearkened to. 
For I am already aware that he thinks better of you than rashly 
to entertain any accusation. Myself also, that I may acknow 
ledge the truth, have recommended him to Kognac, but simply 
on this ground, because he had repented, because he had re 
turned to us, because, having acknowledged his offence, he had 
sought and obtained pardon, because we hoped that he had cor 
dially returned to us. Thereupon I requested that, if he did 
not conduct himself otherwise than became the servant of Christ, 
the estrangement which had taken place might not be pre 
judicial to him. He has not come to Eognac ; therefore, he 
has not availed himself of that recommendation. There, how 
ever, Alexandre has been received into favour by Robert Vallis, 
in whose family you know that he was formerly. When he had 
afterwards been sent hither, I wrote to Rognac that I could not 
conscientiously receive him into my house, nor have anything 
to do with him. He courteously excused himself, as having 
sinned through ignorance, not having been aware that he [Alex 
andre] had been excommunicated. He is coming here, however, 
with his wife this Lent. Then I will make strict inquiry about 
Caroli. What you complain of, that the sacred ministry has so 
miserably dwindled away in that quarter, is too true. Where- 
ever you turn your eyes, you may find innumerable causes of 
lamentation. And while, of a certainty, I see no way of putting 
an end to it, my courage would entirely fail me, if this single 
thought did not sustain me, that whatever may happen, the 
work of the Lord is never to be deserted. Notwithstanding, in 
the midst of so many evils, the Lord from time to time bestows 
somewhat that refreshes us. Hermann, who disputed against 
us at Geneva, besought me to appoint a day for conferring with 
him. In regard to infant baptism, the human nature of Christ, 
and some other points, he now acknowledges that he had fallen 
grievously into error. There are some other things in which 
he still hesitates. But this affords good hope, when so many 
difficulties have been taken out of the way. Count John has 
at length presented his boy, rather big for his age, to be bap- 



1540. FABEL. 149 

tized. I have long borne with his weakness, since he told me 
that he thought he had good reasons for delaying. At length 
he said, that he no longer cared for those whose perverseness 
could by no means be worn out or subdued. 

That which has been reported with you about the passage of 
the Emperor, is fabulous. 1 Our friends had a person there who 
might keep an eye on all that was going forward. It is certain 
that there was no discussion of serious matters. A day, how 
ever, was fixed, in the beginning of March, when the Emperor 
and the King are to meet at Amiens. 2 If they can agree 
together, we may well be apprehensive of their conspiring for 
our destruction. Ferdinand will be present, who is already 
well advanced on his journey. The rumour goes that the 
Duke of Savoy, 3 also, is on his journey through Italy, that he 
may come into Germany by the Tyrolese Alps, and certainly 
there will be little hope of recovering his rights if these two 
sovereigns settle the business in his absence. Our friends have 
put the Emperor in mind of his promise. Meanwhile, however, 
they are as boisterous and unmanageable as if war had already 
been declared. The former month they appeared too indolent. 
At this present it is marvellous how stirring they are, and how 
greatly excited. Nevertheless, in the midst of such commo 
tions as these, I am so much at my ease, as to have the audacity 
to think of taking a wife. A certain damsel of noble rank has 
been proposed to me, and with a fortune above my condition. 
Two considerations deterred me from that connexion because 
she did not understand our language, and because I feared she 
might be too mindful of her family and education. Her brother, 
a very devout person, urged the connexion, and on no other 
account than that, blinded by his affection to me, he neglected 

1 The town of Ghent having revolted, Charles V. sought permission from the 
French King to pass through France, in order to suppress more promptly the re 
volt. Francis consented, and, on the faith of his word, Charles did not hesitate to 
traverse the states of his rival. His expedition was a triumph. The two sove 
reigns made their formal entry into Paris, January 1, 1540. 

2 Amiens. The interview proposed in that town between the two monarchs did 
not take place. 

15 Charles, Duke of Savoy, dispossessed &lt;jf the greater part of his territory by 
Francis T. 



150 FAREL. 1540. 

his own interests. His wife also, with a like partiality, con 
tended, as he did, so that I would have been prevailed upon to 
submit with a good grace, unless the Lord had otherwise ap 
pointed. When, thereupon, I replied that I could not engage 
myself unless the maiden would undertake that she would apply 
her mind to the learning of our language, she requested time 
for deliberation. Thereupon, without further parley, I sent my 
brother, with a certain respectable man, to escort hither another, 
who, if she answers her repute, will bring a dowry large enough, 
without any money at all. Indeed, she is mightily commended 
by those who are acquainted with her. If it come to pass, as 
we may certainly hope will be the case, the marriage cere 
mony will not be delayed beyond the tenth of March. 1 I 
wish you might then be present, that you may bless our wed 
lock. As, however, I have troubled you so much more than 
I ought during the past year, I dare not insist upon it. If, 
however, any one of our brethren should have a mind to visit 
us, I would prefer that it were at that time, when he could 
supply your place ; although, nevertheless, I make myself look 
very foolish if it shall so happen that my hope again fall 
through. But as I trust the Lord will be present to help me, 
I express myself as though I spoke of a certainty. To return 
to public affairs. Since the Emperor has declared to our 
Princes, through the Archbishop of Lunden, that he had not 
given up the idea of having a Diet, that they may not be caught 
unawares, they have desired that some competently learned 
men of skill and judgment should be present at Smalkald, to 
lay down the method of procedure. Bucer proceeds thither 
before the 20th of the present month. 

Adieu, much longed-for brother. May the Lord preserve 
you and all the others your colleagues, whom salute most 
lovingly in my name, especially Cordier, my preceptor, Tho 
mas, Onerus, and Nicolas. Our friends have requested to be 
kindly remembered. This letter I send you by Brito, (the 
Breton,) whom I could have wished to have retained here a 



1 The marriage of Calvin with Idelette de Bure did not take place till the fol 
lowing month of August. 



1540. FAREL. 151 

year longer, if I were not forced to approve his reasons. 
Yours, 

CALVIN. 

\Lat. orig. autoyr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.] 



XLV. To FAREL. 

Impressions of Calvin on his recall to Geneva rigorous application of discipline 
in his church news of Germany, of France, and of England. 

STRASBOURG, 29th March 1540. 

I have already waited so long for your letter that I may well 
doubt whether I ought to wait any longer. My anxious wish 
to hear from you kept alive my expectation, and shall even 
yet sustain my hope for some few days ; but if at length my 
hope shall give way, you will see how indignantly I have borne 
this disappointment; and your neglect is all the less to be 
tolerated, because Geneva at this present time affords you 
such abundant material for correspondence. Du Tailly, how 
ever, has written to me, and yet I do not clearly understand 
from his expressions what has been the catastrophe of this 
drama. Michael, also, the printer, has communicated to me 
at Blecheret, that my return thitherward might be brought 
about ; but rather would I submit to death a hundred times 
than to that cross, on which one had to perish daily a thousand 
times over. This piece of information I have wished inciden 
tally to communicate to you, that to the utmost of your power 
you may set yourself to oppose the measures of those who shall 
endeavour to draw me back thither. And that I may not 
appear to be looking in one direction and rowing in another, I 
will lay open my mind to you whenever at any time you ask 
me to do so. We are as yet in a state of suspense as to the 
marriage, 1 and this annoys me exceedingly, forasmuch as the 
relations of that young lady of rank are so urgent that I may 
take her unto myself, which, indeed, I would never think of 
doing, unless the Lord had altogether demented me. But 
because it is unpleasant to refuse, especially in the case of such 

1 Sec the preceding Letter. 



152 . FAR EL. 1540. 

persons, who overwhelm me altogether with their kindness, 
most earnestly do I desire to be delivered out of this difficulty. 
We hope, however, that this will very shortly be the case ; and 
during the next four or five days another engagement will turn 
away my mind from the subject, and itself will engross all my 
attention. 

In this place hitherto many individuals were in the habit of 
making a rash approach to the sacrament of the Supper. On 
Easter-day, when I gave out the intimation that we were to 
celebrate the Supper on next Lord s-day, I announced, at the 
same time, that no one would be admitted to the table of the 
Lord by me, who had not beforehand presented himself for 
examination. The greatest difficulty will arise in correcting 
that silly eagerness to press forward which has taken possession 
of some Frenchmen, so that it can scarcely be driven out of 
them. You are aware of those regulations that have been 
made for the Academy, that the young men confining them 
selves to the distinction of the student s gown must lay aside 
the wearing of a sword, that they must give up their names 
to the rector, and such like. Now, in order to evade these 
rules they renounce entirely the profession of the belles-lettres ; 
but as this bears upon it the face of manifest contumacy, I have 
resolved on no account to allow it, for I would rather that the 
whole of them should go away than that they should remain 
at the expense of discipline. Leo Juda 1 lately requested 
of me to allow him to publish, in German, with the addition 
of my name, the first of those two Epistles which I wrote 
four years ago ; 2 that one, indeed, (I mean the one in which 
I am made to coax and flatter the Popish bishops,) he has 
published at this fair-time without the name. The answer 
I gave was very friendly, but, at the same time, contained 
some rather cutting admonition. A little before that I had 
written almost to the same purpose to Bullinger. If it shall 

1 Minister of the Church of Zurich. 

2 They are the two letters entitled : Epistolse duse, prima de fugiendis impiorum 
illicitis sacris, et puritate Christianse religionis ; secunda dc Christiana hominis 
officio in sacerdotiis pnpalis ccclesiae vel administrandis vel abjiciendis. Geneva*, 
5537, in 8vo. 



1540. FAREL. 153 

succeed I will let you know the course I may take. Our 
friends are hitherto at a standstill as to what they intend 
to do. The reason of their oifputting is because they have 
not as yet received any certain return by way of answer 
from the Emperor, who, however, begins to be much more 
tractable. The meeting of the King of England with our 
sovereign has somewhat tamed his arrogance, which may have 
considerable influence in changing the whole of his measures. 1 
He made use of this sophism, that he would not bind himself 
to the King by promise on any account, but that he would 
inflate him with empty hopes for the future. Already the King 
seemed to himself to have possession of Milan. Lately, how 
ever, when the Emperor s inclination was put to proof by the 
ambassador, he found that it was not easy to bring him that 
length. It is said, indeed, that in everything he has given the 
King his choice, provided only that he does not ask Milan. 
On that account, therefore, it is that the Constable is gone to 
him, and if he does not get what he seeks, we suspect that 
they will be more ready to go to war than ever. Neither, 
indeed, will the King of England, in such a crisis of affairs, 
yield in any point, much less the admiral, 2 who is now restored 
to his former post of honour and favour. Before few months 
are over we shall see, if I am not mistaken, a wonderful change 
of scene, but, in the meanwhile, the Lord must be entreated 
that in this turn of affairs he would both hasten forward the 
decision and also confirm the resolution of our friends. May 
the Lord keep you all in safety, continually under His pro 
tection. And foremost of them all, adieu, my very excellent 
and right trusty brother. Capito, Sturm, Bedrot, Claude, and 
my brother, salute you. Nicolas and the others do not know 
that I am writing. 

CALVIN. 

[ Calvin s Lett. Corresp. Opera, torn. ix. p. 259-J 

1 This interview, which had been proposed to be held at Calais, in reference to 
fresh matrimonial projects of Henry VIII., did not take place, (see Hume, cap. xxxii.,) 
and after apparent hesitation on the part of the English monarch between an alli 
ance with Francis I. and one with the Emperor, he turned to Charles V., sacrificing 
at once the friendship of the King of France and that of the German Princes. 

2 Sir William Fitz- Williams, high admiral, recently created Earl of Southampton. 



154 FAREL. 1540. 



XL VI To FAREL. 

Reconciliation of parties at Geneva Insufficiency of the ministers of that 
Church Policy of Charles V. Courageous attitude of the Protestant 
Princes Favourable news from England Cruel persecutions in France 
Ecclesiastical discipline in the French Church at Strasbourg. 

STUASBOUKG, Month of May 1540. 

Because I promised to write you fully about every thing, 
in order that my promise at least in some measure may be 
fulfilled, I have set aside the whole of this day to you. You 
will receive, therefore, full and weighty performance, unless 
perhaps unexpectedly I shall be called away. Concerning the 
state of the Church at Geneva, we can discourse more at large, 
when you shall come hither. That news was indeed most 
delightfully welcome, when I heard that a stop had been put, 
somehow or other, to these j anglings and contentions. 1 For I 
have always thought that no good was to be expected of that 
unhappy city, so long as it laboured under that fatal malady. 
I could only desire that their reconciliation may prove to be in 
the Lord. For, as you say, unless Christ is the bond of our 
agreement it will be cursed. Where is the advantage, then, of 
union out of Christ ? since we know that all such combinations 
shall be broken up by God. As for me, I do not yet see that 
they have respect to the will of the Lord as they ought. Indeed, 
they do not sufficiently reflect upon their past conduct, and as 
they have no thought of correcting the mischief, now that a 
reconciliation has been brought about among themselves, nor 
show any anxiety to make their peace with God, I fear that 
they will, in the long run, suffer the penalty of that kind of 
security. They have, it is true, given some show of penitence, 

1 The citizens of Geneva, perceiving at length that their divisions were ruinous 
to their country, resolved in a General Council, assembled Feb. 1, 1540, to be at 
agreement with each other, and to live in unity together. The recall of the 
banished ministers put the seal to this reconciliation. Ruchat, Hist, dc la Refor 
mation, vol. i. p. 137. 



1540. FAREL. 155 

in that, after so much discord, they have returned to a good 
understanding ; but they have not yet put on that disposition 
which they ought to cherish. It is however something, that 
they have begun to be curable, even although they be not yet 
quite restored to health. 

About the preachers, I cannot yet venture to decide, except 
that I always find them to be much wanting. But in so far 
as you consider that the publication of my reply to Sadolet, 
which has been printed there, is a proof of their being nowise 
evil-disposed, in that you are deceived, if others have written 
me the truth. For they have declared that the preachers who 
opposed it made amends, as far as lay in their power, but that 
the Senate yielded against their will. And yet I do not attach 
much weight to that, provided they so conduct themselves in 
the discharge of duty, that they prevent every occasion of inter 
ference either by me or on the part of others. For although, 
in as far as regards myself, it is of no consequence whatever, 
for that very reason, I do not care by whom it is that the work 
of the Lord is carried forward, provided that it is well done ; 
but they are deceived in thinking that they can get on very well 
without help, seeing that they are scarcely got half-way on their 
journey, even with the aid of many helpers. As for what I 
always express, that I am horrified at the mere mention of a 
recall, for that you know that I have good enough reason. 
Nor am I so entirely frightened by the consideration that 
they so obstinately refuse you, although I confess that to me 
that is the highest consideration of all. But there are many 
others which it is unnecessary at present to mention, and may 
better be delayed until your arrival. The farther I advance 
the more distinctly do I behold out of what a whirlpool of danger 
the Lord has delivered me. 

The Diet of the Princes and free Cities 1 came to this conclu 
sion, to offer to agree to all just proposals, provided that the 
Emperor would call a Synod of the whole empire. They 
received an ambiguous reply. In the meantime, the Emperor 

1 The meeting at Smalkald took place the 1st of March, to draw up a form of 
agreement between the Roman Catholics and the Protestants. Sleidan, book xii. 
p. 351. The meeting separated on the 13th April. 



156 FAREL. 1540. 

is informed by the opposite party, that they would not abate 
one jot of their resolution, but would endeavour by every means 
to engage others on their side. Therefore, he is trying to 
devise a method by which he may satisfy both parties; and 
therefore it is, that among the Papists, and among our 
friends, he craftily employs the Chancellor Granvelle 1 and two 
Counts, 2 who are to interpose as mediators, and to sound 
the views of our friends, that they may be better able to 
explain to the Emperor, and to obtain what is reasonable. 
If you do not yet understand the artifice, our friends strove 
with the utmost earnestness for the Diet which had been 
promised them. On the other hand, the Papists sounded 
the alarm with a continued blast of the trumpet, crying 
out, that it was a very unseemly thing that the Emperor 
should any longer tolerate the shufflings of our friends. 
Because his plans have been hindered, seeing that he neither 
dares to proceed with the war, nor is of opinion that they 
can have a Synod without turning the whole of Germany 
topsy-turvy, he tries to restrain the fury of the Papists, while 
he says, that he wishes to keep a cautious outlook, lest by 
doing anything rashly and untowarclly, they may involve 
him along with themselves in the war; and he yields no 
thing to our side. Notwithstanding that they perceived they 
were merely put off by this pretence, yet they came to the 
determination, that nothing on that account should be rejected 
that might seem to favour the peace and tranquillity of the 
Church. They therefore drew up a joint reply to Granvelle, 
from which you will understand what may be their courage. 3 
Since the Emperor neither understands the Latin language 
nor the German, it has been thought best to send it written 
in French. I send it to you, however, on this condition, that you 
do not openly divulge it. Only two copies besides this which 
you will receive have been copied out ; one, which will be pre- 

1 The Chancellor Granvelle, father of the celebrated Cardinal Granvelle, 
minister and ambassador of Charles V. 

2 They were the Earls of Thierry of Mandersheit, and William Nuenar, magni 
condlii et dignitatis viri. Sleidan, book xii. p. 352. 

8 See that answer related fully in Sleidan, book xiii. pp. 353-61. 



1540. FAREL. 157 

sented to the Emperor, the other., Doctor Ulrich took with him 
to Soleure,that it may come to the King, through the ambassador. 
I wish therefore that you may communicate it only to a few. 
But I mainly beseech you, on no account to allow it to be 
copied. Here, moreover, the resolution is unanimous, if they 
are attacked instantly to advance forward, and not to wait, 
unless their conscience keep them back; for there is not a 
single individual who is not quite prepared to undergo all 
hazards rather than that the free course of Christ s Evangel 
be stopt, so far is it from their mind that they would suffer 
anything to be taken from it. Here, at Strasbourg, the 
Senate having despatched a deputy, has refused the judg 
ment of the Imperial Chamber. If they continue this system 
of attempted terrorism, they will stir up great commotions. 
Hitherto the controversies have hung in suspense between 
the Emperor and the King. That is the reason which delays 
the Emperor that he does not immediately make an onslaught 
upon us. The Papists strive with all their might to relieve 
him of all other business, so that he may gird himself for 
attacking us. But chiefly the Duke of Brunswick, who has 
brought over the Duke of Gueldres to the Emperor, that 
they may treat together about that duchy. Our friends, 
however, are so well satisfied with their own strength, that 
they are not at all frightened by these manoeuvres. Three of 
the Electors take a middle course the Elector-Palatine, of 
Cologne, and of Treves, and will rather take part with us than 
suffer us to be oppressed. Two we have professedly on our 
side. Frederick wished by our means to obtain some advan 
tage from the King of Denmark : he could not succeed, which 
the Landgrave also considered to be right. Then he is forced 
to cultivate the friendship of the Emperor. You see at how 
much Christ is valued where the world has taken such a hold 
of the soul of man. The English Parliament is now met. 1 
We are informed that the spirits of all the pious are raised 

1 In the intense desire of concluding an agreement with the King of England, 
the German princes shewed their willingness to open a colloquy for that object, but 
these conferences did not take place, and the hope of a happy reconciliation between 
the churches of England and Germany was not realized.Sleidan, book xiii. p. 361. 



158 FAREL. 1540. 

to the highest expectation. If the Lord shall now put it into 
the King s heart, the Gospel will be established in that king 
dom. Until we shall have heard that there is some inclina 
tion that way, we shall toil in vain with regard to Calais. 1 

My affairs are in the same state in which they were before. 
Our messenger will be here before the end of the week unless 
he has deceived us. Therefore I have detained James with 
me, so if anything happen he can let you know in time. 
Although (as he had already determined) I shall not longer 
delay his setting out. I will, therefore, despatch him after 
Whitsuntide. He had himself intended to start off three days 
earlier. 

As to what you ask me about the Letter of Viret, I can tell 
you nothing but this, that it has always appeared to Capito, 
that Viret and all of you prosecuted this cause in a more 
sour and peevish spirit than was right, or at all events, with 
greater scrupulosity and excess of niceness. They have always 
promised that they would not combine together to open up an 
entrance to him in that quarter, but that they would rather 
throw every obstacle in his path in order to shut up the way. 
But he was not in the least offended. If you will take my 
advice, let us delay on both sides to decide about that affair. 
Therefore, I have suppressed the letter of the Count which you 
lately sent, that it may not give any offence. For it was so 
worded, that it could not be at all acceptable ; and also, that I 
may cut off every handle for strife, I shall make no reply. 

I am struck with horror when I hear with what cruelty 
the godly are persecuted in France, at this time, more espe 
cially, when we can bring them no help, nor do I doubt 
that it is the best who will be most endangered. For the 
more any one is right-hearted, and preaches Christ with 
greater boldness and constancy of spirit, for that very rea 
son he can all the less be tolerated by Satan. Yet some 
how it now and then happens that the Lord does pre 
serve in safety some of the excellent ones, while others are 

1 Without doubt on the subject of the free proclamation of the Gospel in that 
town, then subject to England. It was not restored to France till 1558. by Francis 
of Lorraine, Duke of Guise. 



1540. FAREL. 159 

hurried off to the stake. A fellow-countryman to James, 
who was burnt at Sedan or Melun, was here last year, and 
had requested of me a letter of exhortation to the brethren of 
that district. I was given to understand for certain, after 
wards, that he had been infested with the errors of the Ana 
baptists, and had been raving worst of all on that head. It 
has, therefore, grieved me since, that I had opened for him a 
pathway by my letter to many good people. I am afraid lest by 
his death the Gospel shall have been rather set on fire than 
promoted. That I now mention I have not from uncertain 
rumour, but from his relations. The person whose sister he mar 
ried makes no secret of what sort of person he was. As for the 
death of Michael, the statements of one who had been pre 
sent at the scene of the execution did not fully agree with 
your letter. In truth, I think that this rule ought to be ob 
served by us, that even when we feel that we can both speak 
and think the best concerning those who have suffered for the 
Gospel, that we ought to be on our guard against overdoing, 
where it does riot clearly appear how the persons conducted 
themselves during life as well as in death. 

I am glad that Gaspar 1 has been provided for. He is, indeed, 
worthy of it ; and I hope he will have the charge of the school. 
Toussain 2 has requested to have three or four ministers from me, 
if I had here such as I could recommend who were qualified for 
ruling in the churches. He expressly sought to have James, 
but he rather preferred to reserve himself for you. 

What may be the nature of that jurisdiction of Count Wil 
liam 3 I have not yet been able by frequent inquiry to ascertain. 
When you come hither you will perhaps be better able to 
inform us. We can also exchange thoughts together about 
all those matters to which you think that some remedy ought 
to be applied. If I supposed that Cordier was deliberating 
whether it may not be expedient to return to Bordeaux, 

1 Gawpar, called Cormel, minister of Neucliatel. 

2 Peter Toussain, late canon of Metz and almoner to the Queen of Navarre. He 
was at this time minister of the Church of Montboliard, which he administered till 
an advanced old age. 

3 William du Bellny, Viceroy of Piedmont. 



160 FAREL. 1540. 

I would willingly declare what I feel, only I do not think he is 
so great a blockhead as to set consultations agoing on any such 
question. I will tell you, viva voce, why we ought not to write to 
these French bishops. I return many thanks to the brethren for 
having received my advice with so good a grace. As, however, 
there is some risk that others may take it amiss that you had 
begun, that affair can be delayed for a little while longer, and 
I am not sorry for it. 

I do not wonder that examination of ours about which I wrote 
to you has made the worthy brother hesitate ; nor is it anything 
new that the well-disposed should dread lest we fall back into 
some superstition or other whenever they hear that we appoint 
anything which has the slightest affinity or similarity with Popish 
absurdities. Yet, while I have no wish to drive that zeal of watch 
fulness out of them, (for in this respect we cannot be more earnest 
than is right,) on the other hand, I could have wished that they 
were a little more careful in distinguishing the wheat from the 
chaff and rubbish. I have often declared to you that it did 
not appear to me to be expedient that confession should be 
abolished in the Churches, unless that which I have lately 
taught be substituted in the place of it. In order that I may 
the better explain to you my method, let me first of all state the 
real nature of the case. When the day of the sacrament of 
the Supper draws nigh, I give notice from the pulpit that those 
who are desirous to communicate must first of all let me know, 
at the same time I add for what purpose, that it is in order 
that those who are as yet uninstructed and inexperienced in 
religion may be better trained ; besides, that those who need 
special admonition may hear it ; and lastly, that if there are 
any persons who may be suffering under trouble of mind they 
may receive consolation. But what we have most to guard 
against is this, lest the common people, who do not sufficiently 
distinguish between the kingdom of Christ and the tyranny of 
Antichrist, may think themselves to be brought back under a 
new servitude. I endeavour, therefore, to dispel any such ap 
prehension. I not only bear witness that I disapprove of the 
Popish confession, but openly and plainly set forth the reasons 
why I object to it ; then, in general, I declare that not only 



1540. FAREL. 161 

are those superstitions in which the Church was involved to be 
abhorred, but that no law of practice is to be brought in, which 
may bind the conscience in its snares ; for that Christ is the 
only legislator to whom we owe obedience. After that, I teach, 
that this in no way derogates from our Christian liberty, since 
I enjoin nothing whatever that Christ himself has not ap 
pointed. What shameless effrontery would it be for any one 
not even to condescend to avouch his faith in the face of the 
Church with whom he sought communion, and how wretched 
would be the state and condition of the Church if she could be 
compelled to receive to the partaking in so great a mystery, 
those of whom she is altogether ignorant, or, perhaps, regards 
with suspicion. And, to say nothing about the Church, how 
shall the minister himself to whom the dispensation of this 
grace is committed, on condition that he may not cast it before 
dogs and swine, that he must not pour it out to the worthy and 
the umvorthy without any distinction, discharge this onerous 
duty, unless he proceeds upon some fixed and certain method for 
separating the worthy from the unworthy communicants ? It 
were mere trifling, however, to insist farther upon these mat 
ters with you ; time, moreover, would fail me, for what I was 
afraid of has happened, that I would frequently be interrupted 
while writing. Last of all, I maintain the necessity and ad 
vantage of this course of proceeding, which you will, as thus 
explained by me, report as my reply to the good man. The 
three young noblemen whom you had so hospitably enter 
tained commend your liberality all the more that you excuse 
yourself so anxiously for having done less than you wished 
to do. More than that, they think they see that in this 
way you extenuate your kindness towards them. Capito, 
Bucer, Sturm, Bedrot, Claude, all the Frenchmen, desire to be 
remembered in the most friendly manner ; there is not one of 
them who does not most eagerly look for your arrival, not less 
on my account than that they may get a sight of you, for 
as they love both, they think of both. Nicolas and Henry are 
closely pursuing their studies ; Nicolas, especially, is quite 
absorbed. James is staying with me for these few days before 
he leaves. Every one of these also reverently salute you along 
VOL. i. L 



162 PETER VIRET. 1540. 

with my brother. In return will you greet the brethren very 
respectfully for me, and tell them from myself that they do 
truly hold a place in my remembrance. My preceptor Cor- 
dier ; and Michael, will excuse, or, at least, pardon, that they 
do not receive any letters from me. Adieu, my most amiable 
brother. Do not forget to remember me to your family. 
Ever yours, CALVIN. 

This messenger is a trustworthy person, and therefore I 
have requested him to go straight to you. 

[Lat. orig. autogr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.] 



XL VII. To PETER VIRET. 

Excuses for his silence sad news from France repugnance of Calvin to 
return to Geneva his comparative estimate of Capito, Zuingli, Luther, 
and (Ecolampadius. 

STRASBOURG, 13th May 1540. 

At length somewhat has been gained by my expostulation, 
for I have in some measure broken that unkind silence of so 
many months ; but I do not take it so well, that when you 
ought plainly to have sought pardon, you chose rather to make 
a return in kind ; for you make out that we are equally to blame 
except in this one point, that when both had come short in 
duty, I seized the opportunity and was the first to write. You 
thought, forsooth, to get out of the scrape in this way, as if in 
the meanwhile I had not written a hundred times to Farel, on 
condition that he would communicate with you, during which 
period I neither received a single letter from you, nor did you 
send even a salutation, except that which you once wrote at 
the end of a letter to Bucer. Therefore, true it is and of verity, 
that I cannot acquit you until you shah 1 have approved your 
diligence for the future, on condition that if, as you are wont, 
you begin to grow slack in your correspondence, I shall be 
entitled to lay a double fine upon you. But that I may not 
appear to press too severely, I do hereby freely remit whatever 
there is of failure on your part, provided, for the future, you 



1540. PETER VI11ET. 163 

both perform your own share of duty, and pardon me if, perhaps, 
I shall have become too negligent. 

Your letter was a very sad one to me, and all the more so 
because I can well imagine that cruel butchery to boil over 
without measure, as always happens whenever it has once burst 
forth, and there is no way of putting a stop to it. I wrote, 
however, to Farel, under the apprehension that what so long 
kept us in suspense would at length come to pass. Wherefore, 
unless the Lord open up some new outlet, there is no other 
way of helping our unhappy brethren than by our prayers and 
exhortations, which are, besides, so dangerous to their lives, 
that it is more discreet to abstain. The only remedy which 
almost alone remains, therefore, seems to be, that we commit 
their safety to the Lord. 1 

I read that passage of your letter, certainly not without a 
smile, where you shew so much concern about my health, and 
recommend Geneva on that ground. Why could you not have 
said at the cross ? for it would have been far preferable to 
perish once for all than to be tormented again in that place 
of torture. Therefore, my dear Yiret, if you wish well to me, 
make no mention of such a proposal. It was, however, most 
agreeable to me to understand that the brothers La Fontaines 
were so anxious concerning my safety, and that you also had 
turned your mind to it ; for, indeed, I can scarcely persuade 
myself that I am worth so much trouble. It is impossible 
for me, however, riot to be rejoiced by that kindness of good 
men towards me. 

1 While lie sought the alliance of the Protestant princes of Germany, Francis I. 
persecuted the Protestants in his own dominions with an extreme rigour, under the 
odious designation of Sacramentaries. The year 1540 witnessed numerous burnings 
at the stake, in the provinces of Dauphiny, Vivarais, at Paris, and in the valleys of 
Provence. There dwelt for many centuries a pastoral population, .which was only 
known to the world by simplicity of manners and the purity of its faith. De Thou, 
li v. v. c. 7 ; Histoire des Martyrs, liv. iii. pp. 133-146. The Vaudois of Cabrieres and 
Merindol, hated by the Roman Catholic clergy on account of their being estranged 
from the superstitions of the time, were devoted to death by the fanatical fury of 
the parliament of Aix. The arret, which condemned in the mass an innocent and 
inoffensive people to extermination, was dated 18th November 1540. The inter 
cession of the Senate of Strasbourg, of the Swiss Cantons, and of the German 
princes, suspended the execution of it until the year 1545. 



164 PETER VIRET, 1540. 

Capito, in his lectures, has some things which may "be of 
much use to you in the illustration of Isaiah. But as he does 
not dictate any part to his hearers, and has not yet reached 
beyond the fourteenth chapter, his assistance cannot at present 
much help you. Zuingli, although he is not wanting in a fit 
and ready exposition, yet, because he takes too much liberty, often 
wanders far from the meaning of the Prophet. Luther is not 
so particular as to propriety of expression or the historical 
accuracy; he is satisfied when he can draw from it some fruitful 
doctrine. No one, as I think, has hitherto more diligently 
applied himself to this pursuit than GEcolampadius, who has 
not always, however, reached the full scope or meaning. It is 
true that you may now and then find the need of having 
appliances at hand, nevertheless I feel confident that the Lord 
has not deserted you. 

About our affairs I do not write, in order that there may be 
more material for writing to Farel. All here greet you in the 
most friendly manner, Gapito, Bucer, Matthias, Sturm, Bedrot. 
Hedio I have not seen since your letter was delivered to me. 
In return, on my part, salute Conrad, Corneille, James, 
Isnard, and the others ; your aunt also, and your wife, whom, 
one and all, I wish to see. 

The mention of Conrad, which had occurred to me, brings 
to mind that Gaspar, who lived with him for some time, was 
lately here, and has complained much to Sturm that I had 
defamed him in an offensive manner among good people, at 
the instigation of Grynee. He said nought about it to me, and 
merely saluted when he left my lecture. I wished you to know 
this, that in future you may be more on your guard. Adieu, 
most excellent and kind brother. Yours, 

CALVIN. 

[Lat. orig. autor/r. Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.] 



1540. FAREL. 165 



XL VIII. To FABEL. 

Preparations for the Assembly of Haguenau symptoms of misunderstanding 
between Charles V. and Francis I. severe judgment of Henry VIII. 
evils produced in the Church by the absence of discipline various 
details. 

STRASBOURG, 21st June 1540. 

After Ferdinand waited about twelve days at Haguenau 1 for 
the princes, a few of them came who either have the wish to 
reform matters, or to prove their submission to the Emperor. 
From among the Electors, he could not succeed in drawing 
forth a single one except the Elector-Palatine. He of Mayence, 
as I hear, excused himself more than once, that is, he stoutly 
refused. The Electors of Cologne and Treves stood in doubt. 
The Elector of Saxony wished to have it distinctly understood, 
that his coming should not prejudice the protest which he had 
put in at the election of the King. He sent letters, how 
ever, to the Emperor, in common with the Landgrave, in 
which both, together signified, that they saw no other way of 
pacification that could be gone into than that which had been 
set forth at Frankfort. Therefore, if for that purpose the Em 
peror summons a free diet of the empire, that they would willingly 
attend ; that at present they had scarcely time enough allowed 
them to announce it to their allies ; that they had no other 
alternative than to send their ambassador with a few theologians, 
that they might not appear in any way to disparage the attempt ; 
that they, on behalf of the theologians and the deputies, and 
the messengers, whoever they might be, sought the public pro 
tection, that they might receive no injury. To-day the deputies 
have set out ; when Philip [Melanchthon] arrives the theolo 
gians will also follow. Blaurer 2 has already arrived ; others are 
daily expected. The Zurichers and those of Berne were invited, 

1 A meeting was convocated for the month of July 1540, in the town of Haguenau, 
in order to prepare matters for a general conference between the Roman Catholic 
and reformed theologians. .See following letter. 

2 Ambroise Blaurer, minister and reformer ot the (own of Constance. 



166 FAREL. 1540. 

but they sent back word that they would not come. This I 
mention, that you may not suppose that we omitted any part of 
our duty. It was written expressly to those of Basle not to send 
Carlostad. 1 The opposite fiction are at present consulting by 
what kind of debate, or on what point to attack us. Our friends 
will shew that they are prepared for a friendly compromise, 
provided that no part of the truth be departed from. The 
Emperor will not be left so completely at his ease by our King 
as to be able to concentrate his forces against our side. As yet 
the state of war has not commenced., but the seeds begin to 
spring up ; and that friend of ours is seeking those means of 
defence which, while he was in terms of friendship with his 
brother, he despised, and would yet continue to despise if things 
had remained the same. Baisius, 2 who discharges the office of 
envoy at the conference, has come hither to sound the depth of 
the ford, and to see what can be accomplished, as many conjec 
ture. It can scarce be otherwise but that great movements may 
take place before many months are past. Our friends hope to 
obtain some advantage, since they perceive our king to be so 
very unlikely to give any assistance to the Emperor. The 
King of England is not represented here. I have no doubt, 
however, that he may be attempting somewhat elsewhere. In 
the cause of the Lord he does not deal very favourably of late ; 
three men of the commonalty have been burnt, because they 
had ventured to express themselves on the subject of the 
Eucharist in other terms than the royal proclamation tolerated. 
But that which is worst of all is, that while he tries to arrogate 
to himself the sole authority, and without being scrupulous as 
to the means, he tolerates nothing which has not the sanction 
of his own authority. Thus it will come to pass that Christ shall 
avail them nothing except by the King s permission. The Lord 
will avenge this arrogance by some remarkable punishment. 
The address of the princes I desire, with good reason, may still 

1 Carolstacl, the friend, and, at a later period, the hot-headed adversary of Luther. 
At this time he had retired to Basle, where he was settled as minister of St. 
Peter s. He died in 1541. 

2 Lazarus Baisius, a distinguished and learned man, ambassador of the French 
king at the Diet of Hagnenau. 



1540. FAREL. 167 

be kept secret by you. We may shortly have a more convenient 
season when it can be brought to light, or at all events may be 
imparted to those who have an interest. Lately, in the same 
way, you have done me much mischief. For you cannot be 
lieve how much ill-will Erasmus has kindled against me in 
that very shallow publication of his, where he says, that a book 
was printed at Strasbourg, in which both Luther and the Stras- 
burghers were treated with distinction, and that Luther, never 
theless, had sent him a kindly salutation, &c. . . . while he 
thus goes a-begging in all directions in order to procure adher 
ents to his cause, he implicates along with himself others who 
do not deserve to be mixed up with the affair. And, really, I 
have very good reason to find fault with you, who have suffered 
a familiar and confidential letter to get abroad which ought to 
have been kept close in your own bosom and to fly away as far 
as Berne. Now I come to your letter. I could not take it ill 
that the bearer of my letter should be despatched by you with 
out a reply, when he told me that you were engaged in a work 
of so great necessity. It is something, however, that you really 
do excuse yourself, provided that you understand that I am satis 
fied on the condition, that in future you may be more careful. 
Nor shall I be very easily appeased if you omit or trifle with 
me at any time. I had not properly understood that Francis 
had been dismissed, according to your former letter, on account 
of misconduct. I was rather inclined to be of opinion, that 
some fair pretence was sought for. At present, in so far as can 
be surmised from your expressions, I perceive that he is charged 
with that crime which I was certainly persuaded he abhors with 
his whole soul. I sometimes wish, however, that we could 
have you here, where Capito and Bucer might hear all these 
things from your own mouth. For Bucer seemed not very 
patiently to hear what I say ; but I fear that if you intend to 
be with me on a certain event taking place, that you may have 
come too late. I have not yet found a wife, and frequently 
hesitate as to whether I ought any more to seek one. Claude 
and my brother had lately betrothed me to a demoiselle. Three 
days after they had returned, some things were told me which 
forced me to send away my brother, that he might discharge 



168 FAKEL. 1540. 

us from that obligation. As yet, it is not very evident to me 
what the matter is about which the Genevese are either making 
a disturbance among themselves, or are disquieted by those of 
Berne. I foresee, however., that it will have the very worst con 
sequences, unless the Lord comes to their help by some won 
derful method of deliverance. You know, I believe, what 
Marcourt wrote in that letter which was delivered to me along 
with yours. He avers solemnly that it never entered his mind 
to say that the epistle of Sadolet had been tampered with, and, 
therefore, earnestly requests that I may not allow this impression 
to settle upon my mind. I shall so reply as that it may appear 
that I by no means seek for causes of complaint, arid that there is 
nothing in which I take less delight than in strifes and variance. 
I will take an opportunity of inquiring whether the Count is 
possessed of those territories in Burgundy which you have men 
tioned. In France, he certainly has nothing left. There you 
labour in vain about Pont de Veyle 1 and other places. If war 
shall take place, I know not whether it will be restored. I 
cannot enough express my astonishment where or when Cres- 
sonniere could have dreamed what he related to Guerin about 
my recantation, nor do I know what to say to it, unless either 
that he must have been drunk or out of his wits when he gave 
utterance to such an absurdity. To Guerin himself, who I see 
is somewhat disturbed about it, I will write satisfactorily by 
the first opportunity. Nicolas and Henry have excellent appe 
tites ; therefore, unless you make haste to come yourself, you 
must think of some way of sending them money. The case 
of our excellent friend Zebedee, 2 or rather the state of our own 
Church, where at present there is no discipline, grieves me be 
yond measure. Some method must be Mien upon by which 
we may restrain these furies from such an unwarrantable inter 
ference. Since, however, for the present we have nothing better, 
I advise that what he spoke about the very prevalent ignorance 
of Christ, lie may confirm by the testimony of such persons whose 

1 Pont dc Veyle, a small town of the Bresse, handed over at that time by tlio 
King of France to the Duke of Savoy. 

2 Andrew Zebedee, minister at Orbe, deposed by the Senate of Berne for having 
set himself in opposition, on some points, to the theology of Bucer. 



1540. MONSIEUR DU TAILLY. 169 

authority will have weight at Berne. Among the ancients he 
has many supporters ; but he cannot do a greater despite unto 
his opponents, than when he puts forward Luther, Bucer, Brentz, 
and others, as authority. Above all, it is important that it be 
demonstrated how impertinent and unbecoming it is that a 
handful of unlearned and inexperienced men, in a dark corner 
of the land, should dare to accuse of heresy men who are actu 
ally of the highest distinction and authority in the Church ; and 
it will be well to write to Konzen, and to assure him of the 
odium which he will inevitably draw down upon himself if the 
eminent persons above named shall come to know how and 
with what impunity their writings are cut and carved on. 
Take my word for it, he will kindle a fire about the ears of 
these rascals which shall not easily be extinguished, if he only 
applies himself to it with the talent which he possesses. 

Adieu, my sound-hearted brother ; for indeed I am obliged 
here to break off my discourse, since I have been too late in 
rising up. Will you remember me in the most friendly way 
to all the brethren Chaponneau, Cordier, Thomas, Michael, 
Fatin, and the others. Blessed be the Lord, who was present 
in His strength for the subduing of that beast which had lifted 
up the horn against His glory. Salute also, for me, your 
brother Walter, with his wife. The Lord have you in His 
safe keeping. All our friends salute you. Yours, 

CALVIN. 

[Lat. orifj. autoyr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.] 



XLIX. To MONSIEUR DU TAILLY. X 

Review of the Conferences of Haguenau the state of parties in Germany. 

STRASBOURG, 2Sth July 1540. 

MONSIEUR DU TAILLY, Owing to my having put off writing 
to you my last letters until that we should have more certain 

1 M. Du Tailly, a French gentleman, who had taken refuge at Geneva, a de 
clared partisan of the Reformation and of Calvin, whose return he pressingly urged, 



170 MOXSIEUB DU TA1LLY. 1540. 

news of the Assembly of Haguenau to send you, I was unwill 
ing to let this bearer depart without a letter, albeit the matter 
has not yet been brought to a conclusion. I shall, therefore, 
briefly report progress up to this present time. You are aware 
that King Ferdinand had summoned the princes of his party 
some time before those of our side, for the purpose of taking 
counsel with them as to the quarter in which it would be most 
advisable to attack us. After having held their consult, they 
have given it as their opinion to elect four suitable arbiters, to 
hear the controverted points on the one side and on the other, 
with the view of arriving at some settled determination. The 
commissioners were the Count Palatine, the Bishop of Treves, 
both electors ; the Duke of Bavaria, and the Bishop of Stras 
bourg. Not one of our princes has yet appeared, for that they 
have been summoned on too short an intimation, and to that 
effect have excused themselves to the Emperor ; but they have 
despatched with a safe conduct their ambassadors and coun 
cillors, along with learned men, to make all the needful 
arrangements. These same persons, although they might by 
rights have refused those whom they had presented to them as 
arbiters, or at least a part, they have nevertheless agreed to 

as the following letter, taken from the MSS. of the Company of Neuchatel, suffi 
ciently attests : 

MONSIEUR DU TAILLY TO FAREL. 

VERY DEAR BROTHER, At the suasion of the most of the good brethren hereaway, 
I have written to our good brother Calvin that there is a need of him to come to 
the help of his brethren of Geneva, without taking any heed to the injury. which 
had been done to Jesus Christ in chasing him away, but that he will have to con 
sider the desolation in which they are, and his own bounden duty ; wherefore I 
have written to him to let me know his mind, before that they send away a depu 
tation to him. I shall, besides, entreat of you on your part, that you do charge and 
persuade him what he ought to do. I say no more to you. Your letter has been 
very well taken by those hereabout, and I believe that it will greatly profit them, 
and they hold themselves specially bounden to you for having mind of them in their 
time of need, and by that shewing evidently that you are a true pastor, not of those 
who leave them exposed to danger. For the rest, the Lord has done his pleasure 
as concerning Sir Michel Balthazar. It is a great loss for the town so far as man 
can see. Nevertheless, His will must be done, and none other. May the Lord 
enable you to persevere as you have begun. To the uttermost, your friend and 
brother, Du TAILLY. 

From Geneva, this 3d October 1540. 



1540. MONSIEUR DU TA1LLY. 171 

accept them, so as to let them understand that they did not 
wish on any account whatever to draw back. But it has come 
to pass, as indeed we always thought it would. Whenever 
there has been some stir about making a beginning, Messieurs 
the arbiters, not knowing where to commence, have asked our 
folk what they had to say. To which they have returned for 
answer, that they required, in terms of the Confession presented 
at Augsbourg, the Churches might be reformed, offering, on 
their part, to clear up any difficulties which might lie in the 
way, and to explain more fully whatever might be obscure. 
Thereupon, Nausea 1 advised Ferdinand to yield to us at once 
the marriage of the clergy and the communion in both kinds ; 
as to other matters in dispute, that it was not lawful to enter 
upon them without the leave of our holy father the Pope. That 
also met with the entire approval of Faber, 2 of Cochlasus, 3 and 
their companions. So, in conclusion, answer is made by Fer 
dinand, and by those who were of a like mind with himself, that 
it depends on our princes, and it is their fault if no good method 
of agreement were fallen upon ; that for his part, he was there 
to deliberate in friendly conference for that end, but that they 
had not deigned to give him a meeting. That notwithstanding 
all that, the Emperor will not oppose the assembling of another 
diet, in which the points in dispute may be discussed on both 
sides, but under such conditions that, after each debate, the 
definite decision must be referred to his Majesty [the Emperor] 
and his Holiness the Pope. That, in the meanwhile, our folk 
must not be strengthening themselves by new alliances, nor 
entice away any one to receive their religion, while, at the same 
time, the confederate alliances entered upon since the Assembly 
of Nuremberg 4 must be annulled. 

1 Frederic Nausea, theologian, known by some writings of a controversial kind 
against the Lutherans. 

2 John Faber, Vicar-General of the Church of Constance, a renowned theologian 
of the Eoman Catholic Church. In recompense of his zeal in opposing the Pro 
testants, he obtained the Bishopric of Vienna. 

3 John Cochkeus of Nuremberg, one of the principal opponents and detractors of 
Luther, against whom he displayed more anger than skill in his warfare. He 
appeared at the Conferences of Worms and of Katishon, in 1541, and died in 1552. 
We have, of his writing, the " Libri duo Hussitarum Historice," Moguntiae, 1549. 

4 The princes of the Empire, met at Nuremberg in 1524, had drawn up a list of 



172 MONSIEUR DU TAILLY. 1540. 

As to that objection, that our princes have hindered the pro 
gress of the treaty, it has been easy enough to meet it with a 
sufficient reply, for there was no need for their being present in 
person, when they sent their doctors and their councillors with 
full power. Moreover, they had promised to come if they saw 
that a settlement was contemplated in good earnest. As for the 
conference, that they received very willingly, but the whole of 
the conditions they utterly rejected as unbearable, not to say 
ridiculous ; for it is the very reverse of what the Emperor had 
promised at Frankfort. 

The intention of our opponents has been to extend their league 
and to contract ours ; but we hope that God will order and 
dispose our lot far otherwise. However that may turn out, 
those of our side seek to advance and to extend the kingdom 
of Christ as much as possible, and hold on their course with 
inflexible resolution. We know not at present what the Lord 
will be pleased in His providence to send. There is one section 
of our adversaries who cry loudly for war. The Emperor is so 
embarrassed, that he dare not undertake it. The Pope, for his 
part, in good earnest is quite ready to set his hand to it, for he 
has made offer, by his ambassador, of three hundred thousand 
ducats to begin with. If all those who as yet have not received 
our religion would only agree among themselves to attack us, the 
Emperor would make no difficulty in lending his name, were it for 
no other motive than to break the strength of Germany, so that 
he might tame them all the more at his ease ; but he has one 
great let and hindrance in his way, and that is, that the whole 
of the electors are of one mind as to this, that it is desirable to 
quench these civil broils without having recourse to arms. The 
Duke of Saxony and the Marquis of Brandenbourg are confede 
rate with us. Thus they have no choice but to follow out the 
cause they have taken up. The Archbishop of Cologne is no 
less to be counted on, for he goes so far as to admit that the 
Church needs to be reformed, and sees well enough that we 

the abuses of the Court of Borne, proclaimed the necessity of a Reformation, and 
appealed to a general council, interdicting, at the same time, the publication of any 
opinion contrary to the dogmas of the Church, previous to the convocation of that 
assembly. 



1540. MONSIEUR DU TAILLY. 173 

have truth on our side. The Count Palatine, also, is very 
desirous to have some reformation, which he cannot expect to 
see accomplished by any other than peaceful means. Mentz 
and Treves love the peace and liberty of the country, which 
they fear might be sacrificed should the Emperor have sub 
dued us. These considerations induced them to resist any other 
course of proceeding against us but that of a peaceable confer 
ence, such as we have called for. The King of France lends 
no assistance, except on the condition that their proceedings 
are regulated by Christian feeling. His ambassador is Baysius, 
who knows nothing at all about the matter in dispute. Not 
withstanding, he receives us kindly enough when we go to call 
for him, and has thought right to call here before returning 
to his lodging. 

All the learned folks who have come hither on our behalf 
are well agreed with one another. Seeing that our opponents 
do nought but amuse themselves, they have thought good to 
consult apart how they might set up some sort of discipline in 
the Church ; but as they could not come to any conclusion 
without communicating with the absent, as with Luther, Philip, 
and others, and far less carry their plan into execution without 
the consent of the princes, they have only got so far as that 
each has promised for himself to use his endeavour with the 
princes and towns to assemble a meeting of our friends in 
order to attend to* that. It will be the most important affair 
which we shall have to deal with at present. 

Melanchthon is not yet come hither, by reason of some sudden 
illness, and also because, perhaps, he thought that there was no 
need to be in any immediate hurry to come. For my part, my 
only object was recreation, as also that of Capito. 
Your brother and good friend, 

JOHN CALVIN. 

\Fr. Copy Archives of Geneva. No. 1250.] 



174 PETER CAROLI. 1540. 



L. To PETER CAROLI. * 

Answer to the complaints of Caroli refuses to grant to him the professorial 
chair unless he repents of his past offences. 

STRASBOURG, Wth August 1540. 

Grace to you and peace from the Lord, whose Spirit can give 
sound advice to you and a right will, and also to us. 

I would rather have preferred that you had come hither to 
confer with us about reconciliation face to face, than that you 
should have tried it by writing, and especially such a letter as 
yours. You are very anxious to shew that you did not excite 
disturbance in the Church without good reason: as if indeed 
any honest cause could ever be advanced for disturbing the peace 
of the Church. Suppose we grant that the brethren did not 
treat you with that kindly consideration which they ought, 
was it therefore right or becoming on that account, immedi 
ately, in the way you have done, to make so much noise about 
it ? Will you assert that it was the Spirit of God that im 
pelled you to challenge every one to the contest ? I do not 
say these things for the sake of reproaching you : I wish that 
you had suffered me to remain entirely silent. But when you 
league in an alliance with Satan all those who at least, in your 
own opinion, have not conducted themselves with such fairness 
towards you as they ought, you would justly reckon us stupid 
indeed, if you think that such an imputation can pass over in 
silence. You say that you were struck with indignation to such 
a degree as to reproach both myself and Farel, because we had 
been the occasion, by our letters, why the brethren at Neuchatel 
would riot receive you. In the first place, that has either been 
concocted by yourself, or falsely reported to you ; for it never 

1 Repulsed at the same time in the requests which he had addressed to the 
Church of Neuchatel and to that of Strasbourg, Caroli had retired to Metz, from 
whence he wrote a letter to Calvin full of bravado and reproach, offering to be re 
conciled with him and Farel if they would procure him a benefice. The reply of 
Calvin, equally remarkable for power as well as charity, is a testimony of the 
moderation and of the wisdom of the writer. 



1540. PETER CAROLI. 175 

entered into my mind so to write to the brethren at NeuchateL 
In Farel s letters, so far as I hear, (for I have nought but hear 
say,) Michael was far more severely dealt with than you were. 
As, therefore, I had never done you an injury, either by word 
or deed, when I had not pricked you with even the slightest 
puncture of offence, what sort of kindness was it to tear me to 
pieces in such a savage manner ? If indeed I had stood in 
your way in any matter of private interest or advancement, 
even then how inconsistent would such conduct have been in 
the case of any Christian man, to be so inflamed with the desire 
of revenge, as that he should break forth into such a disorderly 
course of proceeding ? Since I had always formerly been a 
brother to you without any distrust, how has it happened that 
all at once I should have become a heretic in your estimation, 
with whom you abhorred to have communion ? Is not this 
knowingly to take the most sacred name of God in vain? 
You say that you had no other alternative but to proclaim us 
to be irreconcilable, (for this is your expression ;) but consider, 
I beseech you, with yourself for a little, how ridiculous you 
make yourself, when it is clear you have sounded a blast of the 
trumpet in the midst of peace. But grant that on our part we 
have given you cause, what meaning do you attach to the ex 
pression you make use of ? Most certainly he is to be consi 
dered irreconcilable, whom, when you have endeavoured, by every 
method in your pow r er, to appease, you cannot, however, succeed 
in any measure or degree to content or satisfy. When have you 
ever found such fractious and obstinate inflexibility in us ? You 
have nothing against me that you can complain of, while, on 
the other hand, I have most just cause why I may expostulate 
with you, not to speak of anything more severe. Neither have 
I ever entertained thoughts of revenge, so far have I been from 
planning any mischief against you. As for Farel, I would de 
sire to know what injury he can have done you ? He wrote, 
requesting that no one might be admitted to the office and 
work of the ministry who had deserted the churches committed 
to his superintendence. Ought he not to have done so ? Nor 
is the breach of solemn obligation in any degree less, when a 
minister forsakes the church which he had once bound himself 



176 PETER CAROLI. 1540. 

by vow to take charge of, than if a father were to cast off his 
sons. But you will say, that he included you in that number., 
while you were entirely free from any such imputation. If 
you will read over his letter, you will discover that it is 
otherwise. For he required nothing more of the brethren 
than that they should diligently inquire ; if on that inquiry 
having been made you were assoilzied, was not that what 
you ought to have desired ? You went to Metz ; how very 
unsuitable was it for you to boast among the adversaries 
of Christ that you had come prepared and ready to convict 
us of heresy? And, notwithstanding, in the meanwhile, 
you would maintain for yourself that boast, that you are at 
tempting nothing against the Gospel. But what kind of 
proof do you give us of this ? If any one professedly wages 
war with the servant of Christ, and throws all sort of obstacles 
in his way, how can such a one promote the kingdom of 
Christ ? You can scarcely say that such a man is on the side 
of the Gospel at all. Look to it, brother, again and again, 
whither you are going. We have a ministry in nowise sepa- 
\ rated from Christ : if you doubt it, we have the sufficiently 
I sure and faithful testimony of conscience. You may flatter 
yourself as you will, you shall at length feel that by attacking 
us you are kicking against the pricks. In the meanwhile, what 
harm can you do to us ? You will call us heretics. Where 
fore ? Among those, forsooth, who reckon you yourself to be a 
heretic, although for the present they apply your slander to a 
different purpose from what was intended. Among truly pious 
and learned men, I am not at all afraid of your being able to 
do me any harm by your detraction. All these things have a 
tendency in that direction, and so I wish them to be understood 
by you, that you may realize before God the course upon which 
you have entered, and do not think of defending yourself by 
the undeserved condemning of other persons, which not only is 
without the slightest foundation, but wants even a decent pre 
text. If I shall have so far succeeded, that is enough, I am 
satisfied. But I would not have you to lay aside hope and 
courage. For if you shall manifest to us the true and solid 
evidences of an upright heart, we are ready prepared immedi- 



1540. PETER CAROLI. 177 

ately to return in perfectly good faith to terms of mutual 
benevolence and good-will with you, to forget all the past, to 
forgive, and to blot them entirely from the memory. I wish 
that you could look within my breast ; for there is nothing 
I am more desirous of than first of all to reconcile you to 
God, that there may then be a firm and lasting agreement 
between us. But take my word for it, you will never use 
fully serve the Lord, unless you lay aside that supercilious 
ness and bitterness of reproach. Therefore, if you wish to 
be reconciled to us, we are prepared to embrace you as 
a brother ; nor shall you find us wanting in any friendly 
offices, so far as lies in our power. But with reference to that 
paction or agreement which you require of us, how is it possible 
for us to assent to it ? That we may promise to settle you in 
a particular church, how can we do so ? In the first place, the 
churches are not at our disposal, as you are well aware ; then, 
with what conscience could we promise that to you, before we 
are distinctly agreed upon the head of doctrine ? You do not 
conceal that you still dissent from us ; and yet you wish that a 
particular locality should be set apart for you to teach in. 
Weigh considerately with yourself how far that would be 
seemly. You would be well entitled to esteem us worse than 
blockheads were we to comply with you. That I may at 
length bring this matter to a conclusion, I beg of you, that 
with a calm and composed mind you may attentively consider 
this whole affair ; that you would also ponder and well weigh 
this letter in no other balance than that of a judgment entirely 
devoid of anger. You will acknowledge, that certainly nothing 
can be better than to turn away from a course of conduct 
entered upon at first in the spirit of malice. If you will make 
trial of us, I undertake that no duty of friendship shall be 
wanting on my part towards you: this Farel also in earnest 
promises for himself. But do you also be mindful of that 
charity which you exact with so much severity, and give some 
evidence that it regulates your own conduct towards others. 
If you consider me more harsh than I ought to be, bethink 
yourself what your letter deserves ; although I have in nowise 
had regard to that, but only that I might be of service to yon, 
VOL. i. M 



178 VIRET. 1540. 

which I did not see how to accomplish unless I could bring 
you to the acknowledgment of your sin. Adieu, my very dear 
brother in the Lord, if you will only suffer me to love you and 
to esteem you as a brother. May Christ the Lord guide you 
by the Spirit of counsel and prudence, so that you may quickly 
extricate yourself from among those dangerous rocks upon 
which you have been driven, and steer you from among the 
breakers safely into port. Farel desires to salute you, and 
wishes that you may seriously turn to the Lord, and then you 
will be prepared to return to that friendship and brotherly 
agreement with us with which He himself is ready to embrace 
you. Cordially your friend, 

CALVIN. 

[Calvin s Lat. Corresp. Opera, torn. ix. p. 29.] 



LI. To VIRET. 

Deputations sent to France and into England the Edict of Fontainbleau. 

STRASBOURG, Sth October 1540. 

When your letter arrived the second post had already been 
despatched to our princes, by which our friends asked for that 
embassy about winch they had formerly treated. Next, that 
another also be sent to the King of England, who keeps two 
of the bishops 1 and many of the brethren detained in prison, 
because they have refused to sign his insane decrees. You need 
not entertain any doubt, my dear Viret, that our Senate lays 
the matter thoroughly to heart. I speak not of my own 
anxiety and that of our friends, whose care, however, of the 
worthy brethren affects them more than you imagine. If you 
think we are only giving you good words as often as you do 
not see the success that you wish for, you do not make proper 
allowance for what we may have a right to expect, and that 
you ought not by any means to impute the delay to our 
negligence. Our Senate, also, is greatly surprised that no mes 
senger has been sent back to them with at least an answer 

1 Hugh Latimer and Nicolas Saxton. 



1540. VIRET. 179 

of some sort, and does not doubt that the present state of affairs 
prevents the princes from arriving at any settled determination. 
I have translated the Eoyal Edict, 1 and have taken care to 
keep a copy of it. We are by no means negligent, but we 
cannot by all our diligence uniformly accomplish what might 
be wished by all good men. A new hindrance has also of late 
arisen out of the quarrel of Count William with the Constable 
of France, which I wish in the long-run may come to good. 
Whenever the answer is brought to us, whatever it may be, I 
will let you know. Oh that the answer may meet our wishes ! 
The letters which arrive from the different provinces of France 
say nothing about the Edict ; and certainly, while occupied in 
translating it, the composition gave rise to some suspicion, for 
it has nought of the elegance of courtly diction about it. I 
keep it however beside me, that it might not be made use of 
to the hurt of the brethren. Upon what terms we have come 
to a settlement with Caroli you shall know by and by, when 
lecture is over. At present, also, I am writing to Farel, what 
he will be able to communicate also to you. As usual, I am 
obliged to bear the whole brunt of their spite and malice. 
But as the matter is at an end, you will also endeavour that all 
old offences may be done away with. Adieu, my brother. 

All the brethren salute you, Capito, Bucer, Sturm, and the 
rest. Yours, 

CALVIN. 

[Lat. orig. autogr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.] 

1 The Edict of Fontainbleau, put forth the 1st of June 1540, called on the 
inquisitors, the bishops, and the parliaments to repress the crime of heresy, and 
by which it was assimilated to the crime of treason. The number of victims 
increased greatly on the promulgation of this edict, and the punishment was 
rendered more cruel by the atrocious tortures which preceded. 



ISO FAREL. 1540. 



LIL To FARET, 

toickness of Calvin preparation for departure to the Diet at vv orms letter to 
the Queen of Navarre on behalf of the faithful persecuted in France. 

STRASBOURG, October 1540. 

When your letter was first brought to me I could scarcely 
lift a finger, on account of bodily weakness, and therefore reply 
to yours somewhat later than I ought. Since that time to the 
present such has been my state of doubt and hesitation, that 
it was impossible for me to write any thing for certain ; it 
seemed, indeed, as if it had been so ordered on purpose that our 
wedlock 1 might not be over joyous, that we might not exceed 
all bounds, that the Lord thus thwarted our joy by moderating 
it. On the 3d of September I was seized with stuffing of the 
head, a malady so frequent with me that it gave me no great 
concern. Next day, being the Lord s-day, when I had got a 
little warm in the delivery of the forenoon sermon, I felt those 
humours which had gathered in the head begin to loosen and 
dissolve. Before I could leave the place the cough attacked 
me, and I was very much troubled with the continual defluxion 
until the Tuesday. On that day, when I was preaching, as 
usual, and found great difficulty in speaking, owing to the nos 
trils being blocked up with mucus and the fauces choked with 
hoarseness, all of a sudden I underwent a strange sensation ; 
the cough, to be sure, ceased, but rather unseasonably, while 
the head continued to be crammed with evil humours. On 
the Monday a circumstance occurred which had provoked my 
anger ; for when the housekeeper, as oft she does, spoke more 
freely than became her, and had addressed some rude expres 
sion to my brother, he could not brook her impertinence, not, 
however, that he made any stir about it, but he silently left the 

1 Calvin, in the month of August 1540, had married Idelette cle Bure, the widow 
of an Anabaptist of Liege, John Storder, whom he had brought back to the reformed 
faith. He lived nine years with her in the most entire union, and remained a 
widower in the month of April 1549. 



1540. FAREL. 181 

house, and vowed solemnly that he would not return so long 
as she remained with me. Therefore, when she saw me so sad 
on account of my brother s departure she also went elsewhere. 
Her son, in the meanwhile, continued to live with me. I am 
wont, however, when heated by anger, or stirred up by some 
greater anxiety than usual, to eat to excess, and to devour 
my meat more eagerly than I ought, which so happened to me 
at that time. Whenever the stomach is oppressed overnight 
with too much, or with unsuitable food, I am tormented in the 
morning with severe indigestion. To correct that by fasting 
was a ready cure, and that was my usual practice ; but in order 
that the son of our housekeeper might not interpret this absti 
nence to be an indirect way of getting rid of him, I rather chose, 
at the expense of health, not to incur that offence. On Tues 
day thereafter, when the cough, as I have already mentioned, 
had ceased, about nine o clock, after supper, I was seized with 
a fainting fit. I went to bed ; then followed severe paroxysm, 
intense burning heat, a strange swimming of the head. When 
I got up on Wednesday, I felt so feeble in every limb and 
member, that I was at length forced to acknowledge that I 
was labouring under severe illness. I dined sparely. After 
dinner I had two fits, with frequent paroxysms afterwards, but 
at irregular intervals, so that it could not be ascertained what 
particular form of fever it was. There was such a degree of 
perspiration that nearly the whole mattress was moistened by it. 
While I was under this sort of treatment your letter arrived. 
So utterly unable was I to do what you required that it was 
with difficulty that I could make out the length of three paces. 
At length, whatever may have been the original nature of the 
disease, it turned into a tertian fever, which at first came on 
with acute shooting pains, but intermittent at every third 
paroxysm. There came on, to be sure, afterwards, an access of 
fever, more or less, but that was not so severe. When I began 
to recover, the time had already gone by, and my strength was not 
equal to the journey. This, however, by no means prevented 
me from deliberating with Capito and Bucer, as though I had 
been quite stout and well ; and when the fit time arrived, and 
in the midst of my sickness, I never desisted from beseeching 



182 FAREL. 1540. 

Bucer rather even to set out by himself, that we might not 
disappoint the hope which we had given you reason to enter 
tain. 1 Although he was himself very much inclined to accom 
plish the task he had undertaken, he rather preferred that I 
should accompany him, nor had the letter of Grynee at all pre 
vailed with him, in which he dissuaded him, whatever might 
happen, from joining himself to us, if we should continue to differ 
in opinion. While I was still suffering under the weakness 
of which I have spoken, my wife took a fever, from which she 
is now beginning to get well, and that with a different kind 
of complaint ; for since the last eight days she has been so 
exhausted by frequent vomitings and otherwise, that she can 
with difficulty sit up in bed. Albeit, to confess the truth, none of 
these things had stood in the way of my journey if there had 
not been a yet greater hindrance. About a fortnight ago a 
report was spread, which even now continues to prevail, that the 
Emperor was on the road to Worms, for the purpose of hold 
ing the Diet of the Empire which they had appointed to meet at 
Haguenau. He has not, indeed, hitherto put forth an edict to 
fix the day, but our friends are somewhat apprehensive of his 
wishing to make use of the same crafty devices which he put in 
practice in calling the conference at Haguenau. For he reduced 
them to such straits, that they had no opportunity of meeting 
together even for a previous private conference. It is on this 
account therefore, that at present they fear lest he comes upon 
them before they are prepared to deal with him. This state of 
matters detains Bucer here, so that he cannot move a step. 
He therefore particularly requests of you, that since you per 
ceive it has happened by no fault on his part, that he can 
not fulfil his promise, that you would consider him excused. 
This I can freely affirm to you for his exculpation, that 
never have I seen a man more ready to enter upon any enter 
prise than he was to undertake this journey, if he had not been 
bound up by this concurrence of circumstances. It will perhaps 
be evident, in a short time, that this anxiety was superfluous ; 



1 Bucer was on the eve of setting out for the Conference of Worms, which he was 
to have attended, accompanied Hy Calvin. 



1540. FAREL. 183 

but what could our friends do in the meantime, when they hear 
that lodgings had already been bespoke at Worms, that the 
Emperor was approaching, except that they should be very 
intensely on the outlook. During the interval, you must also 
know, that the Emperor in person, with the most unheard-of 
rapacity, has pillaged Flanders, Holland, Brabant, Luxembourg ; 
it may even rather be said, that he has completely gutted these 
territories. But if nothing occurs to prevent, call us whenso 
ever it shall seem good. Bucer promises solemnly that, without 
shrinking, he will come immediately on receiving the summons. 
As regards myself, there is no great occasion for a laboured 
excuse, for it was not possible to contend with God, who con 
fined me to my bed at the very time when the journey was to 
be undertaken. For the willingness, I do not think you can 
entertain a doubt. Most certainly, those who were present at 
the time are aware that this was my continual complaint, " Now 
Farel will be disappointed in his expectation." But notwith 
standing, we ought each of us patiently to submit, because the 
Lord has either removed the hope we entertained, or delayed 
the fulfilment until a more convenient season. We may well 
believe that He foresaw more clearly what would be best than 
we could possibly forecast, either by consultation or by our most 
reasonable conclusions in regard to this business. We have 
nothing new here, unless that the King and the Emperor while 
contending in cruel persecution of the godly, both endeavour 
to gain the favour of the Koman idol. There was a cer 
tain personage here lately, a native of Gascony, one of the 
magnates as appeared ; he had an escort of five horsemen 
along with him, by whom I have written to the Queen of 
Navarre, 1 and have earnestly besought her that she would 
not desert us in a time of so great affliction. Publicly we can 
do nothing, matters continue in such a doubtful state. The 
Emperor, as you have heard, hastens his journey to Worms, 
but not at great speed. He has, however, shewn that he wishes 
to have a convention of the princes. Afterward to hold a diet 



1 Marguerite, sister of Francis I. The letter to \vhieh Calvin here refers is 
unfortunately lost. 



184 THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA. 1540. 

of the whole Empire at Katisbon, where deliberation may be had, 
and those points finally settled which had been discussed in the 
former diet, both concerning religion and the state of the Empire. 
That city, however, is very inconveniently situated, in regard 
that all those princes who are more desirous of peace, on account 
of the length and difficulty of the journey do not come thither ; 
and our friends have the impression that the road is not very 
safe, because it is in the middle circle of Bavaria, where the 
princes are hostile to them, and combined with the Emperor in 
that wicked league. At Tubingen, sixty-seven houses have 
been burnt down. They say that the fire has been kindled by 
incendiaries, but no one knows who they are or by whom 
set on. . . . 1 

[Lat. orig. autoyr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.] 



LI II. To THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA. 2 

Excuses himself from returning to Geneva by the necessity of his 
attendance at the Diet of Worms. 

STRASBOURG, Oct. 23, 1540. 
MY VERY WORTHY, NOBLE, AND HONOURABLE LORDS, Albeit 

that, besides the letters which you have been pleased to send 
me, you had given charge to the bearer to declare more fully by 
word of mouth your wish, and that he has not found me in the 

1 The end is wanting. 

a Directed on the back, To the Magnificent and Honourable Lords Messieurs 
the Syndics and Council of Geneva. 

Two years had scarcely passed away since the banishment of Calvin, arid 
already the victorious party, left to itself, had exhausted itself with its own excess 
and disorders. Of the four Syndics who pronounced the expulsion of the ministers 
two were exiled to Berne ; the other two had perished by a violent death. Spon, 
Hist, de Geneve, liv. i. pp. 280-282. Anarchy produced its ordinary fruit, regret 
for the absence of authority. Taught by severe experience, the people of Geneva 
demanded to have Calvin brought hack again, and the new Syndics, organs of the 
popular sentiment, sought to recall him. Arch, of Geneva, ftcyistres du Conseil, 
ann. 1540, 



1540. THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA. 185 

place where he thought to find me, so as to deliver his message, 1 
I have, nevertheless, sufficiently understood by them the scope 
of your intention. In reply, I can testify before God that I 
hold your Church in such consideration that I would never be 
wanting in her time of need to do whatsoever I could for her 
help. Furthermore, I have no doubt whatever but that she 
must be very desolate, and also in danger of being broken up 
and scattered besides, if that has not happened already. And 
on this account I am in singular perplexity, having the desire 
to meet your wish, and to wrestle with all the grace that God 
has given me, to get her brought back into a better condition, 
while, on the other hand, I cannot slightingly quit the charge 
or lay it down lisjlrtlv, to which the Lord has called me, without 

t&gt; o ^ / 

being relieved of it by regular and lawful means ; for so 1 have 
always believed and taught, and to the present moment cannot 
persuade myself to the contrary, that when our Lord appoints a 
man as pastor in a church to teach in His Word, that he ought 
to consider himself as engaged to take upon himself the govern 
ment of it, so that he may not lightly withdraw from it without 
the settled assurance in his own heart, and the testimony of the 
faithful, that the Lord has discharged him. Moreover, it has 
been arranged by those of the council of the town of Strasbourg, 
that I should go with some of my brethren to the Assembly at 
Worms, not to serve one church solely, but for the common 
interest, in which number yours is included. I do not think 
myself to possess such knowledge, or prudence, or experience, 
that I can be of much use there, but when the object in view 
is a matter of so great importance, and that it has been ap 
pointed not only by the council of that town, but also by others, 
that I should proceed thither, to be present for whatsoever it 
shall please God to employ me in, I am constrained to follow, 
and cannot, with a sound conscience, neglect that call. 

Seeing myself, therefore, involved in such trouble and uncer 
tainty, I have communicated your letter to the chief pastors of 
this church, who have ever been singularly desirous of your 

1 The bearer of tin s letter was Amy Perriri, who sought anxiously to bring about 
the recall of the Reformer, whose most determined adversary he became some years 
afterwards at Geneva. Spon, torn. i. p. 283. Note P. 



186 FAREL. 1540. 

wellbeing and edification, and would earnestly, with all their 
heart, assist you to the utmost of their power in this matter, as 
also in every other. We have consulted together, since I must 
undertake this journey, if it please you, in the meantime, to call 
our brother, Master Peter Viret, that your church may not be 
left destitute, for he will not be an entire stranger among 
you, and will have that sort of affection toward you as of one 
who has been occupied in promoting your edification, from the 
very commencement. In the interval our Lord will open up a 
way on the one hand and on the other, as we do hope, such as 
your present need requires, and as you may find expedient. I 
promise you that nothing shall be denied you on my part in all 
that is allowable, but that I will do my utmost to serve you so 
far as God permits, and those to whose counsels He has com 
manded me to hearken. 

And now, right honourable, noble, and eminent Lords, after 
my humble commendation to your favourable entreaties, I pray 
the Lord God to have you always in His holy protection, in 
creasing in you from day to day His gifts and graces, making 
them helpful for the advancement of the glory of His name, 
that you may ever prosper and be in peace. 

Your humble servant, 

JOHN CALVIN. 

[Fr. orig. autogr. Archives of Geneva. No. 1250.] 



LIV. To FAREL. 

Exposition of the motives which prevent him from returning to Geneva. 

STRASBOURG, 27th October 1540. 

I have no doubt whatever that you have taken good care 
to apologize for me to those brethren who advised that I 
should return to Geneva, that I have not replied to them. 
For you are well aware how on that account I was thrown for 
two days into such perplexity and trouble of mind that I was 
scarcely half myself. Some time after that, however, that I 



1540. FAREL. 187 

might humour you, I made an attempt to write somewhat to 
them in common ; but when I took into account what usually 
happens with these general letters addressed in common, I 
changed my mind. For what is sent only to a select few, 
flickers about hither and thither incessantly from hand to 
hand, until at length it is thoroughly well published. This, 
therefore, was my reason why I wrote only to you : it was that 
you may not take into your confidence any other readers than 
those from whom you know that you need be under no appre 
hension of any danger. Why, therefore, I did not wish what 
I intrust to your confidence to be more widely spread, you 
will understand when you have read to the end of this letter. 
Although I trust that you completely take up my meaning, 
and that you have also faithfully explained it to others, I 
shall briefly repeat now how I stand affected. Whenever I 
call to mind the state of wretchedness in which my life was 
spent when there, how can it be otherwise but that my very 
soul must shudder when any proposal is made for my return. 
I pass over entirely that disquietude by which we were per 
petually tossed up and down, and driven from one side to 
another, from the time when I was appointed your colleague. 
I know indeed from experience, that wheresoever I might 
turn, all sorts of annoyances were strewn in my way ; that 
if I would live to Christ, this world must be to me a scene 
of trial and vexation: the present life is appointed as the 
field of conflict. But, at the same time, while I call to 
mind by what torture my conscience was racked at that 
time, and with how much anxiety it was continually boil 
ing over, pardon me if I dread that place as having about it 
somewhat of a fatality in my case. You yourself, along with 
God, are my best witness, that no lesser tie would have been 
sufficient to retain me there so long, had it not been that I 
dared not to throw off the yoke of my calling, which I was well 
assured had been laid upon me by the Lord. So long, there 
fore, as I was thus bound hand and foot, I preferred to suffer 
even to the uttermost extremity, than for one moment to enter 
tain those thoughts that were apt to arise in my mind of 
changing my place of abode, thoughts which often stole in 



188 FAREL. 1540. 

upon me unawares. But now that by the favour of G-od I am 
delivered, should I be unwilling to replunge myself once more 
into the gulf and whirlpool which I have already found to be 
so dangerous and destructive, who would not excuse me ? Yea, 
forsooth, where shall you find any one who will not plainly accuse 
me of being over easily persuaded, when knowingly, and with 
free consent of will, I rashly surrender at discretion ? But 
then, even supposing that I may be nowise alarmed at my 
danger, how can I have any reasonable expectation that my 
ministry can be of any use to them? For you know with 
what a quickness of apprehension the most of them thereaway 
are gifted. They will neither be bearable by me, nor shall I 
be endurable by them. Besides all this, take into your con 
sideration that the battle which I shall have to fight will be 
fully stouter and more difficult with my colleagues than 
with those who are without. Of what avail will be the exer 
tions of a single individual, hampered by so many lets and 
hindrances on every side ? And in addition to all, to say 
truth, even although everything was laid ready very much to 
my hand, from disuse I have somehow become oblivious of 
those arts which are required for the guiding and the direction 
of the multitude. Here, at Strasbourg, I have only to take the 
oversight of a few, and the greater number hear me, not so 
much as a pastor, as with the attention and reverence due to 
an instructor. You allege that I am too nice and delicate, and 
after having been daubed with these flatteries, cannot now bear 
with patience to hear any harsher sound. 

You will find yourself mistaken, however, if you allow your 
self really to think so ; but when I do find it an arduous work 
to superintend and oversee as I ought those few who in some 
sort may be called teachable, willing to be trained and discip 
lined, how shall I ever be able to restrain and keep within due 
bounds so great a multitude ? Whatever may be their design 
in recalling me, I scarcely dare venture to contemplate ; for if 
they are led to do so with a sincere and honest purpose, why do 
they recall me rather than the man whose ministry was not less 
needed for the renewal and upbuilding of their Church than 
even it was at the first for founding it ? What if they only 



1540. FAREL. 189 

recall me that they themselves may not become a laughing-stock 
to the other party, because they have been left destitute by 
those persons, trusting in whom for assistance they have ven 
tured to banish us ? And yet all these considerations are of no 
avail to prevent my acquiescence in the call ; for the more that 
I feel disposed to turn away with abhorrence from that pro 
vince of labour, on that very account I am the more inclined 
to suspect myself. Therefore I do not allow myself to deli 
berate on the matter at all ; and I request of our friends that 
they would not take me at all into consultation along with them. 
That they may determine all the more freely and sincerely, I 
conceal for the most part from others these heart-burnings. 
What else could I do ? For I much prefer to be entirely 
blind, that I may suffer myself to be guided by others, than to 
go astray by trusting to my own purblindness. If, in these 
circumstances, I shall ask your advice as to whose judgment 
I ought chiefly to defer to, you will reply, if I am not mis 
taken, that there are none more proper to be consulted than 
Capito and Bucer. What they think upon the matter you 
have heard from themselves. I wish that you would explain 
the whole case fully to the brethren, and that divesting them 
selves of prejudice on either side, they would seriously consider 
what ought to be done. 

This is the sum of the whole : That I am not in this affair 
actuated by craft or cunning the Lord is my witness ; neither 
do I search about for loopholes whereby to make my escape. 
Certainly, indeed, it is my desire that the Church of Geneva 
may not be left destitute ; therefore, I would rather venture 
my life a hundred times over than betray her by my desertion. 
But forasmuch as my mind does not induce me spontaneously 
to return, I am ready to follow those who, there is some good 
hope, will prove safe and trusty guides to me. There need, 
however, be no trouble taken about receiving me until the Diet 
of Worms is over, since they have sent no deputy. On next 
Lord s-day there will be public prayer in every church. On 
Monday we set out. Do you also pray for us in the Spirit, 
that we may be strengthened to sustain the contest. It is 
quite evident what it is that our adversaries are endeavour- 



190 THE SEIGNEUR Y OF GENEVA. 1540. 

ing to bring about. They would have all the states of the 
empire leagued together and armed for our destruction. But 
what the artifices are by which they are resolved to attack us 
is less certain. By and by, however, they will unfold more 
clearly whatever craftiness there may be in this latter. Adieu ; 
salute all in the most friendly manner, Cordier, Thomas, 
Fatin, Le Clerc. and the rest. All our friends here do kindly 
entreat you, both you and them. 

[Lat. orig. autogr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 105.] 



To THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA. 1 

Calvin at Worms he excuses himself to the magistrates of Geneva for his 
inability to comply with their request, on account of the mission with 
which he had been charged into Germany in the general interest of the 
Church. 

WORMS, 12th November 1540. 
MY VERY WORTHY, POTENT, AND HONOURABLE LORDS, I 

have received the letters which you have been pleased to write 
me ; have heard, at the same time, the statement of your am- 

1 In accordance with the desire expressed by the ministers of the Church at 
Strasbourg, Calvin had repaired to the Diet at Worms, to assist at the conferences 
which were about to take place between the theologians of the two modes of wor 
ship. It was in this town that he received the deputies of the Council of Geneva, 
bearers of the following letter : 

To DOCTOR CALVIN, MINISTER OF THE GOSPEL. 

MONSIEUR, OUR GOOD BROTHER AND SPECIAL FRIEND, We commend ourselves very 
affectionately unto you, for that we are thoroughly informed that you have no other 
desire than the growth and advancement of the glory and honour of God, and of 
His sacred and holy Word. On the part of our lesser, great, and general councils, 
(which hereupon have strongly admonished us,) we pray you very earnestly that 
you would transfer yourself hitherward to us, and return to your old place and 
former ministry ; and we hope, with the help of God, that this shall be a great 
benefit, and fruitful for the increase of the holy Evangel, seeing that our people 
greatly desire you among us, and will conduct themselves toward you in such sort, 
that you shall have occasion to rest content. Your good friends, 

THE SYNDICS AND COUNCIL OF GENEVA. 
This 22d October 1540. 

With the seal : Post tenebras spero lucem. 



1540. THE SEIGNEUR Y OF GENEVA. 191 

bassadors conformable thereto. Were it only on account of the 
courtesy and the consideration of every kind which you shew 
towards me, I could no otherwise discharge myself of my 
duty, except in striving to the utmost of my power to agree 
to your request. And besides, it is so reasonable, that it ought 
well to persuade me to accede to the wish expressed in it. 
Nevertheless, there is still a reason which constrains me to pay 
attention to the method and the means whereby duly to comply 
with your will. It is the special love which I bear to your 
Church, having always in remembrance that she has been for 
merly recommended to my care and intrusted to my oversight 
by God, and that on that account I am. for ever obliged to seek 
her welfare and prosperity. 

Howbeit I think I have so just and adequate an excuse for 
not immediately acquiescing in your wish and my own desire, 
that is to say, declaring the affection of my heart by doing what 
you wish, that you shall not be very much displeased with the 
answer which I have made to your ambassadors. I pray you 
then, as I wrote you not long ago, always to keep in mind that 
I am here at present on-waiting in case of need, according to 
the small ability which God has bestowed, in the service of all 
the Christian Churches, in which number yours is also com 
prised ; and for that reason I can neither relinquish nor dele 
gate such a vocation, but am constrained to await the issue, and 
to see what success the Lord will give. For although of myself 
I can do nothing, it ought to suffice me that I am set here in 
this place by the will of the Lord, on purpose to employ me in 
whatsoever He would have me to apply myself ; and howsoever 
that we do not see the matters in hand disposed to go forward 
very expeditiously, so much the more must we take heed dili 
gently and keep upon our guard, inasmuch as our enemies would 
desire nothing better than to surprise us unawares ; and what 
is more, as they are full of guile and craftiness, we do not know 
what they are planning. Wherefore, we ought to be preparing 
to meet them in another new diet, should they succeed in ob 
taining the end and aim of their intrigues at present, which is, 
that nothing of real business may be despatched in the diet 
which is here met, Thus it happens, that for the present I 



192 THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA. 1540. 

cannot come to serve you in the preaching of the Evangel, 
and in the ministry of your Church. For like reason, in so 
much uncertainty, I dare not fix upon any appointed time, on 
this account, as I have already said, that this assembly will 
probably occasion a second, to which I may be sent, and I can 
not refuse. 1 While I entertain some doubt how far this reply 
will be agreeable to you, yet, were I in your place, I would take 
the same advice from you. 

Over and above all this, the instant that God shall have 
vouchsafed me the leisure and opportunity, that is to say, when 
I shall be freed from this extraordinary employment, I assure 
you, that in every manner of way that it shall be possible to 
employ me to help your Church in her time of need, I will 
therein do my duty, just the same as if I had already accepted 
the charge to which you have called me exactly as though I 
was already in the midst of you doing the office of pastor. This 
anxious wish that I entertain, that your Church may be rightly 
governed and held together, will not suffer me to rest without 
attempting, by every possible means, to assist in the time of 
her necessity. 

True it is, indeed, that I cannot quit the call in which I am 
at present placed at Strasbourg without the advice and consent 
of those to whom our Lord has given the authority in that 
matter; for, that we may not confuse the order of the Church, 
as we ought not to undertake the administration and govern 
ment of a well-regulated Church without some one presenting 
us, in the same manner we ought never to desert the Churches 
which are committed to us according to our mere fancy, but to 
wait until those who have the power have freed us from the 
charge in a right and lawful way. Thus, as not being free, I 

1 The Conferences of Worms, where Melanclithon and Eck appeared as the prin 
cipal actors, were in fact broken off at the request of the Emperor, and resumed 
with greater eclat the year following at the Diet of Eatisbon. Calvin went thither, 
and hisjjwonderful intelligence procured for him, on the acknowledgment of Me- 
lanchthon "himself, the surname of Theologian. He retraced the picture of that 
Assembly in several of his Latin letters, and above all, in the following writing: 
" The Proceedings of the Imperial Diet held in the City of Regensbourg, otherwise 
called Ratisbon, the year one thousand five hundred forty and one, about the dif 
ferences which are at present concerning Religion." Geneva, 1541. 



1540. THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA. 193 

desire always to regulate myself by the advice of my brethren 
who serve in the ministry of the Word along with me, but that 
shall not prevent me from a readiness to do you all the service 
which the Lord would graciously bestow upon you ; for them 
selves, indeed, are no otherwise inclined than to induce me, 
rather than to hinder me that I should come to the aid of 
your Church, inasmuch as they do acknowledge that it is ex 
pedient for her safety and preservation. Wherefore, I beseech 
you affectionately, that you would repose that confidence in me 
to believe, that heart and mind, my whole soul, is engaged to 
prove to you that I am thoroughly prepared to assist your 
Church in so far as shall be allowable, and to see that she be 
provided according to her consequence in regard to worldly 
goods and provision. Furthermore, I thank you very humbly 
for the good inclination which you have been pleased graciously 
to declare in my behalf, as I have understood by your letter, 
and more fully by the relation of your ambassadors. 

And now, worthy, potent, and honourable Lords, after my 
humble commendation to your kindly favour and consideration, 
I pray the Lord that, from day to day, He would increase the 
grace already begun in you, and so keep you by His Holy Spirit 
that you may hold your dignity as subserving to the glory of 
His name, so that the state and government of your town may 
be daily prospered by His blessing. Above all things, I beseech 
you, in the name of the Lord Jesus, to maintain peace and 
good agreement among yourselves, as far as shall be possible, 
and not only among yourselves, but also with those who are 
joined together with you in our Lord. 

Your humble servant in the Lord, 

JOHN CALVIN. 

[Fr. copy Archives of Geneva, No. 1250.] 



VOL. I. 



194 FAREL. 15-10. 

LVL To FAREL. 

Details of the interview of Calvin with the Deputies from Geneva. 

AT WORMS, 13t7i November 1540. 

Were you, my dear Farel, situated as I am, somewhat, per 
chance, of that hesitation which so intensely afflicts me would 
keep you also not a little anxious. For my perturbation is 
not confined to myself only ; those also who labour with me, 
for many and good reasons, are not free from anxiety, while, at 
the same time, they are men who are not wont to be alarmed 
for nothing. You are the only persons who determine with 
out any controversy what I ought to do. But since I waver 
somewhat myself, and I see every one else in a state of fluctua 
tion and indecision, I am utterly unable to arrive at any settled 
determination, except that I am prepared to follow fully the 
calling of the Lord, so soon as He shall have opened it up 
before me. When the deputies from Geneva had presented 
their letter to the Council of Strasbourg, they were told that I 
was gone away, without whose consent they could promise 
nothing. To which the deputation replied, that they would 
willingly come hither that they might ascertain distinctly my 
inclination in regard to the application. A horseman was sent for 
ward, post-haste, to intimate to us that they were on their way. 
The post preceded them by two days. To their deputies here, 
however, the Council gave direction, to do their endeavour so as 
to prevent my making any promise. Never had I believed 
that our Council set so much value by me. Nor did those who 
were present read their letter without astonishment at their 
being so anxious about retaining me, to whom I appeared to be 
so little known. But mayhap they did so because they were 
not well enough acquainted with me. For what is there in 
me to recommend me ? Howsoever that may be, the depu 
ties having first of all explained the purport of the letters, 
exhorted and advised that I would ponder and consider what I 
thought would be most for the glory of Christ ; in the mean- 



1540. FAREL. 195 

while, nevertheless, they declared distinctly enough what was 
their own opinion. Immediately, upon the spot, I requested 
the brethren to favour me with their advice. There was some 
what of a debate. We thought it better, upon the whole, that 
everything should remain as it stood until the arrival of the 
deputation from Geneva ; so that having been informed cor 
rectly as to the state of that city, we might judge and determine 
more satisfactorily upon the whole matter. While all this was 
in progress, having laid before them your letter, and also that of 
Viret, again I requested their advice. There is no need of my 
repeating over again to you my address to them. I besought 
them, however, in every way that I could think of, not to make 
any account of me in their determination. Whether 1 was in 
earnest in making that declaration they understood from what 
happened, when tears flowed faster than words ; so that even 
twice they so interrupted my discourse, that I was compelled 
for a season to withdraw. I may proceed no further. Only 
this you may be sure of, I am quite conscious that my perfect 
sincerity is unquestionable. The arrangement has at length 
proceeded so far, that for the present I could not bind myself, 
but could only hold out a good hope to the Genevese. I 
have, however, obtained of our friends thus much, that they 
would throw no impediment in the way to prevent my going 
thither when this Diet is concluded ; provided only, that the 
Bernese give us to understand that they had no dislike to 
the arrangement. The Council, indeed, as I perceive, will 
let me away only with very great difficulty. The deputies 
who are here do scarcely give their assent. And Capito is of 
that opinion. But Bucer will do what he can that I may not 
be retained, provided that no adverse gale shall have arisen 
from the quarter of Strasbourg. Do you also confirm them in 
the hope they have entertained; and, in the meantime, will you 
state to me in detail whatsoever you shall think of importance 
for our affairs ? When we shall have returned, should it then 
be thought fit, you may press my departure with greater 
urgency. You, however, will obtain more by your letters than 
any one else. But more as to these arrangements when the 
time arrives. What may be expected from the assembling of 



196 NICOLAS PARENT. 1540. 

this Diet, I have briefly stated in the paper which the brethren 
will show you, and a short while since I explained to yourself. 
I will write to you more at length when I have more leisure. 
Will you greet Viret most lovingly., and make my special 
excuse for not writing, requesting of him to be satisfied for 
the present with this letter? Adieu, my excellent and very 
dear brother ; may the Lord preserve you all. 

[Calvin s Lat. Corresj). Opera, torn. ix. p. 259.] 



LVIL To NICOLAS PARENT. 1 

Testimony rendered to the French Church at Strasbourg and to the pastor 
in charge of it during the al&gt;sence of Calvin matters of advice. 

WORMS, 2Gth November [1540.] 

I congratulate myself, and rejoice for the Church s sake 
rather than on your account, that all attend so regularly and 
hear sermon reverently ; for it was my chief desire and prayer, 
when I was about to leave, that none of our brethren whom 
Christ ruled by my ministry might fall off from attendance on 
account of my absence, that nothing of that order might be 
put in peril wherewith the entireness of the flock of Christ is 
kept together in a body ; besides, that compact order is of more 
importance and benefit to them than to me. As, however, a 
well-ordered church is the pastor s glory and crown, even so he 
can neither exult nor rejoice in anything regarding it, except in 
so far as the salvation of souls is concerned. Blessed, there 
fore, be the Lord, who keeps the hearts and minds of all in 
the fear and reverence of His own Word, and also instructs 
and informs your spirit with the gifts which may give satis 
faction to the hearers. I wish that some time or other He 



1 From the Assembly at Worms, where he sustained with Bucer and Melanch- 
thon the weighty interests of the Reformation, Calvin cast a look of attentive regard 
on the humble parish of which he was the pastor at Strasbourg, and addressed to 
the Deacon Nicolas Parent, who was charged with the duty of supplying his place 
while absent, several letters, animated with the most lively interest in the spiritual 
wellbeing of his parishioners. 



1540. NICOLAS PARENT. 197 

may thus also provide the Genevese, that they may give over 
their solicitations j 1 for, indeed, it sorely grieves me, that while 
I earnestly desire them to be relieved, yet I see no method by 
which that can be brought about until we shall have returned 
thither, and Farel shall have written word how matters stand 
at present among them ; for we have obtained this present 
breathing time on that condition, that we may take counsel 
and consider the state of the Church, such as it shall be at the 
time. Now, therefore, while everything remains in this sus 
pense I begin to rest a little from that anxiety which the 
difficulty of this consultation has brought upon me, and to 
breathe more freely. 

To return, however, to our Church : I am well content that it 
can endure my absence without any great longing for my return. 
You have done well in giving intimation about the celebrating 
of the Lord s-supper, that, indeed, had not occurred to me 
when I came away ; but you have made the announcement too 
late, for the day has elapsed on which it ought to have been 
made, or will certainly have gone by before any letter from me 
can have reached you. And I fear lest, in laying aside the 
usual probation before receiving the sacrament, that this 
speckled examination may give us some disturbance hereafter. 
On the whole, I think it will be better if we defer for the pre 
sent, since it was not thought of at the proper time, unless, 
perhaps, Claude 2 has returned ; so that you can consult with 
him, for if he agree with you to proceed I would be unwilling 
to interpose delay ; only I am afraid that it may prove hurtful 
to us hereafter if we innovate upon what has been already 
settled ; else if it can be so arranged with a due regard to order 
I shall not delay it. Adieu, my dear Nicolas ; greet most 
lovingly in my name Sebastian, Enard, and your other fellow- 
workers. May the Lord have you all in His keeping, and by 
His own Spirit direct you to every good work. Yours, 

CALVIN. 

[Lat. copy Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.] 

1 Calvin had received at Worms the letter of recall and of the ambassadors of the 
Senate of Geneva. Sre the preceding Letter. 

2 Claude was the other deacon of the French Church at Strasbourg. 



198 NICOLAS PARENT. 1540. 

LVI1L To NICOLAS PARENT. 1 

Instructions regarding the Supper, and on various points of .Ecclesiastical 

Discipline. 

WORMS, 14th December 1540. 

I am well pleased that you have delayed the holy Supper for 
another month, for at the present time you could not administer 
it without neglecting that order which, for very sufficient rea 
sons, I earnestly desire to be carefully attended to. I am greatly 
delighted, according to what I hear, that our church holds well 
together, so that no inconvenience is felt from my absence ; in 
the midst of my annoyances, it is especially refreshing and con 
solatory. Although I only spoke incidentally and very briefly, 
before my departure, what appeared to me to be worth while, I 
nevertheless gave faithful counsel. I rejoice that you take it in 
good part, not because it was mine, but because I am confident 
that it will prove not unuseful to you and wholesome to others. 
I am not a little perplexed in the devising of a method by which 
to give assistance to the poor. But you see the extreme desti 
tution of our church, nor have I ever been able so to arrange 
matters that some help might be sent to us from France. Sturm 
left the other key at his own house. If only so much shall be 
found in the poor-box from whence you can supply the present 
need until my return, we shall then deliberate together what 
better can be done. There is no reason why you should give 
yourself much concern about those flying reports, which you 
understand are spread with no evil intent, but from mere idle 
folly. 

I am really grieved on account of Philip, that his complaint 
is of so long continuance. He is a pious young man ; modest, 
upright, prudent, so far as appears to me. Therefore, if the 
Lord shall preserve him to us, I have conceived the best hopes 
of his excellent natural disposition and understanding. Will 
you greet him kindly in my name ? The other person you rnen- 

1 Sop the note appended to the preceding French Letter. Nicolas Parent became, 
at a later period, minister of the Church of Nenchatel. 



1540. NICOLAS PARENT. 199 

tion, the more he is destitute of help or comfort, the more care 
fully we ought to relieve him. What you tell me about the 
elderly woman, because there was something which looked so 
much out of the ordinary course of nature in the account, I could 
not at first be brought to the belief of it. Not that I thought 
you had done rashly that you had advertised me of it, since the 
story had been spread abroad by the discourses of many. Nor 
ought we feigningly to pass by scandals which are thus blown 
about upon the breath of rumour, even although they may be 
obscure, and not very well ascertained on good authority. For 
while it may be our duty to put down rashly-concocted slanders, 
we cannot duly distinguish between truth and falsehood, if we 
negligently pass over scandals which are in everybody s mouth. 
Now when Charles has given me certain information, that there 
are not only appearances of wantonness, which rather lead to a 
suspicion that there is something wrong, than enable us to deal 
with it, but has also announced the marriage, I have been 
utterly stupified. It is certainly a scandal, which all the 
saints ought to hold in abomination. For what appears even 
more fabulous than when we read in the poets that women 
of sixty years of age are still wantons? And, indeed, this 
silly old woman has already arrived at her seventieth year, 
and has a son of an age which generally puts an end to 
the love-passages of married women. Had she only joined 
herself in marriage to some man of already declining years, 
she might have pretended that she sought something else 
than the delights of matrimony. She has now taken away not 
only every defence, but also every appearance of excuse. They 
thought that they laid their plans very cleverly, when they took 
advantage of a clandestine benediction. But they find by ex 
perience, both of them, how dangerous a thing it is to trifle 
with God. If you now ask me what may be your duty in this 
matter, I can scarcely help you forward in it. For although I 
consider that they ought to be severely reprehended, (nor can 
we avoid that, unless we are willing to forego our duty,) because, 
however, it is not free of danger, there is need of great caution 
being had, lest, being exasperated by us, they may overleap the 
fences, and burst away from each other with the same rashness 



200 NICOLAS PAKENT. 1540. 

by which they came together, and with greater scandal and 
more offensive profligacy. Therefore, unless some special occa 
sion shall have been presented to you, I do not advise that you 
exchange a word with her upon the subject. But if a suitable 
occasion shall have presented itself, you may then shew her how 
greatly you were displeased that she had so little considered, in 
the conduct she had pursued, either her own character or 
the edification of the Church, and that there was not one 
serious or decent man who did not highly disapprove it. That 
you also did not entertain a doubt that this news will be both 
very bitter and very sad to me. At the same time, however, 
that she may not be utterly distracted or break out into insanity, 
you can soften the harshness of these expressions by kindly ex 
pressions, and exhort her to endeavour to make up for what has 
been so ill begun, by bringing the matter to a better ending. 
Lastly, you must use such discretion in the matter, that all 
shall be in order when I return. 

I am so perplexed, or rather confused in my mind, as to the 
call from Geneva, that I can scarce venture to think what I 
ought to do, that whenever I enter upon the consideration 
of this subject, I can perceive no outlet by which to escape. 
Wherefore, so long as I am constrained by this anxiety, I am 
suspicious of myself, and put myself into the hands of others, 
to be directed by them. In the meantime, let us beseech the 
Lord that He would point out the way to us. Adieu, dear 
brother. Greet for me, most lovingly, all our friends. Yours, 

CALVIN. 

When I was about to send away this letter, your other letter 
reached me, in which you describe the nuptials. You have 
certainly proved yourself a man of courage in having dared to 
approach Mathias, who does not easily suffer the word of admo 
nition, much less that of rebuke. I rejoice, however, that it has 
been so well taken. Let us, therefore, be satisfied with this 
friendly expostulation, without pursuing the interest of the 
Church any farther. This example admonishes us, that in future 
nothing of a disorderly kind ought to be passed by. In so far 
as regards the man and wife, I would have you observe such 



15 a. THE SEIGNEU11Y OF GENEVA. 201 

moderation, that, foolish as they are already, they may not 
become insane altogether. I know the pride, bitterness, and 
arrogance, of the woman. As for the monk, I believe that the 
solitary winter nights seemed to him too long to be spent at 
home. It is therefore to be feared lest, for the sake of whiling 
away the time, he may betake himself elsewhere ; for you are 
aware that this class of persons enjoy the privilege of gadding 
about. I have advertised Sturm, although, of his own accord, 
he was about to do what you ask. Therefore, that person 
whom you speak of, will receive a letter by Crato. 

My very dear brother, adieu. In haste, as the messenger is wish 
ing to get on horseback and away. Present my most friendly 
salutation to Sebastian and Enard, and all the others. Yours, 

CALVIN. 

[Lat. copy Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.] 



LIX. To THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA. 

Calvin sent to the Diet of Ratisbon he excuses himself on that account 
from returning at that moment to Geneva advices addressed to the 
magistrates of that town. 

From STRASBOURG, this Wth February 1541. 

NOBLES, HONOURABLE AND POTENT LORDS, In furtherance of 
the answer made to your ambassadors by the members of the 
Council of this town, immediately upon our return from Worms, 
I have procured of them that they would take into their consi 
deration the rendering assistance to your Church, as I ought to 
keep in mind that she must be duly provided. And if it had 
been thought good that I should go there, I would have set 
about my duty ; for although the charge of administering the 
government of such a church would be very difficult for me, 
yet, notwithstanding, seeing that I am at the disposal of God, 
and not at my own, I am always ready to employ myself thereto 
in whatsoever it shall seem good to Him to call me. And, 
also, since you are pleased to have so much confidence in me, I 
feel myself bound to satisfy, in so far as shall depend upon me, 



202 THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA. 1541. 

your desire, over and above the perpetual obligation which 
binds me to the church whereto our Lord has alfthejirst ap 
pointed me. Howbeit, a hindrance has come in the way, wliich 
does not permit me to follow out the purpose further, it is, 
that I have been chosen as a deputy to go to the Diet of 
Katisbon, which call I could not avoid, seeing that therein I 
am serving your Church, as well as that of Strasbourg, inas 
much as it is a common cause. I have, however, been greatly 
delighted to hear that our brother, Master Peter Viret, had 
undertaken the charge of instructing you in the Word of God, 1 
for he is of such faithfulness and prudence, that in having him 
you are not unprovided. Wherefore, Messieurs, you will please 
to have me excused, seeing that I cannot come, since our Lord 
draws me elsewhere, but yet to such a place as does in nowise 
withdraw me from you, seeing that I am always allied to 
you in heart and affection, and hope, besides, never more to be 
separated from you. . I beseech you to well consider all the 
means of rightly ordering your Church, so that she may be 
ruled according to the scriptural method of our Lord. We 
hope on this side, from all we have heard, that the disputes 
which you have with the Messieurs of Berne will shortly be 
settled, for which we are thankful to God, acknowledging that 
there is nothing in this world which can be more to your ad 
vantage than to maintain the worthy friendship which God 
has ordained among you. 

Noble, potent, and honourable lords, after that I have humbly 
commended me to your good favour, I beseech our God of his 
goodness to uphold you specially in the obedience of his holy 
word, and to confirm you more and more in his Spirit, to direct 
you in true prudence and justice for the well governing of your 
town, and causing you to prosper in every good thing. 

Your humble servant and assured friend, 

JOHN CALVIN. 

[Fr. orig. autogr. Library of Geneva. Portfolio 1.] 

1 Viret had gone for six months to Geneva ; where he was further detained at 
the request of the Seigneury, and was not restored to the church at Lausanne until 
the 12th July 1542. Ruchat, torn. v. pp. 161, 1(52. 



1541. FAREL. 203 



LX. To FAEEL. 

Anxiety on account of the Swiss Churches approaching departure for 
Katisbon disputes between Berne and Geneva calumnies directed 
against the Vaudois of Provence. 



STRASBOURG, 19/A February 1541. 

I was not a little delighted, my dear Farel, with your letter ; 
nor did Bucer derive less pleasure than myself, because both of 
us could perceive that you did not omit a single point which 
could tend in any way to the preservation of a good understand 
ing and agreement, and that you had laid bare to them that 
singular fervency of spirit and of charity, as well as of your 
anxious care for the Church, by which she ought to be stirred 
up to serious concern. If nothing has been attained, as you 
observe, our condition is most wretched, who place our reliance 
upon hearts of stony hardness ; but I can scarcely be induced 
to believe that they are not in some little degree softened ; for 
themselves also, in a letter of their own to our friends, shew 
that they are possessed by the desire somehow or other, of helping 
that Church, and the cause itself does not admit of their doing 
otherwise. Therefore, we may hope well of them, even although 
the grounds of good hope may not distinctly appear to us all at 
once. You are aware, angry passions when once aroused must 
be allayed by degrees, and cannot be appeased in a single day. 
One consideration, however, made me singularly glad, that I 
see the Church of Geneva provided with a minister by the 
arrival of Yiret ; x for I very much feared, that if that Church 
should remain destitute for a longer period, something else 
might happen than we would wish. Now, I trust, the matter 
is beyond the risk of clanger. As for me, nothing must be 
done at present. Would that I had not that excuse which I 
am compelled to put forward to them ; for I am dragged most 

1 See the preceding letter. 



204 FAHEL. 1541. 

unwillingly to Katisbon, 1 as well because I foresee that the 
journey will prove very troublesome to me, as because I much fear 
that there may be a prolonged delay, for they are wont, ofttimes, 
to lengthen out the Diets even for ten months ; and, last of all, 
I am unwilling, because I see myself to be no way adapted for 
that kind of business, whatever others may think. But I shall 
follow wherever God leads, who knows best why He has laid this 
necessity upon me. I am much surprised that Sulzer has 
written to his correspondents, that I knew that it was approved 
of in the judgment of Melanchthon. Whence he had that in 
formation I cannot divine, since I had earnestly entreated that 
you would not say a syllable about it. I foresaw, indeed, that 
it would not be without envy ; for, perchance, even that might 
be interpreted as if I had thrown out ambitiously what you had 
heard out of his own mouth. But this also I commit to the 
overruling direction of the Lord. 

We rejoice that the lawsuit between the Bernese and the 
Genevese 2 has been referred to the arbitration of Basle, and 
may therefore entertain the hope, that in a short time it will be 
settled without any uproar. Do insist, with all your influence, 
that the Genevese may acquiesce in the judgment, whatever 
may be pronounced, for their obstinacy cannot be approved of if 
they insist any further. Do, therefore, take effectual measures 
that they may not attempt anything in opposition to the decree- 
arbitral ; if the others reject it, there will not be one right- 
thinking person who will not condemn such a proceeding. 

Concerning the brethren, I was very much alarmed when a 
report was spread, that they were not now to be accused of 
heresy, but of riot and sedition. 3 What I had sometime heard 

1 The Conferences at Worms had been transferred to Ratisbon by a decree of 
the Emperor. 

2 The Bernese Bailiffs of Gex and of Thonon had entered into possession of 
certain lordships belonging to the town of Geneva. The judges who were 
appointed to settle the dispute could not come to agreement among themselves, 
and the whole matter had been submitted to the arbitration of Basle. Reset, 
C/ironi itic Mannscrife, cited by Ruchat , Hist, de la ftef., torn. v. p. 148. 

3 The enemies of the Waldenses did not spare any amount of calumny in order 
to compass their rain. In a Confession of Faith, published 6th April 1541, the 
AValclenses eloquently declared their respect for constituted authority, strikingly 



1541. FAREL. 205 

from the mouth of Jo. . . , came to mind ; so I was surmising 
that they had not been overwell advised in this respect. Lately, 
however, the Cardinal 1 has written to Morler, who had been 
sent to our friends by the King of France, that he was ready 
to grant pardon. We have heard from other quarters that this 
was obtained after very much and earnest discussion ; but, 
however that may be, we have to thank the Lord, that one way 
or other the cruel persecution is moderated, both there and 
throughout the whole kingdom. 

We depart hence on Tuesday ; if anything shall occur, you 
will find Capito here, for I set out alone with Bucer. I beg 
and entreat of you that you would alleviate the irksomeness of 
my present situation with long and frequent letters ; for unless 
my weariness can be refreshed by the solace of friendship, I 
shall be utterly in darkness. Adieu, my very excellent and 
most kindly brother. Yours, CALVIN. 

Salute particularly all the brethren for me. May the 
Lord Jesus always confirm you with His own Spirit. All our 
friends greet you in a very special manner, and especially 
Claude, with his companions, who commend to you the care 
of your throat. 

There is a certain theologian, named Becholoz of Caen, who 
has made his escape almost, as it were, out of the flame of 
conflagration. For he was burnt in effigy ; as he had no means 
of livelihood, they say that he has retired either to Stras 
bourg or to Geneva. Our friend Claude, to whom he is well 
enough known, gives an excellent character of him, that he is a 
pious man, learned and upright. The more uncommon these 
endowments are, they ought all so much the more to be valued 
among ourselves. If he shall come to you, we desire to 



confirmed by their life and conversation. " As regards the magistrates," said they, 
" such as princes, nobles, and judges, we look on them as ordained of God, and 
willingly obey their laws and ordinances, paying the tributes, taxes, and tithes 
which they impose, . . , rendering them honour and obedience in all matters 
not contrary to the will of God." Beze, Hist. JEccl. vol. i. p. 41. 

1 The Cardinal de Toumon, who uniformly displayed sentiments of the utmost 
hostility against the Waldenses. 



206 VIRET. 1541. 

recommend him to you in the highest terms ; if, however, he 
lias gone to Geneva, you can let Viret have timely notice, in 
order that he may not neglect him. 

\Lat. orig. autogr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.] 



LXL To ViRET. 1 

New expression of the repugnances and terrors wliieli Calvin feels in 
prospect of his returning to Geneva. 

ULM, 1st March 1541. 

When your letter was delivered to me we were then ready 
for the journey, and I do not remember ever in my life a 
more noisy and troublesome outsetting ; so, on that account, 
as I could not reply, myself, I therefore left it in charge with 
Claude Feray, whom you have seen with me at Basle, and 
to my brother, to write to Farel and let him understand 
what were my thoughts. Having at length got an interval 
of leisure, though ever so small, I have felt desirous to write 
you while upon the journey ; you will, however, excuse that 
I reply to you so confusedly and so briefly, because I have 
not your letter beside me, so as to see at once the different 
heads of it in their right order, and so to consider them 
with attention ; neither is there time enough allowed to the 
wayfarer at the inn to enable him to commit to writing 
anything duly weighed, or, as it were, to fasten his thoughts 
well together ; but as well as I recollect there were two prin 
cipal heads. In the first, you point out that I ought not 
to desert the Church of Geneva ; in the other, you also 
strongly enforce the desirableness of hastening my return, 

1 With consent of the nobles of Berne, and by request of Calvin, Viret had left 
the church at Lausanne to afford to that of Geneva the support of his talents and 
his zeal ; but the return of Calvin alone could avail to terminate the crisis which his 
banishment had occasioned, and Viret, therefore, joined the Seigneury in entreating 
that he would resume his charge as minister at Geneva. Spon, torn. i. p. 283, 
Note P. Calvin, at that time on his way to Eatisbon, freely poured out to his 
friend his doubts and difficulties on the subject. 



1541. VIRET. 207 

that Satan may not throw some hindrance in the way should 
we make a more lengthened sojourn. To the former I can 
make no other reply than what I have been always in the 
habit of returning, that there is no place under heaven of 
which I can have a greater dread, not because I have hated 
it, but because I see so many difficulties presented in that 
quarter which I do feel myself far from being equal to sur 
mount. Whenever the recollection of former times recurs to 
my mind, I cannot but shudder throughout with heartfelt alarm 
at the thought, that I may be forced to expose myself a second 
time to these sort of contests. Had I merely to superintend 
that church I would feel more at ease upon the matter, certainly 
I would be much less alarmed at the prospect, but you must 
understand well enough that there is much more in this matter 
than I can describe. This much, however, I may say in one word, 
while from many tokens I wot very well that he whom you wot 
of, who can do the most mischief of all, entertains an implacable 
hatred towards me : when I call to mind how all around him 
there lie open to his hand so many inlets of approach on every 
side, ready for mischief-making, how many bellows may be set 
agoing for lighting up the fires of contention, how many oppor 
tunities presented which I can never be well provided against, 
it quite appalls me. In the city itself there are many other 
difficulties which cause me no little anxiety even now. The 
farther I proceed, the clearer do I perceive how arduous a 
charge it is to rule in the superintendence of a church ; albeit 
I would not flinch from doing my utmost to help that Church 
in her wretchedness, but would be most ready to do so 
whenever it shall be given me to understand that I can be 
of any service, for howsoever certain considerations may rather 
alarm me in this enterprise, though they do operate rather 
as a drawback while they hold my mind s resolve somewhat in 
suspense, they cannot, however, drive this out of me, that I 
must be adoing to my very uttermost whatsoever I shall have 
concluded to be most for her welfare and prosperity. Farel 
can vouch for me that I had never, even by a single word, 
shrunk back from that call, but only that I earnestly entreated, 
lest through unadvisedness the already forlorn Church should 



208 VIRET. 1541. 

suffer a second dispersion., and, in the meanwhile, I have 
shewn clearly enough that I desired nothing more wishfully 
than to spend even my very soul where there might be any 
need for it. By very clear and convincing arguments I could, 
were you present, make it quite plain to you, that 1 have 
here concealed nothing from you; but this, indeed, appeared 
most evidently to myself, for when the deputation from Geneva 
had arrived at Worms, with many tears I beseeched our 
friends, by everything sacred, that putting me entirely out 
of their thoughts, they would well and carefully consider, as 
in the sight of God, what might be most for the benefit 
of the Church, now imploring their present relief and further 
help. When we came home, although no one took up the 
matter, I never ceased to exhort that they would seriously ad 
vise about that spiritual charge ; nor indeed were they them 
selves, I do assure you, at all wanting in their duty ; but, as 
I in some measure anticipated, it was almost immediately 
thereupon resolved that I should be conjoined with Bucer. 
This did not appear to me to have been done upon any 
previous understanding or arrangement ; as I have formerly 
written to Farel, so now do I also solemnly assure you ; for 
indeed it almost looked as if it had been determined on 
before we returned from Worms, and that by the advise 
ment of those who were thinking very little about Geneva. 
Indeed, were you even to ask me the reason why I was sent at 
all, I see no cause for it ; but, nevertheless, however unfit I 
may be, it was no part of my duty to refuse. My going 
thither, therefore, was unavoidable, unless I would everywhere 
hear the worst of it. And thereupon, until the arrival of your 
letter, when there was no longer any room for deliberation, I 
thought that you would hold me even more than excusable, on 
a right understanding of the whole affair. You have now 
wherewithal to satisfy both your requirements, that up to thia 
date I have never refused to come, nor could hitherto have 
done so. Further, this I promise you, that in time to come I 
will not think of changing my opinion upon the propriety of 
proceeding thither, except some far more overruling power had 
foreclosed the way against me ; for I am so taken up about the 



1541. VI RET. 201) 

care of that church, as it is only reasonable to suppose I would 
be, that already somehow, I cannot tell how it happens, I 
begin to feel more of an inclination to take the helm in hand 
should circumstances so require. Thus, however, we agreed 
among ourselves, that immediately after our return I proceed 
thither along with Bucer, that we may take counsel in com 
mon, according to present circumstances, as to what may be 
most advisable, and not as to the settlement of a pastor merely, 
but that we may take some thought about the complete resto 
ration of the Church. In this way a deliverance upon the 
whole matter will have greater weight of authority, and will 
be more fixed and certain for the future, since those also will 
have lent their sanction to it from whom afterwards the most 
would have to be feared. The head of discipline once settled 
they will be bound by their own judgment to make no further 
remonstrance : nor can they well set agoing any measure for 
disturbing the order of our discipline. In the meantime, my 
dear brother, I entreat of you, for Christ s sake, that you 
do not despair or lose courage. The more uncertain it may 
be how long we shall be here, the less on that account ought 
the thought of further delay to vex or annoy you. I am well 
aware, that there are very many annoyances which cannot but 
occasion you much trouble and anxiety ; but bethink yourself 
that the charge is at present laid upon you by the Lord, of 
supporting and maintaining that Church, whose welfare you 
have at heart, until our arrival. The day before I received 
your letter, I had excused myself to your council, that for the 
present I could not come thither. I trust that my excuse has 
been accepted. 

Farewell, my very kind brother and right-minded friend. 
Salute respectfully on my behalf all the godly. The Lord the 
Spirit, may He confirm you in every good work. 

[Calvin s Lett. Corresp. Opera, torn. ix. p. 14.] 



VOL. I. 



210 JAMES BERNARD. 1541. 



LXII. To JAMES BERNARD. 1 

Protests his devotedness to the Church of Geneva oblivion of past injury. 

ULM, 1st March 1541. 

Your letter was delivered to me when we were just prepared 
and making ready to start upon our journey. 2 You will there 
fore excuse my having replied somewhat later than you may 
have expected. For the same reason I would wish that you 
may excuse this epistle, if it shall appear rather brief and con 
fusedly put together, since it has to be written by fits and 
starts upon the journey. That you advise me to take upon 
myself the administration of the Church of Geneva, in so far as 
you are concerned, I -have no doubt that you have done so in 
sincerity and from the best motives ; because you are of opinion 
that it cannot be restored to order unless those persons shall 
come to their help by whose departure it has come to pass that 
they are thus unhappily afflicted. Moreover, that argument by 
which you endeavour to prevail has always had great weight 
with me ; for because I was afraid lest I might withstand God, 
I have never dared utterly to reject that call. On the other 
hand, my conscience holds me bound in that charge which I 
sustain at present ; neither does it suffer me easily, as if that 

1 James Bernard, formerly a monk, converted to the Keform by the preaching of 
Farel and Viret, and a minister of the Church of Geneva during the exile of Calvin. 
Feeling his insufficiency and that of his colleagues, he had written a touching letter 
to the Reformer, to urge upon him to resume the direction of his former charge : 
" Indeed," said he, " one Sunday lately, when I was preaching in the chapel of 
Rive, seeing our church desolate, and the people all in tears, I was impelled to 
exhort them earnestly to turn to God, and to entreat of Him humbly, in Christ s 
name, that He would send them a faithful pastor, such as is necessary for the in 
terests of His Church. Two days thereafter the Council of Two Hundred was 
assembled, and unanimously called for Calvin ; on the following day the General 
Council met, and all, without one dissenting voice, cried, We must have Calvin, 
that wise and holy man, that faithful minister of Jesus Christ. . . . Come, then, 
most honoured father ; come, for you are ours." Calvini Opera, torn. ix. p. 12. 

2 Calvin was setting out for the Diet at Rntisbon. 



1541. JAMES BERNARD. 211 

were a matter of no concern, at once to desert it. My own 
heart bears witness before God that it was a sacred and a 
lawful call, as many godly persons can also testify to the 
world. For, indeed, after that calamity, when my ministry 
appeared to me to be disastrous and unprosperous, I had deter 
mined in my own mind never again to enter upon any ecclesi 
astical charge whatever, unless the Lord himself, by a clear 
and manifest call, should summon me to it : I mean by this, 
that such a necessity had occurred as that it was not possible 
for me to strive against it. Standing upon this determination, 
the Strasburghers never ceased to employ many devices, and 
to set many engines in motion, until they overturned my re 
solution. At their first onset, however, they did not succeed. 
And when they saw that all was to little purpose, they threat 
ened, by many arguments, that at the long-run I could no more 
escape the hand of God by flying from Him, than Jonah had 
.escaped of old. It is nothing wonderful, therefore, if I do not 
lightly relinquish that outpost in which God has stationed me. 
Albeit, I am not so fixed or nailed to it, but that I am prepared 
at the same time to remove as often as it may be the mind 
of the Church that I should do so. I will not stir a step, how 
ever, except in the way of lawful procedure. This was the reason 
why I referred the hearing and entire disposal of this case to 
the judgment of our Church. Over and above all, my dear 
brethren and colleagues, whom, as they deserve, I esteem very 
highly in the Lord, and to whose authority I defer not less 
than to the parental, although they were most unwilling to let 
me away, yet themselves gave way so far as to agree that I 
should set out thither with Bucer, and taking into consideration 
the condition of the Church, might consult and advise together 
upon what we might conclude as likely to prove most bene 
ficial. In order, however, that we might not accomplish this 
purpose forthwith on the instant, we have been hindered 
by this journey. But as soon as we shall have returned 
home, you may depend on our whole attention being given 
to the disposal of this matter. In what relates to yourself 
privately, you are well aware that the entrance of every one 
of you upon that ministry was with very good reason disap- 



212 JAMES BERNARD. 1541. 

proved by me. 1 Nothing really good could be expected to come 
from so inauspicious a commencement, saving that, I always 
besought the Lord that He would make you apt to teach in 
the ministry, and sufficient for Himself. In the meantime, 
many things were reported which one could scarcely credit, 
neither was it possible utterly to disprove them. Most assuredly, 
it was not without the most intense heaviness of heart that 
I heard things which I foresaw must tend so greatly to the 
dishonour and disgrace of the sacred ministry ; for as to what 
I heard of myself and the brethren having been treated in no 
very friendly style, that was a consideration that either did not 
at all affect my mind, or pricked me so slightly that it could 
inflict no sore. Although I acknowledge that I had such 
esteem to Farel and to Courault as their piety, learning, and 
sanctity well deserved, that I could not bear patiently to hear 
anything spoken disparagingly of them. This, therefore, I 
neither conceal nor dissemble, that you may understand I deal, 
with you candidly and in simplicity. And, therefore, as touch 
ing the present solicitation, I cannot do otherwise than return 
you my best thanks, for that by your letters you shew your 
self so well disposed; and I trust that the inward affection 
will respond to your words. You may in turn securely depend 
on me ; for of a truth I promise you, whatever may be expected 
from an individual who is a lover of peace, and averse from 
contention who is, moreover, your friend, very desirous indeed 
of your salvation, and lastly, neither difficult nor implacable 
in forgiving offences. But at the same time, I beseech you, 
by the name of God and by His awful judgment, that you 
keep in mind with whom you have to do, one who will 
exact a strict account in that day of eternity, by the most 
searching and fiery trial, who can no way be satisfied by 
mere words, or put off by some vain excuse. Above all, do 
you seriously consider that you are engaged in the discharge 
of an office, which, as it excels every other, so it is the most 
dangerous of all, if you do not apply yourself with the utmost 

1 James Bernard and his colleagues, appointed ministers of Geneva after the ex 
pulsion of Calvin, had, by their weakness and want of firmness, sanctioned the 
disorders against which Calvin, Farel, and Courault had opposed themselves in vain. 



1541. FAREL. 213 

diligence and intensity to the duties which belong to it. If 
you care for my approval, I would forewarn you of this one 
thing, that I require no more of you than that you devote 
yourself sincerely and faithfully to the Lord. Adieu, my very 
dear brother ; may the Lord Jesus, by His own Spirit, prepare 
and confirm you in every good work. Salute, I pray you, all 
the godly on my behalf. 

[Calvin s Lot. Corresp. Opera, torn. ix. p. 260.] 



LXIIL TO FAREL. 1 

Calvin at Ratisbon the plague at Strasbourg grief of the Reformer Pre 
liminaries of the Diet the German princes the Italian prelates Hun 
gary the Turk Poland state of opinion inclinations of Charles V. 
Stayedness upon God. 

RATISBON, 28th March 1541. 

From the time of my arrival here I had not written to you, 
but had commissioned my friend Claude, that whatever news 
he might receive from me he should take care to forward to 
you ; nor was there, indeed, anything worth your reading ; and I 
was myself in expectation, first of all, of receiving a letter from 
you, which I would then reward with a like communication. 
In the meantime, while I wait for your letter, a distressing 
event is announced to me, that our dear friend Claude, 2 whom I 
singularly esteemed, had been carried off by the plague. Louis, 
the brother of Charles, 3 followed three days afterwards. My 
house was in a state of sad desolation ; my brother had gone 
with Charles to a neighbouring village, my wife had betaken 

1 While Calvin was present at the Diet of Ratisbon, the plague was raging in 
upper Germany and on the banks of the Rhine. It also visited Strasbourg, where 
the victims were numbered by thousands. Many of the friends of the Reformer 
fell under this scourge ; Idelette de Bure, his wife, escaped by flight. Calvin, in 
writing to Fare!, gives him some account of the ravages it had made at Strasbourg, 
and of the solemn conferences at which he assisted at Ratisbon. 

2 Claude Ferey, French refugee at Strasbourg. See Calvini Opera, torn. ix. 
p. 15, a letter of Claude Ferey to Fare!. 

3 Louis and Charles de Richebourg, sons of M. de Richebourg, to whom the 
next letter is addressed. 



214 FAREL. 1541. 

herself to my brother s, and the youngest of Claude s scholars 
was lying sick in bed. To the bitterness of grief, therefore, 
there was added a very anxious concern for those who sur 
vived. Day and night my wife was constantly present to my 
thoughts, in need of advice, seeing that she was deprived of 
her husband. The bereaved condition of the very estimable 
Charles, who, within the space of four days, has been deprived 
of his only brother, and of his instructor, whom he reverenced 
as a father, grievously distressed me. I was aware, besides, 
that he was most tender in his affection. I could not think 
about Malherbe, but, at the same time, the excellent youths 
who took care of him came into my mind. Although, how 
ever, these events have produced in me so much sadness, that 
it seems as if they could utterly upset the mind and depress the 
spirit, you cannot believe the grief which consumes me on 
account of the death of my dear friend Claude. ISCor need this 
surprise you. For these two years bygone, you can well con 
ceive how much I stood in need of an assured and faithful 
friend, who might help to uphold me in the midst of so many 
and such varied troubles and causes of disquiet ; he not only 
proved himself most faithful, but in every way so dutiful, and 
withal so kindly, that I could use almost the same familiarity 
in my intercourse with him as if he were my brother. When 
of late I left this place, as you know, in a state of suspense 
and irresolution, he promised, in the most sacred manner, that 
he would come wherever I wished, and that his friendship 
should never fail me. The more I consider with myself how 
much I stood in need of a good counsellor always at my 
side, and, on the other hand, how rare, in these times, is such 
an instance of affectionate good-will and faithfulness, I cannot 
arrive at any other conclusion, than that the Lord, in taking 
him away, has meant to chastise me severely for my sins. But 
while I only intended to touch upon the subject of my misery 
in a passing way, I am already running to excess. That is to 
be accounted for, however, as well by the recollection of a most 
excellent man, (which I wish may some time be as sweet to me 
as it shall ever be sacred,) as from a pious regard to those who 
are left. 



1541. FAREL. 215 

The Emperor has been waiting hitherto for the arrival of 
the princes ; the two Bavarians have been here from the 
commencement, 1 and the highwayman of Brunswick, 2 at once 
the dishonour and the very pest of Germany ; from time to 
time the deputies are arriving, one after the other. At length 
some of the princes make their appearance, Frederic the Pa 
latine, brother of the Elector, Otho his nephew, the young- 
Duke of Wurtemberg, 3 the Landgrave, the Archbishop of 
Mentz, Albert of Baden, the Prince of Anhalt, the Saxon ambas 
sador ; the Elector of Brandenbourg is expected shortly. The 
Emperor does not cease from urging attendance upon the 
others, while, in the meantime, he spins out the time for their 
appearance. The Elector of Saxony has excused his absence 
upon very satisfactory grounds, by his ambassadors. There 
are two of the cities belonging to the League, Goslar and Bruns 
wick, which Henry, under cover of the bann. has annoyed by 
his depredations and robberies. Our friends have lately resolved, 
that they shall be defended by the army of the League. The 
Emperor, in the meantime, that the meetings of the Diet may 
not be hindered, has suspended all the judicial proceedings 
which he had instituted against us, and has been pleased also 
to annul all the sentences which have been passed against us, 
until the whole matter shall be definitely ascertained. That 
Edict having been promulgated, the Duke of Brunswick was 
ordered to make restitution of what he had plundered, and 
to abstain in future from all violence. Although he under 
took that he would do so, he proceeds, however, as he had 
begun. One may almost be of opinion that he acts in col 
lusion with the Emperor. However that may be, assuredly 
the Elector of Saxony cannot desert his allies ; he con 
tinues, therefore, upon the out-look, that should there be 
any commotion he may immediately oppose himself to the 
attack of the enemy. Moreover, from the time that these 

1 The two brothers, William ;iud Louis of Bavaria, reigned in common in that 
country. 

2 Henry, Duke of Brunswick, unhappily distinguished throughout the whole of 
Germany by his turbulent spirit and disorderly conduct. He was deprived of his 
.states in 1542 by the Elector of Saxony and the Landgrave of Hesse. 

3 Christopher of Wurtsmberg, who succocdod Duke Ulrich his father in 



21 G FAREL. 1541- 

suspensions were intimated he has been cited to hear the 
proclamation of the bann, that is, the sentence of denuncia 
tion and proscription. A similar intimation was made to 
us some few days afterwards. The Emperor., how conscien 
tiously I know not, but with strong asseveration nevertheless, 
declares that these proceedings are very unpleasant to him, and 
that he would endeavour that they may pass away in smoke. 
These proceedings, however, are allowed to go forward, not 
without our being put in very great jeopardy of our lives ; for 
what if they should pronounce sentence upon us to-morrow ? 
We could not stir a single foot without risking the loss of our 
heads. The Duke of Savoy had escaped my recollection, who 
has come hither for the purpose of taking the oath of fealty 
to the empire, in order that he may recover, with our assist 
ance, those possessions which, while he had them, did not 
incline him to join the alliance of the empire. When it was, 
therefore, somewhat too late, the advocate Raimond has been 
sent ambassador by the King of France, to request that he 
might be received, as the representative of the duchy of Savoy, 
to the allegiance and protection of the empire. The embas 
sies from foreign nations are many and magnificent. The Car 
dinal Contarini 1 is legate from the Pope, who has distributed 
so many crosses for us at his first entrance, that for two days 
afterwards his arm, I think, must have felt the fatigue of it. 
The Bishop of Modena, son of Jerome Morone, has been sent 
separately, under the title and designation of Nuncio. Con 
tarini is desirous of bringing us under the yoke of subjection 
Avithout bloodshed ; on that account he tries all methods of 
settling the business on the ground of expediency, without 
having recourse to arms. He of Modena 2 is altogether san 
guinary, and talks of nothing but war. Both of them are 
entirely bent on cutting off all friendly treaty ; but of this 
afterwards. The Venetians have an ambassador here a magni- 

1 Caspar Contarini, a prelate as remarkable for his moderation as for his enlight 
ened mind and understanding. Legate of Pope Paul III. at the Diet of Ratisbon, 
he in vain attempted to bring the two parties to agreement, and died the year 
following, not without suspicion of poison. 

2 The Cardinal Morone, Archbishop of Modena, one of the most merciless pcrse- 
f u tors of the Reformed in Italv. 



1541. FAREL. 217 

ficent personage. The King of England, besides the ordinary 
embassy to the Diet, has sent the Bishop of Winchester, with 
a numerous suite, who is a man over-sharp in malice. I pass 
by the Portuguese and others. From the French King, also, 
there is one, Du Veil, a busy blockhead. When I mentioned 
the Princes I passed over the whole fry of the Pfaffery, ex 
cepting one, the Elector of Mentz. There are present, how 
ever, a good many bishops, the Bishop of Katisbon, of Augs 
burg, Spire, Bremen, Saltzburg, Brixen, Worms, Bamberg, 
Heidelsheim, and some others. 

I must now inform you what we suppose will come to pass, 
if, indeed, we can anyhow forecast what is likely to happen, for I 
can scarcely perceive sufficient data on which to found even 
probable conjecture. The temper of the whole of our friends 
has been very much exasperated against Henry, [of Bruns 
wick,] for he has attacked them with the utmost ferocity in 
the most virulent and libellous terms, 1 and, therefore, they 
have requested of the Emperor that he may be branded as a 
calumniator, if it shall have been established that he had 
aspersed their reputation by the most barefaced falsehoods. 
Neither do I perceive how this affair can be settled, unless it 
may be referred to the States of the empire to decide upon 
it ; for the Landgrave has refused the Emperor to agree that 
the controversy may be ended by transaction or arbitration, 
adding that he would not even accept the Emperor himself as 
umpire. This obstacle, although it seems to have but little con 
nexion with the main business about which they were assem 
bled, formed an element of disturbance at their very entrance 
upon it, and, it is to be feared, will operate very much as a 
hindrance to their proceedings. At present the great concern 
of religion stands thus : The Emperor, because he perceives 
his own affairs to be very much entangled, is not at all inclined 
to heap up new troubles for himself ; he fears an attack on the 
side of Turkey ; on the part of the King of France, either an 

1 Henry of Brunswick maintained a very lively paper war against the Protestant 
p"inces of Germany before attacking them more openly. Luther replied to these 
attacks by one of his most virulent pamphlets, Hans Wurst, a name which the 
Germans use to designate their harlequin See Seckenclorf, lib. iii. par. 93. 



218 FABEL. 1541. 

uncertain peace or the risk of open war ; although, as regards 
the Turk, various rumours are spread about. Since that 
Hungarian monk 1 having, on the decease of King John, 
taken upon himself the guardianship of the young King, 2 
could not withstand the power of Ferdinand, he has sought 
assistance from the Turk. The latter has sent only a very 
small body of troops to help him, who have laid siege to Pestb, 
a city belonging to Ferdinand. The city is situated on the bank 
of the Danube, opposite to Buda ; for the raising of that siege, 
troops are to be collected. Already other accounts relate that 
the Turk himself was on his way with a great army and camp 
equipage, while others assert that his expedition had been inter 
rupted by some disturbance in his own country, I cannot tell what. 
We shall see, however, in a short time, of what kind it is, for 
there can be no doubt that he is very much hindered by reasons 
near home, if he does not lay hold upon Wallachia. Upon their 
revolt from the rule of their own tyrants, they delivered them 
selves over, you are aware, in subjection to his authority. He 
set over them a Palatine of their own race, but dependent upon 
himself. I know not how it has happened that, having expe 
rienced his cruelty, they have been driven to extreme measures 
rather than remain under his dominion. This winter, therefore, 
having assassinated the Palatine, they at the same time rid 
themselves of all the Turks who were among them. They 
chose a new leader for themselves, whom they bound by oath 
to promise eternal enmity against Turkey : they have also 
taken possession of a very strong fortress which the Turks 
had built with wonderful despatch upon the Polish frontier. 
If he does not punish this affront, we shall then know that 
he is otherwise engaged ; and would that it may turn out 
to be so, that, while he is healing his own wounds, we may 
have some time allowed us for taking measures to oppose 

1 George Martinuzzi, tutor of the young King of Hungary, John Sigismund. 

2 After the death of King Louis II. the crown of Hungary was long disputed 
between Ferdinand, the brother of Charles V., and John Zapoli. The treaty of 
Great Waradin (24th February 1538) guaranteed the throne to the latter, but with 
out reversion to his descendants. He died in 1541, leaving an infant in the cradle 
as his heir. His widow, yielding to the advice of George Martinuzzi, refused to 
cede the crown to Ferdinand, and called the Turks into Hungary. 



1541. FAKEL. 219 

him, and for collecting our resources. The King of Poland 1 
could render very effectual assistance to his Wallachian neigh 
bours., if the Tartars were not so troublesome to lu s kingdom. 
During the past winter, they carried off great booty during a 
sudden incursion, and seemed not without a will to proceed 
farther in the same direction. Howsoever that may be, the 
Emperor is desirous to have Germany in a state of quiet 
until he shall have extricated himself from these difficulties ; 
nor will he stir up any commotions at this time, unless, by 
ihe incessant importunity of our enemies, he is unwillingly 
dragged into it by some necessity. Our friends wish to procure 
an audience for themselves ; thereupon, as they do not expect 
there will be any secure or lasting peace, unless there is a settled 
agreement in religion, and the churches restored to order and 
right discipline, they will strongly urge that the states of the 
Empire may seriously set about this undertaking. In other 
respects, there is nothing they more desire than to pacify all 
these dissensions without riotous disorder, and they entertain a 
just horror of war, as the certain destruction of their country. 
Therefore, as far as they are able, they will make it appear, by 
their conduct, how much they are opposed to violent and fac 
tious counsels. Of the opposite party there are three classes : 
there are those, especially, who sound the trumpet, and openly 
rave like madmen because we are not attacked as soon as pos 
sible. The chiefs of this class are, the Archbishop of Mentz, 
the Dukes of Bavaria, Henry of Brunswick, and his brother, 
the Bishop of Bremen. The others, who wish to consult the 
welfare of their country, (whose ruin, or very severe calamity and 
devastation, they foresee would be the consequence of a war,) 
contribute all their endeavours to this point, that without 
troubling their heads about the establishment of an agreement 
in religion, a peace of any kind may be agreed upon. The 
third class would willingly admit some considerable correction 
of doctrine and ecclesiastical discipline, but either because they 
are not yet advanced to that degree of growth as to understand 



1 Sigismimd I., King of Poland, (150(&gt;-1548.) This prince was continually en 
gaged in strife with the Tartars of the Crimea, the Moldavians, and the Russians. 



220 FAREL. 1541. 

thoroughly the matters in dispute to be entirely settled, or 
because they are of a more lowly and gentle disposition than 
to dare to profess themselves the active promoters of that 
opinion, they so conduct themselves as that they may appear 
to seek nothing but the public tranquillity. To that class 
belong the Archbishop of Cologne, the Bishop of Augsburg, 
among the clergy ; the two brothers Palatine among the 
princes, Otho their nephew, and perchance the Duke of Cleves. 
Those who plot disturbance, as they are fewer in number, 
and have all good men opposed to them, are not very likely 
to see the fulfilment of their devices. Finally, the mind 
of the Emperor, as I have mentioned, is altogether turned 
to peace, if he can obtain it, so that, putting off the consi 
deration of religion to another time, he may direct all his 
energies to this object ; but our friends do not readily acquiesce 
in this, and they will have their aiders and abettors in stirring 
up to the reformation of the Church. Thus you see, although 
scant, there is, however, the hope of doing somewhat. The 
Papal legates, according to their usual method, are strongly 
opposed to our proceeding to take any practical measures ; for 
they consider that it is all over with their kingdom, if any dis 
cussion in matter of religion, if any consultation about the 
reformation of the Church, should be entertained or set on foot 
without the authority of their idol. Openly, they pretend that 
they promote the conference which we desire ; but underhand, 
they oppose us not only by great promises, but also by threats. 
They are ready to assist the Emperor with a large sum of 
money, if he wishes at once to have recourse to arms ; or what 
Contarini rather wishes, if he can put us down without blood 
shed. Should the Emperor make any concession distasteful 
to the tyranny of the See of Rome, they threaten to fulmi 
nate those excommunications with which they are wont to set 
the whole world a trembling with terror. The Emperor at pre 
sent is not acting freely, on account of the state of affairs in 
Italy. Therefore, should he find it at all practicable, he will 
retire thither, that either by a temporary peace, or truce of a 
few years, he may afterwards settle the disputes of Germany, 
leaving that whole field of discussion untouched for the present : 



1541. FAIIEL. 221 

which he will obtain with difficulty. You see now, as I said at 
first, the conjectures are so obscure, that there is scarcely any 
room for divination. What, therefore, are we to do ? Let us 
call upon the name of the Lord, and beseech Him that He will 
rule by His direction this greatest and most weighty of all 
causes, in which both His own glory and the safety of the 
Church are bound up together, and also that, in so critical a con 
juncture of affairs, in His own set time He would shew, that 
nothing is more precious to Him than that heavenly wisdom 
which He has revealed to us in the Gospel, and those souls 
which He has redeemed with the sacred blood of His own Son. 
On that account, therefore, we must both seek and knock with 
frequent importunity, and with our whole heart and mind, to 
ascertain His will, the more uncertain everything on all hands 
appears to us. When we weigh and consider carefully the 
whole course and progress of this work of Reformation, we shall 
find that Himself had overruled, by wonderful methods, all the 
events in providence, without the advice or help of man, even 
contrary to all expectation. Upon this strength, therefore, 
which He has so often put forth in our behalf, let us, in the 
midst of so much perplexity, place our whole and entire depen 
dence. There is one thing which alarms me, that I see so great 
security prevails in the midst of us. And that, indeed, not only 
alarms me, but it is altogether overwhelming, when we see new 
causes of offence daily arising, such as that sad affair of the 
double marriage : l nevertheless, I am not cast down on that 
account. 

I have lately received a letter from Viret, to which I replied 
briefly, because there is no room now for our deliberating about 
that matter. I would with my whole heart go thither, my dear 
Farel, on the earliest fitting opportunity ; but what would you 
have me do ? I am here held bound, and very much fear that 
I may consume away with the irksomeness of my situation. 
Adieu, my excellent and most kindly brother. Greet most lov- 

1 An allusion to the state of bigamy in which the Landgrave of Hesse was then 
living, with the authorization of Luther, of Melanchthon, and of Bucer. The ex 
planations given by Seckendorf (lib. iii. par. 79, acldit. 3) are altogether ineffectual 
to clear up this affair one of the scandals of the Eeformation in Germany. 



222 M. DE RICHEBOURG. 1541. 

ingly, in my own expressions, all the brethren ; Thomas, Michael, 
to whom these lines will impart much sadness ; Cordier, my 
preceptor, and the rest. 

[Qalvin s Lat. Corresp. Opera, torn. ix. p. 15.] 



LXIV. To MONSIEUR DE RICHEBOURG. 1 

Consolatory letter on the death of his son. 

RATISBON, [Month of April 1541.] 

When I first received the intelligence of the death of Claude 
and of your son Louis I was so utterly overpowered that for 
many clays I was fit for nothing but to grieve ; and albeit I 
was somehow upheld before the Lord by those aids wherewith 
He sustains our souls in affliction, among men, however, I was 
almost a nonentity ; so far at least as regards my discharge of 
duty, I appeared to myself quite as unfit for it as if I had been 
half dead. On the one hand, I was sadly grieved that a most 
excellent and faithful friend had been snatched away from me, 
a friend with whom I was so familiar, that none could be more 
closely united than we were ; 2 on the other hand, there arose 
another cause of grief, when I saw the young man, your son, 
taken away in the very flower of his age, a youth of most 
excellent promise, whom I loved as a son, because, on his part, 
he shewed that respectful affection toward me as he would to 
another father. To this grievous sorrow was still added the 
heavy and distressing anxiety we experienced about those whom 
the Lord had spared to us. I heard that the whole household 
were scattered here and there. The danger of Malherbe caused 

1 There is little known concerning M. de Richebourg. It appears from the letter 
of the Keformer that he had been for some years separated from his sons Charles 
and Louis, who had repaired to Strasbourg, probably to finish their education. The 
plague, which raged in Alsace, carried off Louis, the younger of the two brothers, and 
his preceptor, both tenderly beloved by Calvin, who, from Ratisbon, where the sad 
intelligence had reached him, wrote this letter of Christian consolation to M. de 
Richebourg. 

2 Claude Ferey, so much regretted by Calvin, was tutor to the sons of M. de 
Richebourg. 



1541. M. DE RICHEBOURG. 223. 

me very great misery, as well as the cause of it, and warned me 
also as to the rest. I considered that it could not be otherwise 
but that my wife 1 must be very much dismayed. Your Charles, 
I assure you, was continually recurring to my thoughts ; for in 
proportion as he was endowed with that goodness of disposition 
which had always appeared in him towards his brother as well 
as his preceptor, it never occurred to me to doubt but that he 
would be steeped in sorrow and soaked in tears. One single con 
sideration somewhat relieved me, that he had my brother along 
with him, who, I hoped, would prove no small comfort in this 
calamity ; even that, however, I could not reckon upon, when, 
at the same time, I recollected that both were in jeopardy, and 
neither of them were yet beyond the reach of danger. Thus, 
until the letter arrived which informed me that Malherbe was 
out of danger, and that Charles, my brother, wife, and the 
others were safe, I would have been all but utterly cast down, 
unless, as I have already mentioned, my heart was refreshed in 
prayer and private meditations, which are suggested by His 
Word. These circumstances I mention on this account, lest those 
exhortations may seem to you of less value, by which I now 
desire that you may take comfort, because you will consider it 
to be an easy matter to shew one s-self valiant in contending 
against another person s grief. I do not, however, boast here 
of firmness or fortitude in dealing with another s sorrow, but 
since it has been granted me, by the special goodness of God, 
that I should be in some degree either delivered or relieved by 
Him, who, in the communication of his benefits, is alike com 
mon to me as to you : in so far as that is possible in a short letter, 
I desire to communicate to you the remedies I took advantage 
of, and those which were of greatest benefit. In tins endeavour, 
however, the consideration of your sadness is so to be kept in 
view by me, that, at the same time, I shall remember that I 
have to do with a person of a very serious mind and of very 
constant and determined character; nor do I conceal from 
myself those refuges of defence by which you are regulated, and 



1 Idelettc cle Burc, the wife of Calvin, Antony his brother, and Marie, his sister, 
had quitted Strasbourg, to avoid the infection of the plague. 



224 M. DE RICHEBOURG. 1541. 

kept on all occasions within the limits of patience and modera 
tion. Neither shall I take advantage of those common topics of 
consolation which are customary among men, such as that you 
should not weep for your dead whom you had "begotten subject to 
mortality, that you should shew forth in this sorrowful occurrence 
that firmness of mind which your excellent nature and dis 
position, expanded hy the most elegant accomplishments,, which 
your mature age, your varied experience, and which, to sum up 
all, your reputation and esteem among men requires, that, after 
the fashion of the world, you may take consolation in the 
remembrance of your past life. In your case I set aside all 
exhortations of this kind, and others of the same description, 
and leave them to your own consideration. There is, most 
assuredly, one sure and certain, a never-failing source of con 
solation, in which you, and men like you, ought to acquiesce, 
because it flows from that inward feeling of piety which I 
know to abound in you ; therefore, take special care to call to 
mind those thoughts which are taught us by the most excellent 
Master of all, and suggested to our understanding in the 
school of piety. It is not necessary at present that I should 
state these truths, which are all as familiar to you as to myself. 
Yet, notwithstanding, because of your singular piety, and that 
good-will which you express toward me, you will not, perhaps, 
be unwilling to recognise in my letter thoughts which have 
spontaneously occurred to your own mind at some other time. 
The son whom the Lord had lent you for a season He has taken 
away. There is no ground, therefore, for those silly and wicked 
complaints of foolish men ; blind death ! hard fate ! im 
placable daughters of destiny ! cruel fortune ! The Lord 
who had lodged him here for a season, at this stage of his 
career has called him away. What the Lord has done, we 
must, at the same time, consider has not been done rashly, nor 
by chance, neither from having been impelled from without, 
but by that determinate counsel, whereby he not only foresees, 
decrees, and executes nothing but what is just and upright in 
itself, but also nothing but what is good and wholesome for us. 
Where justice and good judgment reign paramount, there it is 
impious to remonstrate. When, however, our own advantage 



1541. M. 1&gt;E RICHEBOtlllG. 225 

is bound up with that goodness, how great would be the degree 
of ingratitude not to acquiesce, with a calm and well-ordered 
temper of mind, in whatever is the wish of our Father ? Never 
theless, the faithful have a sufficient alleviation of their sorrows 
in the special providence of God, and the all-sufficiency of His 
provision, whatsoever may happen. For there is nothing which 
is more dispiriting to us than while we vex and annoy our 
selves with those sort of questions Why is it not otherwise 
with us ? Why has it so happened that we came to this 
place? These questions would be well and suitably put, if 
there was somewhat in ourselves that needed reproof. But 
where there is no fault on our part, there is no room for 
this sort of complaints. It is God, therefore, who has sought 
back from you your son, whom he had committed to you to be 
educated, on the condition, that he might always be His own. 
And, therefore, He took him away, because it was both of 
advantage to him to leave this world, and by this bereavement 
to humble you, or to make trial of your patience. If you do 
not understand the advantage of this, without delay, first of all, 
setting aside every other object of consideration, ask of God 
that He may show you. Should it be His will to exercise 
you still farther, by concealing it from you, submit to that will, 
that you may become wiser than the weakness of thine own un 
derstanding can ever attain to. In what regards your son, if you 
bethink yourself how difficult it is, in this most deplorable age, 
to maintain an upright course through life, you will judge him 
to be blessed, who, before encountering so many coming dangers 
which already were hovering over him, and to be encountered 
in his day and generation, was so early delivered from them all. 
He is like one who has set sail upon a stormy and tempestuous 
sea, and before he has been carried out into the deeps, gets 
in safety to the secure haven. Nor, indeed, is long life to 
be reckoned so great a benefit of God, that we can lose any 
thing, when separated only for the space of a few years, we are 
introduced to a life which is far better. Now, certainly, because 
the Lord himself, who is the Father of us all, had willed that 
Louis should be put among the children as a son of his adop 
tion, He bestowed this benefit upon you, out of the multitude 
VOL. i. p 



226 M. DE RICHEBOURG. 1541. 

of His mercies, that you might reap the excellent fruit of your 
careful education before his death ; whence also you might know 
your interest in the blessing that belonged to you, " I will be thy 
God, and the God of thy seed/ From his earliest boyhood, so far 
as his years allowed, he was grounded in the best studies, and 
had already made such a competent proficiency and progress, 
that we entertained great hope of him for the future. His 
manners and behaviour had met with the approval of all good 
men. If at any time he fell into error, he not only patiently 
suffered the word of admonition, but also that of reproof, and 
proved himself teachable and obedient, and willing to hearken to 
advice. Whiles, indeed, he was rather unruly, but never so far 
as to be obstinate or sulky. Those sallies, therefore, wherein 
he exceeded due bounds, were repressed with little trouble. 
That, however, which we rate most highly in him was, that he 
had drunk so largely into the principles of piety, that he had 
not merely a correct and true understanding of religion, but had 
also been faithfully imbued with the unfeigned fear and rever 
ence of God. This so exceeding kindness of God toward your 
offspring, ought with good reason to prevail more effectually 
with you in soothing the bitterness of death, than death itself 
have power to inflict grief upon you. With reference to my 
own feelings, if your sons had never come hither at all, I should 
never have been grieved on account of the death of Claude and 
Louis. Never, however, shall this most crushing sorrow, which 
I suffer on account of both, so overcome me, as to reflect with 
grief upon that day on which they were driven hither by the 
hand of God to us, rather than led by any settled purpose of 
their own, when that friendship commenced which has not only 
continued undiminished to the last, but which, from day to day, 
was rather increased and confirmed. Whatever, therefore, may 
have been the kind or model of education they were in search 
of, I rejoice that they lived under the same roof with me. Arid 
since it was appointed them to die, I rejoice also that they died 
under my roof, where they rendered back their souls to God 
more composedly, and in greater circumstances of quiet, than if 
they had happened to die in those places where they would have 
experienced greater annoyance from the importunity of those by 



1541. M. DE RICHEBOURG. 227 

whom they ought to have been assisted, than from death 
itself. On the contrary, it was in the midst of pious ex 
hortations, and while calling upon the name of the Lord, 
that these sainted spirits fled from the communion of their 
brethren here to the bosom of Christ. Nor would I desire 
now to be free from all sorrow at the cost of never having 
known them. Their memory will ever be sacred to me to 
the end of my days, and I am persuaded that it will also be 
sweet and comforting. But what advantage, you will say, is it 
to me to have had a son of so much promise, since he has been 
torn away from me in the first flower of his youth ? As if, for 
sooth, Christ had not merited, by His death, the supreme domi 
nion over the living and the dead ! And if we belong to Him, 
(as we ought,) why may He not exercise over us the power of 
life and of death ? However brief, therefore, either in your opi 
nion or in mine, the life of your son may have been, it ought to 
satisfy us that he has finished the course which the Lord had 
marked out for him. Moreover, we may not reckon him to 
have perished in the flower of his age, who had grown ripe in 
the sight of the Lord. For I consider all to have arrived at 
maturity who are summoned away by death ; unless, perhaps, 
one would contend with Him, as if He can snatch away any one 
before his time. This, indeed, holds true of every one ; but in 
regard to Louis, it is yet more certain on another and more pe 
culiar ground. For he had arrived at that age when, by true 
evidences, he could prove himself a member of the body of 
Christ : having put forth this fruit, he was taken from us and 
transplanted. Yes, instead of this transient and vanishing 
shadow of life, he has regained the real immortality of being. 
Nor can you consider yourself to have lost him, whom you will 
recover in the blessed resurrection in the Kingdom of God. For 
they had both so lived and so died, that I cannot doubt but they 
are now with the Lord ; let us, therefore, press forward toward 
this goal which they have reached There can be no doubt but 
that Christ will bind together both them and us in the same 
inseparable society, in that incomparable participation of His 
own glory. Beware, therefore, that you do not lament your son 
as lost, whom you acknowledge to be preserved by the Lord, 



228 M. DE RICHEBOURG. 1541. 

that he may remain yours for ever, who, at the pleasure of His 
own will, lent him to you only for a season. Nor will you 
derive small consolation from this consideration, if you only 
weigh carefully what is left to you. Charles survives to you, of 
whom we all entertain this sentiment, that there is not one of 
us who does not desire that he might have such a son. Do 
not suppose that these expressions are only intended for your 
hearing, or that there is exaggeration here, in order to be 
speak your favour. This is no more my habit than it is my 
disposition. I therefore express what are my real sentiments, 
and what I would say among strangers, that the young man 
excels, in the first place, in singular piety and in the true 
fear of God, which is the beginning and the end of all 
wisdom ; then in the kindliness of his disposition, in gentleness 
of manner, and in rare modesty and continence. Nor do I 
assign these virtues to him upon mere rumour or hearsay ; for 
I have always been anxious upon this head, and kept close ob 
servation of his particular disposition. During the lifetime of 
both the brothers, I have remarked this distinction between 
them : Louis excelled in quickness of apprehension, but Charles, 
in solid judgment and intelligence, was much in advance of his 
brother. The deceased brother was more ready in bringing 
into play what he had read or heard ; the other is slower, but 
also surer. The one was more ready and quick in mastering 
the various arts as well as in the active business of life ; the 
other more considerate and more steady: his constitution of 
body, also, indicated as much. Louis, however, as he was of a 
more sanguine temperament, was also more livery and cheerful. 
Charles, who has somewhat of melancholy in his disposition, is 
not so easily drawn out of himself. He was always the more 
modest and courteous of the two, which distinguished him to 
such a degree, that he could subdue his brother s impetuosity by 
the forbearance which he exercised. In moderation, in gravity 
like that of manhood, and in a certain equability of demeanour, 
in these points he was far the superior. You will, therefore, 
yourself be judge how far the possessing such a son ought to 
avail for taking off the pain of the bereavement wherewith 
the Lord lias now afflicted you, and you will then conclude, that 



1541. FAREL. 229 

even on this account you must not be ungrateful to God. It is 
difficult, notwithstanding, you will say, so to shake off or sup 
press the love of a father, as not to experience grief on occasion 
of the loss of a son. Neither do I insist upon your laying 
aside all grief. Nor, in the school of Christ, do we learn any 
such philosophy as requires us to put off that common humanity 
with which God has endowed us, that, being men, we should 
be turned into stones. These considerations reach only so 
far as this, that you do set bounds, and, as it were, temper even 
your most reasonable sadness ; that, having shed those tears 
which were due to nature and to fatherly affection, you by no 
means give way to senseless wailing. Nor do I by any means 
interfere because I am distrustful of your prudence, firmness, 
or high-mindedness ; but only lest I might here be wanting 
and come short in my duty to you. Although, however, this 
letter shall be superfluous, (which I can suppose,) you will 
nevertheless take in good part, because of your distinguished and 
kindly courtesy, this my perhaps over-anxious importunity, 
pardonable, however, notwithstanding, because it proceeds from 
my unbounded affection towards you. Moreover, I have re 
quested Melanchthon and Bucer that they would also add their 
letters to mine, because I entertained the hope that it would not 
be unacceptable that they too should afford some evidence 
of their good-will toward you. Adieu, most distinguished sir, 
and my much-respected in the Lord. May Christ the Lord 
keep you and your family, and direct you all with His own 
Spirit, until you may arrive where Louis and Claude have gone 
before. 

[Calvin s Lot. Corresp. Opera, torn. ix. p. 175.] 

LXY. To FAREL. 

Affliction of Calvin news of the Diet of Ratisbon appointment of the 
theologians charged with the representation of the two parties their re 
ception by the Emperor portrait of Julius Pflug, of Gropper, and of Eck. 

RATISBON, 2th April 1541. 

My last letter will have given you to understand clearly 
enough the state of affliction in which I then was. If on that 



230 FAREL. 1541 

account it has appeared somewhat fretful, you will impute 
it to my grief, which had made me more peevish than usual. 
Even yet, although I am recovering my composure by degrees, 
I still feel nothing more than a slight abatement of the 
pressure. Nay even, what one ought to feel shame in con 
fessing, there is some such sort of consolation in grief, as 
that it may be somewhat pleasing in itself not to be entirely 
delivered from sorrow. Meanwhile, I have received a letter 
from Du Tailly, dated on the 30th, in which he informed 
me that there was a messenger on the way from you, who 
would give more particular information as to your present state. 
He has delayed so long, however, in making his appearance, 
that I have given over expecting his arrival. If you have 
anything which you can communicate in writing, and sure I 
am that there are many things, they might be forwarded to 
me within the compass of a letter, if Mirabeau 1 will send it 
to the King s ambassador, addressed under cover to Ulrich ; 2 
for his messengers go pretty frequently to and fro. I earn 
estly desire that you may explain to us clearly and faithfully 
how that dispute between the two cities 3 has been settled; 
how our Genevese friends are disposed ; in what manner 
that church holds itself together ; what Viret is doing ; what 
are the hopes and what the pursuits of all, provided that 
you do not begin to grow warm on the subject. For my 
self, I am also already too much disordered and put out ; 
and by your vehemency you produce this effect, that those 
persons place less reliance upon you whom it had been of im 
portance to have influenced. Neither ought you to be sur 
prised at this, when you cannot escape this imputation of over 
vehemency even from myself. I would, however, specially 
recommend, that you would a second time press upon them 
and seriously entreat them not to forget what they may have 
promised. It would be delightful to me to be informed of that 

1 One of the numerous French refugees, whom persecution had driven into 
Switzerland. He was a member of the Church at Neuchatcl. 

a Ulrich Chelius. See Note 2, p. 136. 

3 The process between Geneva and Berne, submitted to the arbitration of tlif 
tmvn of Basle. 



1541. FAKEL. 231 

when I return., as I have intimated by former letters ; nor is it 
difficult to accomplish, if you will only assist. 

In the meetings of this Diet nothing memorable has yet been 
begun. The Emperor was allowed to choose a few pious and 
experienced men of weight and authority, who, upon examining 
and well considering the points in controversy, might deliberate 
upon the means of agreement, and afterwards submit to the 
approval of the states the heads of agreement which they had 
settled among themselves. On the 20th of this month lie 
appointed, on the part of our adversaries, Julius Pflug, 1 John 
Gropper 2 of Cologne, and John Eck; 3 on our side, Philip 
Melanchthon, Martin Bucer, and John Pistorius. 4 He also 
mentioned publicly that he would fix upon one of the princes, 
who might preside over their business. Our friends having 
consulted together, at my request they desired that a greater 
number of witnesses might be present. It is not yet known 
what may be obtained, except that there is some hope enter 
tained that the Emperor takes an interest in the matter. In 
the meanwhile, these six who were appointed were sum 
moned ; they were kindly received by the Emperor, who 
gave them his hand on their first meeting, and when they 
took their leave. By an interpreter the Emperor addressed to 
them a very solemn exhortation ; that as he had committed 
such important interests to them, trusting in their piety, 
learning, and integrity, he doubted not they would answer his 
expectation. That, therefore, they should have the glory of God, 
the public peace, the salvation of all nations as their aim ; that 
they should not be influenced by ambition ; that they should 

1 Julius Pflug, Canon, and afterwards Bishop of Numlmrg in Saxony, a learned 
man, and of conciliatory and moderate temper. 

2 John Gropper, Canon of Cologne. He was so far enlightened as to see and 
acknowledge the abuses of the Roman Church, but had not courage to go forward 
in the reform of them. He obtained the Cardinal s dignity, and was put to death 
in a strange and unusual manner, having been strangled with the strings of his 
Cardinal s hat. See Beza: Icones. 

3 John Mayer, better known under the name of Kck, Doctor in Theology, cele 
brated on account of his controversies with Carlostadt and Luther. 

4 John Pistorius, superintendent of the province of Nidau. He was called to the 
Diet of Augsbourg in 1520, and died, in 1583, at a very advanced age. 



232 FAREL. 1541. 

yield nothing to the obstinacy or to any regard to the favour of 
men. Each answered separately for himself. Therefore, and 
may the Lord grant success, something will forthwith be at 
tempted. Further, if we may forecast what is likely to be the 
issue, receive in few words what are the sentiments of many. 
First of all, it is worth while to ascertain the distinguishing 
characteristics of the men. That same Julius (Pfiug) is an 
eloquent man, and thoroughly accomplished in human learn 
ing, but by no means well versed in theology ; besides, he is 
ambitious and fond of applause ; in other respects by no means 
of an impure life. Since, therefore, he has neither sound 
knowledge, nor a sufficiently settled determination, while he 
is trammelled by his ambition, you may consider how little 
is to be expected from him. Gropper sometimes reaches 
farther ; but he also is of that large class of men who attempt 
to figure to themselves I know not what some sort of middle 
path between Christ and the world. He is, however, such 
a man, that one may deliberate with him not without bene 
fit. You know Eck 1 well enough already. No one enter 
tains a doubt but that this Davus 2 will throw all into con 
fusion by his forward impertinence. I do not indeed alto 
gether despair ; but when I begin to hope, then I remember 
what took place at Worms. Certainly, if anything very 
desirable shall be attained, it will so fall out beyond ah 1 my 
expectation. When they have made a beginning you shall 
hear more satisfactorily from me. Farewell, my very excel 
lent and right-hearted brother; may the Lord preserve you 
to His Church, and confirm you along with all our holy 
brethren, all of whom will you greet kindly in my name ? 
I cannot enumerate them; do you consider them as men- 

1 See the portrait of Eck which Mosellanus has sketched, cited by Seckendorf : 
" Big-bodied, broad-shouldered, stout-hearted, even to impudence, and more like 
the town-crier than a theologian one whom you might rather expect to find 
figuring in the theatre than in a Council ;" such was the principal adversary of the 
Protestants at the Diet of Eatisbon. 

2 Davus, the type of all insolent slaves in the ancient drama. Melanchthon 
writes, in speaking of Eck, " I do not think that any pious person could listen 
without horror to the sophisms and vain subtleties of that talking mountebank." 
Seckendorf, iii. parajr. 80, addit, 1. 



1541. FAREL. 233 

tioned specially by name. You must keep up the spirits of 
Viret, by frequent encouragement, that he may not be too much 
cast down. Nevertheless, I was very glad when lately I heard 
that he had removed his wife and household furniture to 
Geneva. On receiving this intelligence I became less anxious. 
Yours, CALVIN. 

It has been lately written hither that many Asiatic tribes 
have revolted from, the Turk, and that he is on that account to 
be occupied for the present with the war in Persia, so that he 
will be less likely to trouble Hungary. As this news has been 
written out of Hungary, I scarcely venture to put faith in it. 
I rather desire to think it to be true than believe it to be as 
reported. To-day also we have learned that the monk who 
had undertaken the government of the kingdom during the 
minority of his pupil, has been made a prisoner by his own 
countrymen. 1 There is, therefore, no doubt but that on occa 
sion of such a favourable opportunity, Buda may have fallen 
under the power of Ferdinand. Many soldiers are said to 
collect in the territory of the Bishop of Bremen, although 
themselves do not tell under whose command they are. Many, 
however, have a suspicion that our friend Henry of Brunswick 
is the contriver of the plot ; 2 for they have the same generals 
whom formerly he had armed against us. Should there be 
any disturbance there is danger of the war spreading. 

[Lat. orig. autogr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.] 

1 The Bishop George Martinuzzi, Waywode of Transylvania. He was feebly 
supported by the Turks, whom he had called into Hungary from hatred to King 
Ferdinand. 

2 Henry of Brunswick endeavoured to have himself appointed head of the 
Romanist League concluded at Nuremberg in 1538, in opposition to the Protestant 
League of Smalkald. Incited by a blind hatred of the Gospel, he is accused of 
having hired mercenary troops to lay waste the dominions of the Elector of Saxony. 
Seckendorf, iii. parag. 86. 



234 FAREL. 1541. 



LXVL To FAREL. 

Request addressed by tlie ministers of the Church of Zurich to those of 
Strasbourg Calvin promises to return to Geneva message to Viret. 

FROM RATISBON, 4th May 1541. 

Although I think that my former letters must have abun 
dantly satisfied you, yet because a convenient opportunity was 
presented of writing to you by Frellon, 1 I was unwilling to 
forego it, especially since a new subject had occurred; for 
the Zurichers lately, as I hear, have earnestly requested the 
magistrates of Strasbourg to throw no obstacles in the way of 
my setting out, and have also solemnly conjured me in another 
letter, although I am only a private individual, that I would 
not refuse the calling of the Lord. That this has happened 
by your suggestion our friends can easily perceive. When I 
see, however, that you busy yourself so much, without inter 
mission, about it, no other conclusion can be arrived at in 
my mind than that you entertain less favourable thoughts 
of me and others than you ought. It had been my wish to 
free you from such surmises when I wrote that at the request 
of Philip I had been sent hither for the second time. What 
if I, according to your practice, were to indulge in conjec 
tures, my mind would incline me otherwise. It would have 
made little difference had I remained at home in presence of 
the Council. Who do you think can have been the advisers of 
this journey ? But I am unwilling to torture myself to no 
purpose with cogitations such as these. My choice would 
have been to excuse myself if my conscience had suffered me, 
although I have sought to be excused when it was too late ; but 
at last it was not possible to decline. Certainly I have not 
dared to do so lest I should seem to set myself in opposition to 
Grod as well as men. Hither, therefore, have I been cither 
driven out or sent. At present I am bound fast, as it were, 
with fetters, which even, if I wished ever so much, I cannot 

1 John Frellon, a printer of Lyons. 



1541. FAREL. 235 

break asunder before the time. I shall, however, attempt 
to unloosen them by degrees. When I perceived, however, 
that my speed was all too tardy to meet your desires, I formed 
the determination at which I have hinted in former letters, 
that, having once finished what we had to do here, we should 
straightway depart thither; but many reasons compel me 
first of all to return home. I will endeavour, if it be possible, 
to return to Strasbourg before the fair time, where during the 
time of the fair I shall preach ; afterwards I shall make my 
escape thither. I do not see what more you can require of me, 
unless, perhaps, you take a pleasure in wearying me out with 
your complaints, and only not to kill me outright. I will bear 
it, indeed, if I cannot successfully entreat that you Avould shew 
yourself more equitable towards me ; but I would prefer to 
obtain of you that you would not scourge without deserving. 
As soon as I receive a message from the Zurichers I shall 
return a very friendly answer. They could not have written 
in more friendly or more respectful terms. But I assure you, 
all that was superfluous on my account, for our friends gave 
no evidence whatever that they had the slightest desire to 
retain me. These letters, however, have produced this good, 
that what is every way desirable they have a tendency 
to cherish agreement between these two Churches. On that 
account Bucer was certainly greatly rejoiced. Do you, in 
the meanwhile, confirm and strengthen Viret by frequent 
exhortations, that he may not be worn down by the weariness 
of delay ; and communicate this letter. My anxiety is very 
great to know whether all my letters have readied you ; for by 
the same messenger I wrote about my departure to you, to Viret, 
and to the Senate of Geneva; after that I wrote another letter 
from Ulm, three from hence these make four. The first 
and second I sent to Strasbourg, the third to Soleure. You 
will also oblige me if you will let me understand how many 
copies you have yet remaining of the Institution. It will also 
be a most acceptable kindness, if you will undertake it, carefully 
and faithfully to explain the present state of things at Geneva. 
Adieu, most excellent and worthy brother ; greet for me reve 
rently all the brethren, Chaponneau, Thomas, Cordier, Michael, 



236 FAREL. 1541. 

and the rest. I am tired with writing. This is the third mes 
senger whom I charge with letters. Yours, 

CALVIN. 

[Lat. orig. autogr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.] 



LXVIL To FAREL. 

Results of the Diet of Ratisbon conferences of the theologians original 
sin free-will 1 -justification impossibility of agreement in the sacrament 
of the Supper. 

RATISBON, ilth May 1541. 

Though I find my prolonged stay here to be irksome, yet 
never shall I regret having come, Do you think me to be 
not in a sound state of mind when I say so ? I am quite con 
scious of what I am saying ; and that I do not speak un 
reasonably you shall understand when we meet. For the pre 
sent, you can pick up a few crumbs, as much as you can, by 
way of narrative. Our friends in the commission have come to 
agreement on the doctrine of original sin without any difficulty; 
a discussion followed on that of free-will, which was drawn 
together out of the writings of Augustine ; they departed in 
neither of these points from ourselves. The debate in controversy 
was more keen upon the doctrine of justification. At length a 
formula was drawn up, which, on receiving certain corrections, 
was accepted on both sides. You will be astonished, I am sure, 
that our opponents have yielded so much, when you read the 
extracted copy, as it stood when the last correction was made 
upon it, which you will find enclosed in the letter. Our friends 
have thus retained also the substance of the true doctrine, so 
that nothing can be comprehended within it which is not to 
be found in our writings ; you will desire, I know, a more dis 
tinct explication and statement of the doctrine, and, in that 
respect, you shall find me in complete agreement with yourself. 
However, if you consider with what kind of men we have to 
agree upon this doctrine, you will acknowledge that much has 
been accomplished. Next came the subject of the Church : as 



1541. FAREL. 237 

to the definition they agreed in opinion ; on the question of the 
power of the Church they began to differ. When at length 
they could not anyhow be reconciled, it seemed best to omit that 
article. With regard to the sacraments, there was some jarring 
of opinion ; but when those of our side conceded to them their 
ceremonies as things indifferent, they advanced then to the con 
sideration of the sacrament of the Supper. There stood the 
impassable rock which barred the way to farther progress. 
Transubstantiation, reposition, circumgestation, and other super 
stitious forms of worship, were utterly rejected. This our 
opponents would by no means allow. My colleague, 1 who is full 
of enthusiasm in the desire for agreement, began to murmur., 
and to become indignant, because such unseasonable questions 
were entertained. Melanchthon rather tended to the opposite 
opinion, that so, the gangrene being brought to a height, 
he might cut off all hope of pacification. Our friends having 
consulted, they called us together. We were requested, each 
in succession, to state our opinions ; it was the unanimous 
voice of all, that transubstantiation was a mere fiction or 
figment, the reposition of the consecrated wafer a piece of 
superstition, that the adoration of the wafer was idolatrous, or 
at the least dangerous, since it had no authority from the Word 
of Grod. I had also to explain in Latin what were my senti 
ments. Although I had not understood any one of the others, 
deliberately, without fear of offence, I condemned that peculiar 
local presence ; the act of adoration I declared to be altogether 
insufferable. Believe me, in matters of this kind, boldness is 
absolutely necessary for strengthening and confirming others. 
Do you, therefore, earnestly supplicate the Lord that he may 
uphold us with that spirit of fortitude. A document in writing 
was then drawn up by Philip, which, when it was presented to 
Granvelle, was rejected with harsh expressions, because those 
three commissioners had made us aware of them. When such 
things happen, at the very threshold, you may conceive how 
much difficulty remains in regard to private masses, the 
sacrifice of the mass, and the cup in the communion. What 
if it should come to a consideration of the open confession of 

1 Martin Buccr. 



238 FAREL. 1541. 

the spiritual presence ? How much disturbance would be 
ready to burst forth out of it ? Your letters ; by the quill mer 
chant, were delivered to me a month after they were written ; 
I shall be surprised if, in the course of a day or two, others 
do not make their appearance. The safety of the brethren has 
been recommended to me to attend to it as I ought, but we 
stick as yet at that obstruction which you are aware of. 
Mauras, 1 who w r as sent about that business, is actively engaged 
in untying that knot. Greater hope than usual breaks forth : 
for the Landgrave begins to perceive some failure in the 
quarter from which he expected most ; therefore he will incline 
to that which we propose. If that shall so fall out, they will, I 

doubt not, have a particular consideration of the brethren ; and 
? L 

Maury will do his utmost, as lie is a pious and right-hearted 
man. Believe me, he has hitherto been faithful in attending 
to that which he undertook. Nothing more, however, has been 
obtained, than that they might have permission to return home 
with impunity, provided they abjured in presence of the 
bishop. N. is most troublesome to us ; may the Lord either 
take him away or amend him. Greet all the brethren in the 
most friendly manner. May the Lord Jesus keep you. Philip 
and Bucer salute you. When we dined with the Landgrave 
the day before yesterday, kindly mention was made of you. 

[Calvin s Lat. Corretp. Opera, torn. ix. p. 17.] 



LXVIII. To FAREL. 

Efforts of Bucer and of Melanchthon to effect a connexion between the two 
Churches formula of concord feeling of Calvin on the subject. 

12th May 1541. 

The messenger left a day later than I supposed. This day 
has brought forth somewhat for us. Granvelle, when he had cut 

1 This was doubtless that gentleman of the chamber of King Francis I., to 
whom (Ecolampadius wrote in 1524, to congratulate him on his sincere attach 
ment to the Gospel. This gentleman is known only under the pseudonyme of 
Maurus Musanis, a secrctis et cMcido Regis Calliarinn. See the letter of 
(Ecolampadius in the Life of Gerard Roussel, by M. Schmidt. Strasbourg, 1845, in 
8vo, App. No. 3, p. 179. 



1541. FAREL. 239 

off all hope on the part of our friends by his reply, after lie heard 
of Eck s apoplexy, since, perhaps, he saw that the forward 
importunity of that personage put a stop to the progress toward 
agreement, requested (Pistorius also being left out) the four 
remaining theologians to consult together of themselves with 
out any presiding arbiters. So far as I could understand, if we 
could be content with only a half Christ we might easily come 
to understand one another. Philip and Bucer have drawn up 
ambiguous and insincere formulas concerning transubstantia- 
tion, to try whether they could satisfy the opposite party by 
yielding nothing. I could not agree to this device, although 
they have, as they conceive, reasonable grounds for doing so, for 
they hope that in a short time it would so happen that they 
would begin to see more clearly if the matter of doctrine shall 
be left an open question for the present ; therefore they rather 
wish to skip over it, and do not dread that equivocation in 
matters of conscience, than which nothing can possibly be more 
hurtful. I can promise, however, both to yourself and to all 
the pious, that both are animated with the best intentions, and 
have no other object in view than promoting the kingdom of 
Christ. Nor can you desire anything on the part of either of 
them which they do not faithfully and steadily perform, except 
that in their method of proceeding they accommodate them 
selves too much to the time. But I cannot well endure to see 
that Bucer so loads himself with the hatred of many on account 
of it. He is conscious of his own good intentions, and, on this 
account, is more careless than is desirable. But we ought not to 
be so content with the integrity of our own conscience as to have 
no consideration or regard of our brethren. But these are things 
which I deplore in private to yourself, my dear Farel ; see, there 
fore, that you keep them to yourself. One thing alone, as usually 
happens in the midst of evils, I am thankful for, that there is 
no one who is fighting now more earnestly against the wafer god 
than Brentz, 1 for so he calls it. I will not write more at pre 
sent, in order that you may the more eagerly desire my arrival 

1 John Brentz, a celebrated German theologian, much attached to the Lutheran 
dogma of the Supper. He assisted at the Conferences of Haguenau, of Worms, 
and of Ratisbon, and seemed, in the latter, to go over to the interpretation of Calvin, 
against which, at a later period, he maintained a very sharp controversy. d 



240 FAREL. 1541. 

among you, that I may. stuff your ears full of these stories. 
Adieu, my very dear brother. Freithus, Musculus, Brentz, 
greet you, indeed, almost all do so. Eck, as they say, is getting 
better. The world does not deserve to be yet delivered from 
that bete. 1 There has lately occurred a circumstance which I 
must not omit to mention. Maurus has an attendant, who 
was for some time a servant with Louis 2 and myself at Basle, 
a decent honest young man, trustworthy, and modest. About 
five years ago, when he was but yet a boy, without the know 
ledge of his father, he promised in his cups to marry a young 
woman. His father having been informed of the affair had 
remonstrated with the son upon the subject. The youth told 
him that he had been imposed upon. The case not having 
been fully gone into, not being well understood, and still less 
well weighed and maturely considered, the judges of your 
Consistory have pronounced, under the directions of Marcourt, 
that the marriage ought to be held good. The young man, that 
he might avoid this connexion, left his country. He has now 
received the intelligence of the death of his father; but his rela 
tions advise him, at the same time, to take the young woman to 
wife ; and Mirabeau has also advised him to the same purpose. 
I have probed him to the uttermost, and almost worn him out by 
my entreaties, yet he is so averse to it that I cannot prevail on 
myself to urge him any farther ; and all the while he acknow 
ledges that the girl is an honest woman, only he affirms posi 
tively that he never had any inclination to marry her. Because 
I wish him well I would like if it can be brought about to 
have the affair settled by friendly agreement, and a mutual 
understanding between the parties. This will also be for the 
advantage of the girl herself. I have written to Mirabeau 
about the business. On my account, however, I do not wish 
you to do anything except what you shall judge just and right 
in the circumstances. Nor would I do more myself if the case 
were referred to my decision. 

[Calvin 1 s Lat. Corresp. Opera, torn. ix. p. 17.] 

1 Eck died two years later, the 16th February 1543, in consequence of a second 
attack of apoplexy, brought on by his intemperance Seckendorf, iii. parag. 112. 

2 Louis du Tillet ; he had made a long stay at Basle with Calvin, before accom 
panying him into Italy. 



1541. THE PASTORS OF THE CHURCH OF ZURICH. 241 



LXIX. To THE PASTORS OF THE CHURCH OF ZuRicn. 1 

The expression of his sentiments in reference to the Church of Geneva 
ready to return to that town if the magistrates of Strasbourg consent to 
it, and if the Seigneury of Berne promise their support testimony of re 
spect for the Church of Zurich. 

RATISBON, 31st May 1541. 

Grace to you and peace from God our Father and the Lord 
Jesus Christ. 

Men and brethren, most dear to me and very highly re 
spected, Your letter was most acceptable to me on a two 
fold account, chiefly because, according to that close tie of 
spiritual relation which, according to the will of God, sub 
sists between us, you faithfully and prudently admonish me 
as to my duty ; as also, because I perceive you are seriously 
anxious in behalf of the Church of Geneva, whose admini 
stration, as a sacred charge, has been entrusted to me. Not 
merely on my own behalf, therefore, but in name of the 
Church herself, do I feel grateful, and now express my singular 
thankfulness, not only for that you have resolved to counte 
nance her by your protection, but also to aid me by your 
counsel. Although, at the same time, however, I must take 
the freedom to say, I stood not so greatly in need of that very 
earnest exhortation, who am of my own accord well enough 
disposed to carry out in practice what you advise. It was also 
very delightful to be confirmed by your judgment in a matter 
of such difficult and perplexing deliberation. But because I 
perceive you are somewhat doubtful as to my mind upon the 
matter, I will at once explain to you briefly what has stood in 
the way to prevent my proceeding thither more speedily, and 

1 At the request of Farel and the magistrates of Geneva, the pastors of the 
Church of Zurich had written to Calvin, then deputed to the Diet at Ratisbon, ex 
horting him to resume the office of the ministry in his earliest charge. Calvin, 
in his reply, freely unburdens himself of the sentiments of terror and repugnance 
which he felt at the thought of returning to Geneva. 

VOL. I. Q 



242 THE PASTORS OF THE CHURCH OF ZURICH. 1541. 

also what, upon the advice of my brethren, I have at length 
agreed to do. When the first letter arrived, by which the 
Council tried to sound my wishes, I was not a little staggered 
on perceiving that I might be drawn back again into those 
straits and difficulties from whence I have always concluded 
that I have been delivered by the singular kindness of God. 
While I sustained the charge in that church along with my 
excellent and most faithful friend and colleague Farel, I tried 
every method by which it could be preserved. And although 
it was a very troublesome province to me, yet the thought of 
deserting it never entered into my thoughts. For I considered 
myself placed in that station by God, like a sentinel at Ms post, 
from which it would be impiety on my part were I to stir a 
single foot ; yet I am aware that it will be scarcely credible 
were I to relate to you even a very small part of those annoy 
ances, or rather miseries, which we had for a whole year to 
endure. Tin s I can truly testify, that not a day passed away 
in which I did not ten times over long for death ; but as for 
leaving the Church to remove elsewhere, such a thought never 
once came into my mind. When matters, therefore, had come 
to the worst, when we saw that the safety of the Church stood 
very much in our not being cast out of the government of it, 
we strove hard for the retaining of our ministry, not less than if 
the contest had been a matter of life or death. And, moreover, 
if they had attended to my advice, although not a very acute 
individual, it would have been far easier, then, rather to have re 
lieved the Church in her pangs, or even, when partially collapsed 
and downcast, to raise her up again, than it can be to restore her 
now that she is almost utterly ruined. It would have proved 
an excellent remedy, by which the danger might have been got 
over, if we had been summoned to your Synod. That, how 
ever, could not be obtained. There was indeed another, if the 
churches had in earnest taken up our cause in common. To 
most people I appeared to rave when I foretold what afterwards 
has occurred. When at length, however, it was quite apparent 
to me that I had discharged my duty to the uttermost, I 
withdrew along with Farel into retirement with a quiet con 
science. He was immediately called away elsewhere. As for 



1541. THE PASTORS OF THE CHURCH OF ZURICH. 243 

me, I had determined for the future to keep away from all 
public employment; and I would have done so, had not 
certain causes compelled me to undertake the calling with 
which I am at present charged. Therefore, that I may ac 
knowledge the truth, that messenger was noways pleasant 
who brought to me the intimation that I had been recalled 
to Geneva. Nor, indeed, do I dwell on all the circumstances 
which, as you suppose, stood in the way of my return, the 
ignominy to which I was subjected, the savage treatment, and 
the like. Whether I am wont to avenge my own wrongs, I 
refer to the judgment of God, and to those individuals who can 
speak from their experience. But had I besides, in any degree, 
been very desirous of revenge, there is no reason why I should 
seek for vengeance on the Genevese. Whatever has happened 
has been done in name of the city, but so that the parties 
implicated in the offence are not many, and the blame rests 
with a few. Hurried along by sedition, these very persons 
were themselves the agitators who have stirred up the whole 
of these disturbances. And the citizens of Strasbourg them 
selves, although in respect of that fatherly kindness which 
they have for me, they desire to keep me among them, yet 
will throw no hindrance in the way of my acquiescing in 
this call, provided only that it shall be clearly seen to be for 
the advantage and prosperity of the Genevese. How faithfully 
they have always promoted the welfare of that Church, I my 
self am the best witness. I see indeed, by experience, every 
day more and more how eminently great is their anxiety 
on behalf of all the Churches. What then, you will ask, is 
the reason of this delay ? When that letter arrived, it had 
already been resolved by your Council that I was to set out for 
the Diet at Worms. This I offered as my excuse why I could 
fix nothing certain as to Geneva. At the same time, I wrote 
in the most friendly terms to intimate, that I by no means 
undertook to come, pledging myself, however, to the perform 
ance of every kind office they might require of one who was 
bound to them by the closest of all ties. Without waiting 
for a reply, they had, in the meanwhile, sent a deputation, 
who were to press my setting out. We were already at Worms ; 



244 THE PASTORS OF THE CHURCH OF ZURICH. 1541. 

the deputation followed all the way thither. Having, on my 
part, advised with those friends by whose opinion I had agreed 
to be guided, I relieved the deputation with this promise, 
That as soon as we returned home, we would set about in 
earnest whatever was likely to prove most for their advantage. 
I explained, also, our view of the whole affair, that it appeared 
to us that no better method of setting matters right in their 
Church could be devised, than for the neighbouring Churches 
to send some of their number to look into the state of matters, 
and who might both give and take counsel on the spot. That 
for such a purpose Bucer would come along with me, should 
no unforeseen event occur to hinder him ; and that we like 
wise entertained a reasonable hope that the rest of the Churches 
would consent to send some of their members. But before 
we could take our departure from Worms, we had begun to 
fear a new journey [to Katisbon:] a few days, indeed, after 
our return, it was . announced to me that I must make ready 
to travel. The expectation of going thither being, therefore, 
laid aside, the delay had to be excused a second time. But 
it will appear, perhaps, that these pretexts have been caught 
at, or at all events, willingly laid hold of, that I might 
relieve myself from that call, to which, on other accounts, 
my mind was extremely averse. That I may here free 
myself from this suspicion, I shall briefly open my mind 
to you without any reserve. Because I feel myself quite 
unequal to such contentions as those by which I was for 
merly all but worn out and exhausted by every sort of annoy 
ance, I confess that the dread of this burden filled me with 
alarm. Whenever, indeed, I recall to memory those contests 
by which we were sorely exercised on the part of those whom 
it so little became to treat us in such a manner, I seem 
to lose all spirit. Were I, therefore, to give way to my own 
feeling, I would rather go beyond sea than return thither. As, 
however, in this respect I stand somewhat in doubt of my own 
j udgment, I avail myself of the guidance and counsel of others, 
and wish to be directed by those who are sound in judgment 
and sincerely well-disposed. And that I may not seem to take 
this course out of craft or cunning, in the name of Christ I pro- 



1541. THE PASTORS OF THE CHURCH OF ZURICH. 245 

test against any one harbouring such an opinion or thought of 
me, as though here I felt no difficulty. You know, however, 
that in an affair of so great moment, I can take no step 
whatever without the authority of the Church of which I 
am a member ; but it is their unanimous opinion, that as 
soon as these meetings of the Diet are over, we should 
proceed to Geneva. For they think it is desirable that 
Bucer should accompany me thither, where we may consult 
together on the spot what is best to be done. I wish that 
we could obtain, besides, some one from your presbytery to 
be present with us. However that may turn out, we need 
be under no apprehension that the Church at Strasbourg, 
in taking care for its own provision, will neglect that other. 
Nor, indeed, has it any cause to do so, even if it were 
inclined. During my residence there, that I might have 
something to do, they set me to lecture on theology. I 
am not greatly concerned, however, about the value of my 
labours, as if that school would incur great loss on my depar 
ture. 1 One consideration alone keeps Capito, and Bucer, and 
the rest, in a state of anxiety, because they expect but little 
edification from my ministry, unless the Bernese join in good 
earnest along with me, and, as it were, hold out a helping hand. 
Neither do I conceal that my especial hope is placed in their 
coming to agreement with us, if they choose so far to help us. 
That they might be brought to that determination, we have 
thought it right to communicate with them beforehand, and 
previously to our entering upon the matters in dispute. They 
shew themselves well disposed, if only it shall be clear that that 
Church can be restored and preserved under my ministry. 
You see now, therefore, the state of this whole affair. Not only 
have I never refused the administration of this province, how 
ever unpleasant that may have been to me, but I have not even 

1 The peculiar modesty of Calvin is the more remarkable, when we consider the 
eclat which attended his preaching and teaching at Strasbourg. During the two 
years which he passed in that city, the French Church continually increased, and 
the name of Calvin was alone sufficient to attract, from all parts of France, young 
persons desirous of learning, and even men already distinguished as learned. See 
Sturm s Anlipapin, iv. p. 21. 



246 THE PASTORS OF THE CHURCH OF ZURICH. 1541. 

endeavoured to escape by flying away from it. Somewhile ago, 
overcome, or rather drilled into it, by the constant entreaties 
of many godly brethren, I consented at least to go there, that, 
judging for myself of the present aspect of affairs, I might 
consider what I ought to do. It has been to me a source 
of great delight, as I have formerly stated in the outset, that I 
have come to the same conclusion with yourselves ; for, as I 
have always deservedly entertained a very high respect for you, 
there is nothing more desirable can happen to me, than, what 
ever I do, to proceed in agreement with your authority, and 
that of men like you. That expression, therefore, in the con 
clusion of your epistle, was most agreeable to me, where you 
declare that you have no doubt your exhortation will have 
weight with me. As, indeed, I have always entertained a 
singular regard and reverence for that Church, and have also, 
at all times, very highly esteemed you, I rejoice that you have 
come to form the opinion of me, that in respectful regard 
toward you there is scarcely any thing you may not venture to 
promise yourselves. You may certainly do so, for I will not 
disappoint your expectation. 

The state in which affairs are here I dare not write to you. All 
has been hitherto partly so much in suspense, and partly in such 
a state of entanglement, that we would need the spirit of divina 
tion if we are to attain any certain knowledge ; besides, what 
ever there is I have no doubt that those of Constance give you a 
faithful report ; I therefore conclude. Adieu, my dear brethren 
in the Lord, most beloved and longed for. All those who are 
here salute you, Philip, [Melanchthon,] Bucer, and the rest. 
May the Lord Jesus confirm you by His own Spirit for the 
edifying of His Church. Your very loving and affectionate, 

JOHN CALVIN. 

Our princes and the free cities have urgently recommended 
the safety of the brethren 1 to the King of France. The 
letter having been delivered to the ambassador, I have not 
ventured to add mine, informing Farel of what had been 
done. I beseech you, however, for Christ s sake, that you will 

1 TTie Walclenses of Provence. 



1541. FAIiEL. 247 

take care your Senate writes also as soon as possible. I hear, 
indeed, that the cruelty of the wicked persecutors rages in 
many parts of the kingdom with great fury. I expect, how 
ever, this time, that some abatement of severity may possibly 
be obtained. 

[Lat. orig. autogr. Archives of Zurich. Vol. i. Gest. vi. 105, p. 334.] 



LXX. TO FAREL. 1 

Keturn of Calvin to Strasbourg news of the Diet of Katisbon contradic 
tory formulae presented to the Emperor reply of Charles V. Letter to 
( the King of France in favour of his persecuted Protestant subjects. 

STRASBOURG, July 1541. 

When I had ground to think that there was no further use 
for me at the Diet, by a great amount of brazen importunity, I 
extorted rather than obtained my discharge ; for not only was 
Bucer very sorrowful at the idea of my going away, but Philip 
also, who had undertaken to assist me in that matter, when 
the time drew near requested that I would remain. I found 
means, however, one way or other, to disentangle myself. It 
was not so much reasons of a private kind, as those of a public 
nature, that urged me to hasten my departure. From the time 
that Capito had been indisposed, I saw our school in diffi 
culties. I was apprehensive that, during the fair-time, the 
Church might require my presence. Our friends were so far 
induced by these considerations as at length to yield to my wish. 
But I will explain briefly the state of matters when I came 
away. From the time when we split upon that question of the 
Eucharist, we could no more agree together upon any other. 
You are aware that we were all agreed in the opinion, that 
transubstantiatiori was a mere figment of the imagination, that 
it was not only opposed to the Word of the Lord, but also to 
the nature of a sacrament ; that the adoration of the host was 

1 The conferences at Eatisbon were prolonged without any result. Calvin 
solicited and obtained leave of departure. He took the route of Strasbourg, where 
.he no doubt arrived toward the end of June 1541. 



248 FAREL. 1541. 

either idolatrous or extremely dangerous ; that the exposition 
itself savoured of superstition. When the three commissioners 
stood firm to this reply without flinching, Granvelle bitterly up 
braided Philip, upon whose submission he hoped there might 
not be so much difficulty in bringing round the other two. 
Whereupon, seeing that he could extort nothing, he told them 
to proceed to the other heads. Meanwhile, the Marquis of 
Brandenbourg, 1 clandestinely, not, however, without the know 
ledge of the Emperor, despatches one of the princes of Anhalt 2 
on an embassy to Luther, expecting that, on account of the 
old controversy regarding the Sacrament, he would be more 
favourable than any of us to the Papists. What answer he has 
brought away with him, I have not yet ascertained. I have no 
doubt that Luther would return a not unsatisfactory reply. 
There still remained over three questions, in reference to the 
Eucharist, to be discussed, that concerning the sacrifice of the 
mass, that about private masses, and the distribution of the wine 
as well as the bread. Our opponents having abandoned the 
traffic in the buying and selling of masses, as well as the great 
variety and multitude of them, retained but one daily mass in 
each church, and that only on condition that there was an 
assembly of worshippers to whom the mystery might be ex 
pounded, and that they might thereafter be exhorted to commu 
nion. They wished the giving of the cup to be free, that those 
might partake who wished it. They disguised the sacrifice 
by a sophistical interpretation, and where they got that do you 
conjecture. All those views are rejected which Philip proposed 
in writing, against the sense or meaning of the article. They 
afterwards proceeded to take into consideration the subject of 
confession, in which the opposite party shewed some modera- 

1 Albert, Margrave of Brandenbourg, a bold and perfidious adventurer, entirely 
devoted to the cause of the Emperor. He is reported to have said : "If the Devil 
will but pay me well, I will serve him." He maintained in 1553 a long struggle 
with Maurice of Saxony, and was vanquished, the year following, at the battle of 
Sievershauscn, where his adversary perished. 

2 Without doubt, George of Anhalt, the scholar of Luther, and who, notwith 
standing his high birth, wished to be ordained minister and ecclesiastical inspector 
of the diocese of Mersebourg. He died in 1553. Mclch. Adam. Vitcc Tlicologorum 
Germanorum, p. 245. 



L541. FAREL. 249 

tion, remitting the scrupulous enumeration of every sin ; but 
they enforced the necessity of confession and absolution. Our 
friends submitted a contrary formula. In the same manner the 
invocation of the saints, the primacy of the Pope, and the 
authority of the Church, were separately discoursed and treated 
of; but we could come to no agreement. All our articles are 
appended to the book. The Emperor returned liberal acknow 
ledgment and thanks to the commissioners for having faithfully 
performed their duty. He then referred the consideration of 
the whole to the States. And because nothing could be deter 
mined satisfactorily, except upon a written document, the book 
was offered along with the articles. The Emperor was afterwards 
dissatisfied with what he had done : but the States ratified what 
had already been decreed. While this was going forward, the 
Diet gave audience to the ambassadors of Hungary and Austria, 
who were suppliants for aid against the Turk. 1 Thereupon 
the Emperor proposed an adjournment of the debate on the 
subject of religion, and that the States should turn their atten 
tion to consult upon that business. When I saw that this 
afforded some respite, I was unwilling to forego the opportu 
nity ; and thus I have made my escape. I have briefly glanced 
over the progress of the proceedings. What belongs to councils 
of a more secret kind, you shall hear somewhat on my arrival. 
I wish, however, that you would be persuaded to wait for the 
arrival of Bucer, that we may consult together in common. In 
what concerns the brethren who suffer in behalf of the Gospel, 
I have not accomplished what I wished. For the occasion 
demanded some more weighty embassage, which the times will 
scarcely admit of, because of the vicious inclinations and corrupt 
nature of mankind. I have therefore obtained a letter 2 in the 

1 The Sultan Soliman had entered into Hungary, and had already taken posses 
sion of the town of Buda, under pretext that the young King John Sigismond was 
incapable of defending it against his enemies. 

2 That letter was an urgent and pressing appeal to the justice and to the 
clemency of Francis I., by the whole Church of Christ: "We have been very 
much grieved, because, when it could not be denied that many abuses of long 
standing clung to the Churches, nevertheless, so greatly has the heat of anger 
been inflamed everywhere, that not only private individuals, but also whole 
nations, may be brought into jeopardy : which, when they become suppliants to 



250 FAREL AND VIRET. 1541. 

name of the princes ; which, indeed, must have been procured 
before the Diet would hear of it. But I have taken care that 
some things have been changed and inserted which you re 
quested. The paper will hold no more. You will communicate, 
if you think proper, all these matters to Viret, and excuse me 
to him for not having written ; for I am harassed by frequent 
calls and interruptions, that I have scarcely breathing time. 
Adieu, my very dear brother. Salute all the brethren. May 
the Lord preserve you all. Yours, 

JOHN CALVIN. 

[Calvin s Lat. Corresp. Opera, torn. ix. p. 18.] 



LXXL To FAREL AND ViRET. 1 

Communication of a letter received from Bucer news of Germany Church 
of Metz assurance given to Viret of his approaching departure for 
Geneva recommendation of two young men. 

STRASBOURG, 25th July 1541. 

We have lately received a letter in common from Bucer, in 
which he informed us that no considerable progress had been 
made in the great concern of religion, except that the princes 
of the adverse party had presented a very violent reply, directed 
against ourselves, to the Electors. He adds, however, not 
withstanding, that there were some who stoutly refused their 
consent to it, and shewed a disposition in no way hostile to us, 
among whom ha mentions Otho Henri, 2 the Bishop of Augs- 



yotir royal highness, you may consider that it is not we only, but the very Church 
of Christ that lies mourning at the feet of the greatest kings, and implores and 
entreats their help, that the light of the dawning Gospel may not be extinguished, 
and that quiet modest men and members of Christ may be let alone." This 
earnest prayer remained unanswered in the corrupt court of Valois. Policy alone 
brought about the adoption of measures which humanity demanded, and the ruin 
of the Vaudois, and the retribution upon the persecutors, were adjourned to another 
time. 

1 Such is the address : To the excellent and very faithful Servants of Christ, 
William Farel and Peter Viret, my very dear Brethren. 

2 Otho Henri, brother of Frederic, Count Palatine. 



1541. FAREL AND VIRET. 251 

bourg and Constance, the Abbot of Kempten. It is the cus 
tom in the diets of the Empire, that the Counts and Abbots 
who are of the Council submit their resolutions to the 
Princes, they also to the Electors, then their decisions are 
propounded in common to the Cities, who are at liberty to 
agree or dissent. They are waiting at present for the reply of 
the Electors, which we expect will be somewhat gentler in its 
tone. For the Elector-Palatine, Brandenbourg, and the Arch 
bishop of Cologne, give out that they are not ill-disposed toward 
us. The Archbishop of Mentz alone is hostile. He of Treves 
will steer his course with a view to his own convenience, and he 
will be favourable to us as far as that goes. There is no doubt 
about the Cities, for there is not one of them who does not wish 
well to our tranquillity, and most of them long to hear the 
Gospel preached among them. Our friends also, on their part, 
were about to present their final answer ; but what the import 
of it is to be, he does not say. He relates, moreover, that 
assistance had been promised against the Turks, but on what 
terms he does not explain. The Emperor, however, as he 
says, was about to leave for Italy, as if the principal matters 
were despatched. That preacher of Metz who brought the 
letter, of whom you have heard, brought back word that it was 
constantly reported there that the Emperor would depart before 
the end of this month. Lest, however, he should seem to break 
off without bringing the business to some conclusion, he will 
leave a deputy who can transact the rest. In a short time, if I 
am not mistaken, we may receive more ample details, or Bucer 
himself will be here ; for after they have given in their final 
reply, what is there further to delay him there ? 

I hear nothing about the business of the brethren. 1 I have 
written, however, to Eaymond, earnestly requesting of him that 
he would sincerely tell me what we may expect. The preacher 
of Metz, 2 of whom I have spoken, a pious young man, learned 

1 See note 1, p. 24(3. 

2 The young preacher who is spoken of here, seems to have been Peter Du Breuil, 
who succeeded Calvin in the direction of the French Church of Strasbourg, and was 
a martyr at Tournay in 1545. See Sleidan, lib. xii. et xvi., and Crespin, Ilistoire 
dp* Martyr*. 



252 FAEEL AND VIRET. 1541. 

and modest, is at present living with me until the return of 
Doctor Bruno, deputy of this city, who has promised to plead 
his cause energetically before the Diet. So far as I could under 
stand from him, and also from all the citizens, who are here in 
great number at the fair, not a year will pass away without some 
tumult or disturbance, unless the nobility of their own accord 
shall apply some remedy. As to Geneva, whatever shall happen, 
it is easy for me to be informed betimes. For if the dis 
pute shall be settled, our friends here will let me away all the 
more willingly. If, however, it shall turn out otherwise, we 
shall at least think about a remedy. The danger which we 
formerly feared on account of Caroli will now be at an end ; for 
he has broken his promise in such a way, that he can never be 
received by us, and already, as I hear, is treating about a recon 
ciliation with his Sorbonne friends. 1 Thereupon my guest, as 
I think, will succeed me as pastor. 2 In providing a successor 
in the office of professor, they are more at a loss, nor do they 
find a suitable person ; but they shall not succeed in retain 
ing me here, if the welfare of the Church of Geneva shall 
require otherwise. Certainly the leave of any one will not pre 
vent me, if the Lord shall have granted it. 

As for the rest, the two youths who deliver my letter to you 
have lived here rather more than a month. I am credibly 
informed that they come of respectable families, but as they 
came hither unknown to their relations, they arrived ill sup 
plied with money. Seeing that the expense of living here is 
great, board and lodging not very easy to be found, and situations 
difficult to be procured, they have thought it better to repair 
to you, where they expect there will be more convenience for 
them. They desire to engage in any literary employment which 
may present itself in the meantime, until they can try whether 
anything can be got from their relations. But if not, their living 
there will be the less expensive while waiting for the answer, 
whatever it shall be. I request of you, therefore, that you may 
consider them as recommended to your good offices. They have 

1 Caroli effected his reconciliation with the Sorbonne, but it was in vain that ho 
solicited a benefice in the Church of Rome. 

2 See note 2, p. 251. 



1541. FAREL AND VIRET. 253 

appeared to me not unworthy of the aid of well-disposed persons ; 
nor are they at all deficient either in ability or learning, and their 
modesty speaks for itself. If there is, therefore, a situation or 
employment among you suitable for them, I beg that you 
would help them in obtaining it, wherewith they may support 
themselves either at a moderate expense or at none at all, until 
they shall have an answer from their relations ; for then they 
will arrange their matters better. However that shall be, take 
care that they may experience your kindness. Adieu, most 
excellent and much honoured Brethren. 



To VIRET. 

STRASBOURG, 2oth July 1541. 

To-day I have written hurriedly ^o you and Farel ; but 
because this youth thought that it would not be in his favour 
if I did not give him a line in writing addressed to yourself, he 
made me promise that I would do so. I write, therefore, but 
without having anything to write about. You may pretend, 
however, that you have received something serious, that you 
may humour the joke. You will see in the other letter what 
delays me here. As soon as Bucer returns we shall both 
hasten to Geneva with all speed, or without any further delay I 
will start alone. Salute all good men. Yourself will patiently 
await my arrival. Excuse my writing in such a hurried 
manner ; for I am as busily engaged in receiving those who 
constantly flock to me, as our Canons of the cathedral when 
they are about to elect the Bishop. Adieu, most excellent and 
kindly brother. Once more, salute all the godly. Yours, 

JOHN CALVIN. 

[Orig. autofjr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.] 



254 VIRET. 1541. 



LXXIL To YIRET. 

Excuses for his delay in leaving Strasbourg conclusion of the 
Diet at Ratisbon. 

STRASBOURG. 3d August 1541. 

Bucer has returned five days ago. I have not ventured as 
yet, however, to press our setting out upon our journey, as well 
because I knew that I could not easily induce him to come until 
matters there were settled, 1 lest his going thither might prove 
to no purpose, as because hitherto he has been employed partly 
in writing what was exceedingly necessary, partly by private 
business, which has occupied him from the first until to-day. 
That writing on which he has been engaged will be finished, 
as I suppose, in a short time, and then we wait every hour in 
expectation until those of Basle send back word concerning the 
state of the process. On my part, I have repented more than a 
hundred times that I did not proceed to that town immediately 
on my return from Ratisbon ; for even although my presence 
had not been of much avail in that quarter, it would, at least, 
have delivered me from much anxiety, because I have never 
ceased to be restless about the issue of the affair, and, at the same 
time, feared lest I might seem wanting to our friends in these 
difficulties ; while, on the other hand, a different apprehension 
seized me lest those ancient friends of ours, who are wont to 
take every thing by the wrong handle, should suspect some 
thing else. As soon, however, as some certain intelligence is 
brought to us, I will not give him any rest until I bring off 
Bucer along with me ; but if he shall still put me off I will 
come away notwithstanding, that I may advise with you and 
with others according to the present aspect of affairs ; for the 
interest and requirements of the Church would bear no further 
delay, nor could I have any peace of mind while kept in this 
state of uncertainty, nor will my own private reasons and do 
mestic arrangements admit of my remaining longer in this 

1 He refers to the process pending between Berne and Geneva, which had been 
submitted to the arbitration of Basle. 



1541. VIBET. 255 

suspense ; therefore I have publicly announced in the Academy, 
that I would not lecture any more until something was settled 
one way or other. 

The Diet concluded very much as I had always foretold that 
it would ; for the whole plan of pacification passed off in smoke, 
while all has been referred to an Universal Council, or, at least, 
to a National one, if the former cannot be soon obtained. But 
what else is this than to be frustrated? 1 for it is afterwards 
added that a new Diet is to be held eighteen months hence, if no 
progress is made in the Council. In the first place, that is too 
great an interval ; and, in the next, the fate of former attempts 
does not afford much hope of success ; lastly, it is very likely 
that the Emperor will then be so entirely taken up with other 
matters that he will have a just exemption from attending the 
meetings of the Diet. However that may be, the adverse party 
will feel that they have received no slight wound, and time will 
make this more evident. I am unwilling, however, to follow 
this subject further, because I shall be better able to do so 
when we meet, which I hope will be shortly, if the Lord will. 

This matron has been about fifteen months with us; but 
as it is very troublesome to her to live in a country where 
she does not understand the language, and as she fears that 
after my going away she may be more at a loss than before, she 
has determined on removing to Geneva. She possesses enough 
to live upon ; you will only help her to find a house : her vener 
able age entitles her to assistance ; and she has most respectable 
sons. Take care, therefore, that she may find my recommenda 
tion of some use to her. These civilities which I request of 
you, the duties of benevolence, you can shew her without much 
trouble. I do not advise, however, that yon take her to live in 
your house, but only that you provide a home for her by means 
of your friends, at a reasonable rent, that she may not be forced 
to loiter long in the public hostelry. Adieu, my excellent brother ; 
may the Lord preserve and direct you in His work. Yours, 

JOHN CALVIN. 

[Lett, orifj. antogr. Library of Geneva. Vol. iOG.] 
1 See Slt-iilaii, lib. xiv. p. 387. 



256 FABEL. 1541. 



LXXIIL To 

Prepares to depart for Geneva self-denial of Calvin absolute submission 
to the will of God. 

STRASBOURG, [August 1541. J 

When your letter was brought to me mine was already 
written ; and although you will find that it does not agree in 
all points to what you require of me, I have thought it best to 
forward it to you, that you may be aware what my feelings 
were at the time when it arrived. Now, however, after that I 
have seen you press the matter farther, and that our former 
guests associate openly in the same cause, I have again had 
recourse to our magistracy. Having read over your letter 
and those of the Genevese, I asked what in their opinion was 
now to be done. They answered, that there could be no doubt 
that, without calling any previous meeting, I ought imme 
diately to set out thither ; for that the question was not now 
open or doubtful, although it had not been formally settled. 
Therefore we prepare to start on the journey. In order, 
however, that the present supply of that Church may be pro 
vided for, which we are not willing should continue desti 
tute, they are of opinion that Viret should by all means be 
sent for thither, in the meantime, while I am for the present 
distracted between two charges. When we come back our 
friends here will not refuse their consent to my return to 
Geneva. Moreover, Bucer has pledged himself that he will 
accompany me. I have written to them to that effect ; and in 
order to make the promise all the more certain, Bucer has 
accompanied my letter by one from himself. As to my in 
tended course of proceeding, this is my present feeling : had I 
the choice at my own disposal, nothing would be less agree 
able to me than to follow your advice. But when I remember 

1 Letter without date, but written most probably in the month of August 1541. 
It informs us as to the last inward struggles of the Eeformer on the eve of quitting 
Strasbourg to return to Geneva. 



1541. FAREL. 257 

that I am not my own, I offer up my heart, presented as 
a sacrifice to the Lord. Therefore there is no ground for 
your apprehension that you will only get fine words. Our 
friends are in earnest, and promise sincerely. And for my 
self, I protest that I have no other desire than that, setting- 
aside all consideration of me, they may look only to what 
is most for the glory of God and the advantage of the 
Church. Although I am not very ingenious, I would not 
want pretexts by which I might adroitly slip away, so that 
I should easily excuse myself in the sight of men, and shew 
that it was no fault of mine. I am well aware, however, 
that it is God with whom I have to do, from whose sight 
such crafty imaginations cannot be withheld. Therefore I 
submit my will and my affections, subdued and held-fast, 
to the obedience of God ; and whenever I am at a loss for 
counsel of my own, I submit myself to those by whom I hope 
that the Lord himself will speak to me. When Capito wrote, 
he supposed, as I perceive, that I would, in a lengthy and tire 
some narrative, relate to you the whole course of our delibera 
tion ; but it is enough that you have the sum of it ; although I 
would have done that also had there been time. But the whole 
day was taken up in various avocations. At this present, after 
supper, I am not much inclined to trifle, by longer sitting up, 
with my health, which is at best in a doubtful state. This 
messenger has promised to return here at Christmas with the 
carriage, in which he can bring along with him to Wendelin, 
of the books which belong to him, ten copies of the Institution, 
six of the Commentaries on Jeremiah : these you will give to 
be brought away with him. 

[Calviris Lat. Corre.sp. Opera, torn. ix. pp. 17, 18. | 



VOL. 1. 



258 THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA. 1541. 

LXXIV. To THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA. 1 

Arrival of Calvin at Neuchatel purpose of his going to that town. 

NEUCHATEL, this Ilk September, in the evening, [1541.] 

ILLUSTRIOUS AND HONOURABLE LORDS,, When I shall have 
come hither I will explain to you the reasons wherefore I have 
been delayed, and hope that I shall easily satisfy you. The 
present shall only be to signify, that having heard at Soleure that 
there was some trouble in this Church., 2 I have been constrained., 
in brotherly love, to go out of my way to see whether, on my part, 
I could do anything to remedy it. Having acquitted myself of 
this duty, I have determined, please God, to leave this to-naorrow 
morning by break of day to go to Berne, to present to messieurs 
of the town the letters which those of Strasbourg and Basle 
have sent them. When I shall have done that, I will pursue 
my route without stopping anywhere ; for the desire which I 
have to present myself before you, according to my promise, 
will not allow me to shroud myself anywhere soever. I have 
retained the herald whom you have been pleased to send, to 
keep me company, thinking that such would not be contrary to 
your intention ; but I leave that excuse, and all others, until my 
arrival. 

And now, illustrious and honourable Lords, after humbly 
commending me to your good favour, I beseech our Lord to 
lead you always by His Spirit, to guide well and holily your 
town, upholding the state and rank thereof, and your seigneuries 
in full prosperity. Your humble servant, 

JOHN CALVIN. 

\Fr. orig. autogr. Archives of Geneva. 1250.] 

1 After having overcome the last scruples, and taken leave of the members of 
his Church, " avec tristesse, larmes, grande sollicitude, et detresse," as he himself 
tells us in the preface to the Psalms, Calvin left Strasbourg towards the end of 
August 1541. He stopped a little at Basle ; and being called to Neuchatel by un 
foreseen circumstances, he wrote to the Seigneury of Geneva to excuse himself for 
this delay. 

2 See Calvin s letter to the Seigneury of Neuchatel, p. 262. 



1541. FAREL. 259 



LXXV. TO FAREL. 1 

Calvin at Berne his interview with one" of the principal magistrates, and 
with the ministers of that town. 

MORAT, September 1541. 

As soon as I arrived at Berne, I presented my letter to the 
Vice-Consul. On reading it, he said, those of Strasbourg and 
Basle request that safe-conduct be granted you. I replied, 
that such a requirement was superfluous, because I was neither 
an evil-doer, nor was I in an enemy s territory. Then I ex 
plained what they might easily have understood. The Council, 
however, through gross ignorance, so understood it, as if it had 
been written in reference to a convoy. The state of my health 
prevented my waiting upon the Senate personally ; nor did it 
appear to me that that would be worth the trouble. I after 
wards excused myself to the Vice-Consul, when he asked, why 
I had not come my serf ? The Senate returned for answer, that 
I had no need of the public protection in a peaceful canton, and 
that in other respects they were most ready to assist me. You 
see what a mockery it is. I have met with many proofs of 
kindness among the brethren. Konzen was absent. Erasmus, 
and Sulzer in his own name and that of the other, have 
approved of my declaration, and have freely enough promised 
their aid and countenance. Sulzer, apart from the other, 
conversed with me familiarly upon many points. It appears 
to me, that we ought to do all we can to secure his co-opera 
tion ; this will be of great use, and he shews himself well 
disposed. I did not forget, as you may suppose, to plead the 
cause in which you are interested. A deputation has been sent. 2 
I could obtain no more ; and Giron has declared, that it would 
be to no purpose to urge that business any further. The Lord, 

1 After a short visit at Berne, Calvin, being at Morat, wrote to Farel, to inform 
him as to some of the incidents of his journey. 

2 That deputation had gone to solicit the favour of the King, Francis I., for the 
Waldenses of Provence. 



260 FAIIEL. 1541 

however, stands in need of no such counsel or protection. 

Adieu, with all the brethren. Yours, 

JOHN CALVIN. 

[Lat. orig. autogr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.] 



LXXVL To 

Arrival of Calvin at Geneva his interview with the magistrates draws np 
a form of Ecclesiastical discipline advises Farel to moderation. 

GENEVA, IQth September 1541. 

As you wished, I am settled here ; may the Lord overrule it 
for good. For the present, I must retain Viret also, whom I 
shall not suffer on any account to be dragged away from me. 
Do you, besides, and all the brethren, exert yourselves to help 
me here to the utmost, unless you would have me tortured to 
no purpose, and made utterly wretched, without having any 
benefit to be gained by it. Immediately after I had offered 
my services to the Senate, I declared that a Church could not 
hold together unless a settled government should be agreed 
on, such as is prescribed to us in the Word of God, and 
such as was in use in the ancient Church. Then I touched 
gently on certain points from whence they might understand 
what my wish was. But because the whole question of dis 
cipline was too large to be discussed in that form, I re 
quested that they would appoint certain of their number, who 
might confer with us on the subject. Six were thereupon 
appointed. Articles concerning the whole ecclesiastical polity 

1 Calvin had arrived at Geneva the 13th September 1541. \Ve find under that 
date, in the Extracts from the Council Registers : " Calvin having arrived at 
Geneva, presented himself to the Council, to whom he brought letters from the 
Magistrates and Ministers of Strasbourg. He excused himself on account of his 
journey having been delayed. He represented that it would be necessary to set 
about the work of ecclesiastical ordinances. Eesolved, that they would apply them 
selves to it immediately, and for that purpose appointed, along with Calvin, Claude 
Pertemps, Amy Perrin, Claude Eoset, Jean Lambert, Poralis, and Jean Balard. 
Resolved also to retain Calvin here always. October 1541. The stipend of Calvin 
assigned at five hundred florins, twelve measures of corn, and two tuns of wine." For 
a dwelling they offered the mansion Frcyneville, purchased at the price of two 
hundred and sixty crowns, with an ell of velvet for clothing. 



L541. FAEEL. 261 

will be drawn up, which we shall thereafter present to the 
Senate. The three colleagues make some show of agreement 
with us two. Somewhat, at least, will be obtained. We ear 
nestly desire to know how matters are proceeding with your 
Church. 1 We hope, however, that, influenced by the authority 
of those of Berne and Bienne, these troubles have been entirely 
put to rest, or at least somewhat calmed. When you have Satan 
to combat, and you fight under Christ s banner, He who girds on 
your armour and has drawn you into the battle, will give you 
the victory. But since a good cause requires also a good instru 
ment, have a care that you do not make so much allowance for 
yourself, as to think that there has been nothing wanting on your 
part which good men may reasonably expect of you. We do not 
exhort you to keep a good and pure conscience, as to which, 
we entertain no doubt whatever ; we only desire earnestly that, 
in so far as your duty will admit, you will accommodate your 
self more to the people. There are, as you know, two kinds of 
popularity ; the one, when we hunt after favour from motives 
of ambition and the desire of pleasing ; the other, when, by 
fairness and moderation, we gain upon their esteem, so as to 
make them willing to be taught by us. You must forgive us 
if we deal rather freely with you. With reference to this par 
ticular point, we perceive that you do not give satisfaction 
even to some good men. Even were there nothing else to 
complain of, you sin to this extent, because you do not satisfy 
those to whom the Lord has made you a debtor. You are 
aware how much we love, how much we revere you. This 
very affection, yea truly, this respect impels us to a more exact 
and strict censoriousness, because we desire earnestly that 
in those remarkable endowments which the Lord has conferred 
upon you, no spot or blemish may be found for the malevolent 
to find fault with, or even to carp at. This I have written by 
advice of Viret, and on that account have used the plural num 
ber. Adieu, most excellent and friendly brother. 

\Lat. orifj. autoyr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.] 



1 That Church wa at this time in a state of great disorder, which Calvin had 
vain tried to tranquillize, at Neuchatel. See the following Letter. 



262 THE SEIGNEURY OF NEUCHATEL. 1541. 



LXXVIL To THE SEIGNEURY OF 



Efforts to pacify the Church of Neuchatel instructions given to Viret. 

FROM GENEVA, this 29th of September 1541. 

ILLUSTRIOUS AND HONOURABLE LORDS, Having understood 
that your Church is not yet freed from the troubles and annoy 
ances which have of late occurred, we have considered that it 
would only be our duty to send some of our company to you, to 
offer themselves, should the occasion present itself wherein we 
might be of service to you in that matter, in so far as our calling 
and office engage, to extinguish this scandal which the Devil 
has stirred up among you. Wherefore, we have been advised to 
send unto you our good brother and faithful minister of Jesus 
Christ, and former pastor of your Church, to let you understand 
the desire we have to serve you in the Lord, and the earnest 
desire we entertain for the welfare of your Church, beseeching 
you, Eight Honourable Lords, of your good pleasure, that you 
will hearken to what he shall say to you in the name of our 
Assembly, to satisfy our conscience, according to the duty of our 
ministry, which constrains and obliges us to intromit in that 
case, seeing that it is ecclesiastical, and so it concerns us, inas 
much as we are members of the same body. And now, Illus 
trious and Honourable Lords, after our humble commendations 
to your kind favour, we beseech the Lord Jesus, the alone good 
Shepherd and Governor of His Church, well to counsel and 

1 On the back, in the handwriting of Viret: " Letters sent to those of Neuchatel, 
when they wished to drive away Farel, their minister, brought by Viret, sent on 
the part of the ministers of Geneva, with the following instructions to inform them 
of their opinion." 

Inflexible in the exercise of the duties of his ministry, Farel had publicly cen 
sured, in one of his discourses, a lady of rank, whose conduct had been a matter of 
scandal in the Church of Neuchatel. Irritated by that censure, the relatives of that 
lady roused a party of the towns-people against that courageous minister, and ob 
tained a sentence of deposition against him, which was not annulled but upon the 
interference of the Seigneury of Berne and of the principal Swiss Churches. 
Kuchat, Hist, de la fief., torn. \, p. 164, and following pages. 



1541. THE SEIGNEURY OF NEUCIIATEL. 263 

advise you in this cause, as it is of the utmost importance ; and 
after having quite calmed these troubles which the Devil sets 
himself continually to sow in your Church to ruin the work and 
upbuilding of the heavenly Father, we pray Him also that He 
would ever uphold you in sound prosperity. Your humble 
servants in our Lord, 

JOHN CALVIN. 

AYME CH AMPERE AU. 

JAMES BERNARD. 

Summary of those things as to which we desire that our 
brother, Master Peter Viret, would warn and admonish the 
Seigneury of Neuchatel in our name, requesting of him that 
he would follow what is here plainly set forth as his instruction. 

In the first place, he will have to make our excuse for that 
we intermeddle in that affair, explaining to them, and declaring 
that it is according to the duty of our office, for unto the commu 
nion of saints it is highly important, that neighbouring Churches 
may have a mutual care to confirm one another, and that when 
ever an emergency calls for it that the one come to the help of 
the other ; besides, that over and above all that, we hold their 
Church in peculiar estimation, and that it touches us, moreover, 
very nearly, for many other causes which he can state. 

After that, he shall have clearly set before them, what order 
we consider should be observed in the Church upon the depo 
sition of a minister, that is to say, that the formal procedure 
must be according to the command of Scripture, by form of 
trial, and that spiritual, and not by way of tumult nor sedition. 
And, so far as happens otherwise, what is it but to dishonour 
God and to disturb the polity of the holy city. 

That if we deprive a man of his station without cause and 
good reason, constrain him to abandon the Church which he 
has served faithfully, and by this means, withdraw him un 
justly from the calling whereto he has been appointed of God, 
not only the individual has been outraged by this means, but 
God also, seeing that his lawful call is violated and made of 
none effect. 

Also, such is the opinion which we have of Fare], and of (lie 



264 BUCER. 1541. 

esteem in which he is held by all faithful men, as that we hold 
him to have been always well and loyally engaged in the work 
of our Lord, and that, therefore, they could not deprive him 
of the ministry until somewhat appeared proved to the contrary, 
except against all right and reason. 

To warn them against the inconveniences which may happen 
as well in the town as without, especially of the scandals which 
must follow. What will it be but to defame the Evangel of our 
Lord among the wicked, offend all the good, trouble the weak- 
minded, so that in proportion as their Church has been greatly 
renowned, it will now be as much cried down. 

That within their town the embers may be blown up besides, 
into mutinous assault and battery ; that even among the min 
isters it may engender schism. If it seem good and advisable to 
you, cite some of the ancient examples, without touching upon 
present circumstances. 

Finally, admonish them that it is what the wrath of God 
usually brings along with it, when we provoke it, as we should 
do in committing such a scandal. 

Then, in his own name, he can add whatsoever shall seem 
good, after having explained and set before them these things 
for us. 

JOHN CALVIN. 

[Fr. orig. autogr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 145.] 



LXXVIIL To BucER. 1 

New details regarding tlie troubles in the Church of Neuchatel proceed 
ings of Viret sentence pronounced by the Bernese the ecclesiastical 
Statutes of Geneva request for prolongation of leave for Viret testi 
mony of respect and affection for Bucer approach of the pestilence. 

GENEVA, 15th October 1541. 

Calvin to Bucer greeting. 

When my wife arrived, Viret had not yet returned from 
Neuchatel, where a short time previously we had sent him, that, 

1 The mission of Viret, and his endeavours to pacify the Church of Neuchatel, 
had been without the desired result. A violent party, opposed to the Reformation, 



1541. BUCER. 265 

if he could do no more, he might at least make known to them 1 
on our behalf, how contrary it was to pious and Christian con 
duct, that the commonalty on the slightest grounds, and also, 
sometimes, without having any cause at all, should wax insolent 
against their minister. 2 Word was brought back to us, that a 
day had been fixed for friendly conference and agreement ; that 
on the day appointed, those of Berne would be present. De 
Watteville and Auspurger were present. Immediately on his 
arrival, Viret advised with them as to the course he ought to 
pursue : He produced a copy of our letter ; explained the 
nature of his commission ; he even read aloud what was con 
tained in the written instructions, that he might do nothing 
without their authority. For this he plainly gave them to 
understand, that he would not take a single step if they should 
so require. 

De Watteville, in his usual style, answered our friend in 
a jesting and equivocal manner, saying, that it was not his 
business to prescribe to him his duty; that he himself was 
a subject under the government of Berne, but lent for the pre 
sent, though only for a short time, as a loan to the Genevese ; 
that he would therefore do what seemed best. There were 
present some of the brethren belonging to the classes. These 
he addressed indirectly in a figurative discourse to the effect, 
that they had not acted very prudently in taking so much upon 
them. "You are subjects/ said he; they continued, how 
ever, at last to signify that they would interpose their assent. 
Before any business could be entered on, Viret was heard, who, 
in the course of his speech, encountered the evil-disposed and 
broke them up, successfully animated the good and well-disposed 
with fresh courage, stirred up the weak and wavering, so that 

and impatient of all order as of all authority in the Church, demanded the expulsion 
of Farel. In these circumstances, Calvin had recourse to the credit and trust re 
posed in Burer, and the intervention of the Church of Strasbourg to appease these 
unhappy differences. 

1 Calvin had left at Strasbourg his wife, Idelette de Bure, who rejoined him 
some time afterwards at Geneva. In the Council Registers we have the following 
entry, 13th September 1541 : " Resolved, . . to bring hither the wife of Calvin 
and his household furniture." 

2 See the preceding Letter and Memorial. 



266 BUCER. 1541. 

the business seemed almost in a manner brought to a conclusion. 
Certainly, had they come to an arrangement among themselves 
it was easy to be seen that the adverse party must have yielded 
of their own accord. At this stage of the proceedings, however, 
the Bernese requested that the matter might be referred to 
their decision. Out of a written formula, which they had 
brought from home with them, they pronounced as their de 
liverance and award, that if the dissensions among them were 
not quieted in the course of two months, Farel should de 
part. Upon hearing this decree read, Farel was so indignant 
as to threaten De Watteville, that the Lord would take severe 
methods of judgment upon him who had inflicted such a heavy 
blow upon the Church, and on the sacred office of the ministry. 
So he who was before nowise friendly to Farel, has now become 
more than ever his enemy. And truly it had then been better for 
Farel to have so far controlled himself, and that without dissem 
bling what he felt, he had treated the man with greater mild 
ness and with more gentle address in the expression of his mind. 
It becomes us, however, in the case of so eminent an instrument 
of Christ, in some degree to pass by his over-ardent spirit and 
vehemency of manner. Two days afterwards, Yiret endeavoured 
to soothe or palliate the offence, but was less successful than he 
wished, the wound being as yet too tender to be handled. Farel 
had indeed a sufficient cause to kindle his anger against the man. 
But yet he ought to have weighed more carefully what was the 
most expedient course, lest, while he gave free scope to his wrath, 
he should only irritate to no purpose a man who is strong for 
good as well as for mischief. Inasmuch, however, as he can 
not be corrected, if he has sinned in any way, God is to be 
entreated that he may blot it out of his remembrance, although 
I fear that this denunciation of Farel s will turn out in the end 
to be a prophecy. For that personage is indeed wonderfully 
altered. You would say, almost, that his understanding had 
been taken away from the time when, on secular and worldly 
grounds, he laid hands upon the ecclesiastical property. He is 
a very great scoffer ; so much so, that he can scarce speak a 
word without some cavil, or taunt, or sarcasm. In the affair in 
question, when Farel remarked to him how the calling of the 



1541. BUCER. 267 

Lord ought to be honoured and cherished, he turned the whole 
discourse into ridicule. " As if," said he, " any one could compel 
me to keep a servant in my house who did not please me." And 
he made use of this comparison more than once. If my servant 
does not please me, am I not at liberty to pay him his wages 
and order him to go about his business ? Why am I not at 
liberty to do so with a minister ? This indignity constrained 
Farel to deal more severely with him, and I am afraid, as 
already said, he will prove too true a prophet ; because thus, 
after so great light, after such distinguishing grace received, 
that individual has become estranged from God who ought to 
have been an example to all the rest. These things, however, 
ought to be entirely confined to ourselves. The affair stands 
thus at present, because the better portion, that is, every God 
fearing person in the city, earnestly desires to have Farel ; he 
has himself determined not to yield, unless compelled by the 
law and civil government. Nor does any other motive detain 
him there, than because he dare not venture to desert the situa 
tion appointed him by God. Now, some method must be tried, 
if that can be accomplished so as to give no offence, or at least 
as little as possible, to the Bernese. In so perplexing an affair, 
nothing seems to me more suitable than for your Church, 
and the others who have most authority, before these two 
months shall have elapsed, firmly to establish Farel in his 
ministry by a decision of their own. In this way, there need 
be no occasion for Farel giving any opposition to the sentence 
of the arbiters. You will also easily excuse the matter to the 
Bernese, that your advice was asked for the purpose of avoid 
ing the danger of his being forced to oppose in a matter rei 
judicatce. There will be no need to make any mention of 
the judgment in your reply. A letter will have to be written 
to the magistracy, the ministers, and the people. 1 We have 
no doubt whatever, but that you will at once succeed in re 
storing peace to the Church, however she has hitherto been 
overwhelmed with factions. There are very many among the 

1 The Church of Strasbourg acted in conjunction with the Churches of Con 
stance, of Zurich, and of Basle, to decide the inhabitants of Neuchatel to retain 
Farel. 



268 BUCER. 1541. 

bad who, upon the faith of that judgment, had resumed courage, 
who, on the hearing of your name being mentioned, will lose 
heart and fall off entirely. I will not urge more strongly 
upon you the duty of aiding the wretched Church, lest I may 
seem to distrust you. I only admonish you ; I know that you 
do not require to be exhorted, and this brother, who is your 
scholar and disciple, will supplement by his speech whatever 
shall be wanting in my letter. 

To the other heads of your letter I cannot at present reply 
so fully as I could wish, and as the subject itself might 
seem to require. That which is the most important, the for 
mula of the ecclesiastical order and government, cannot now be 
sent. We presented that document to the Senate in about 
a fortnight from the time when it was committed to us, 1 and 
have not yet received an answer. Nor am I much concerned 
that they are somewhat dilatory ; we expect more certainly on 
that account that they will yield to us. That they might 
entertain no suspicion on the occasion, we advised, that should 
it appear desirable, they might communicate previously with 
the German churches, and determine nothing without having 
their opinion. We earnestly desire that they may do so. We 
shall send it therefore in a short time. 

Concerning Viret, as you look forward to obtain a letter from 
the Senate, I beg that you will get that accomplished without 
delay. 2 For we know by experience how little disposed those 
of Berne are to help us, were it on no other account but only 
that they might not seem to be too kind to us. Perhaps, how 
ever, they will suffer themselves to be entreated by your Senate. 



1 The ecclesiastical ordinances, drawn up by Calvin and approved by the magis 
trates, were solemnly accepted by the citizens of Geneva, met in general assembly 

in St. Peter s Church, the 20th November 1541 See History of the Church of 

Geneva, by the Pastor Gaberel, torn. i. p. 269. 

2 He endeavoured to procure from the Seigneury of Berne a prolongation of leave 
for the minister Viret, which they had already granted for the period of six months 
to the Church of Geneva. On the representation of Calvin, the magistrates of 
Strasbourg wrote on two occasions to those of P&gt;erne to ask that favour. In the 
second of these letters they render most honourable testimony to Calvin. " M. 
Calvin," they say, " has comported himself among us with so much uprightness 
and constancy, and has become so acceptable by his skill and ability, that not only 



1541. BUCER. 269 

I will leave no stone unturned to prevent Viret being taken from 
me. I will press it with Sulzer as a suppliant I will entreat 
it as a favour from Konzen. In short, I will omit nothing ; 
but at the same time we must take care to make due provision 
for Lausanne. This will be done, if you will request of Konzen 
and Sulzer, that they would set no one over that charge except 
with the concurrence of Viret and Le Comte, who is the other 
minister. The same Le Comte, even though in other respects 
he may not be the best, has, however, this good quality, that he 
wishes to have a good colleague, and when he has obtained 
such a one, not only bears with, but warmly seconds and sup 
ports him. But if Viret be not heard in the matter, there is 
danger lest some pest may be introduced there which may 
infect the whole neighbourhood. 

The whole of that part of your letter wherein you excuse my 
not having been entertained at Strasbourg, according to my 
desert, is quite superfluous ; for I am not unmindful, and shall 
always acknowledge, that you have conferred more honour upon 
me than I had any right to expect. 1 That safe-conduct, and other 
things which happened on my coming away, have, I confess, 
somewhat wounded my feelings. But I am the more disposed 
to make the acknowledgment to you, that there may be no 
thing of suppressed anger concealed within. Be assured, there 
fore, that it has all evaporated. I will endeavour to cultivate 
agreement and good understanding with my neighbours, and 
also brotherly good- will, if they will allow me, with as much 
faithfulness and diligence as I am able. 

In so far as depends on me, I shall give ground of offence to 



we would have retained him among us with pleasure, but more especially, for the 
sake of our Church, we would not easily have yielded him up, if we had not believed 
that he would be more useful at Geneva. ... On that account we perceive with 
grief that he cannot complete the work which he has commenced, and with which 
he had burdened himself beyond his strength, &c. . . . " M/S. of the Archives of 
Berne, cited by Euchat, Hist, de la Ref., torn. v. p. 162. 

1 The magistrates of Strasbourg, desirous of testifying to Calvin their satisfac 
tion on account of his services, and at the same time their esteem for his character, 
before his departure for Geneva bestowed on him the honorary distinction of citizen 
ship by making him a burgess. They offered also a year s pension ; but the latter 
present he refused. 



270 BUCER. 1541. 

no one. I must ask, however, that you will not form any esti 
mate from my letters to you either of my sayings or doings 
here. Until I shall have declared that I could bear no more, 
you need not question my faithful performance of what I have 
promised you. And if in any way I do not answer your ex 
pectation, you know that I am under your power, and subject to 
your authority. Admonish, chastise, and exercise all the powers 
of a father over his son. Pardon my haste, for you cannot be 
lieve in what a hurry of confusion I am writing ; for our 
brother here urges me, in accordance with the instructions of his 
colleagues ; and I am entangled in so many employments, that 
I am almost beside myself. 

When I hear that the plague is raging to such an extent, 1 I 
know not what to think, except that God contends against our 
perversity with the strong arm of His power, seeing that we are 
worse than stupid and insensible in the midst of so many chas- 
tenings under the rod of correction. While the hand of God 
lies so heavy upon you, it already hovers over us. The plague 
creeps toward us ; if it has spared us for this winter we shall 
scarcely escape in the spring. 

What, therefore, can we do but betake ourselves to prayer, 
and to seek for the spirit of godly sorrow and confession of sin 
in the sight of God, which certainly we go about very remissly. 
So much the more have we reason to fear, lest by so great in- 
disposedness we shall provoke the displeasure of our Judge. 
We are anxious, as we ought to be, about you ; for we may 
form some indistinct notion from the calamity which has be 
fallen the Church of Basle, 2 what will be our lot should the 
Lord take you away from us. Certainly, I do not wish to be 
the survivor ; nor could I sustain the loss, unless the Lord 
should wonderfully support me under it. Adieu, my much 



1 The plague continued its ravages at Strasbourg, where it carried away this 
year the children of the two first Reformers of Switzerland, William, the son of 
Zuingli, and Euzebe, the son of (Ecolampadius. It soon spread to Basle and to 
Zurich, where it found many victims. It broke out towards the end of the follow 
ing year at Geneva. 

2 The Church of Basle had lost Simon Grynee, and the pious burgomaster, 
Jacob Meyer, who had so powerfully contributed to the reformation of the town. 



1541. THE DUCHESS OF FERRABA. 271 

honoured father in the Lord. Salute most fervently Capito, 
Hedio, Matthias, Bedrot, and the others ; also Conrad ; x and you 
will excuse my not writing. From time to time while writing, 
many noisy interruptions have so hindered me, that I am forced 
abruptly to conclude. Salute also your wife, who is very 
dear to me. May the Lord preserve you all, rule, and protect 
you. Amen. Yours, JOHN CALVIN. 

My wife salutes yours most lovingly, and all the family. 

[Lat. orig. autogr. Protestant /Seminary of Strasbourg.] 



LXXIX. To MADAME THE DUCHESS OF 

Instructions on the subject of the Mass, and on the necessity of avoiding 
scandal. 

GENEVA, [October] 1541. 

MADAME, I humbly beseech you that you would take in 
good part my boldness in writing these present, deeming that, 

1 Conrad Hubert, secretary of Bucer. 

2 Eenee of France, daughter of Louis XII. and of Anne of Brittany, born at the 
Castle of Blois the 29th October 1510, and died at the chateau of Moritargis the 
12th June 1575. United, from views of political expediency, to one of the smaller 
princes of Italy, a vassal of the Bishop of Eome, this princess, endowed with a 
strong mind and an excellent spirit, quitted France, in 1528, to follow her husband, 
Hercules of Este, to Ferrara ; and she brought along with her to that court a taste 
for literature, with free and generous sentiments of belief, which she had inhaled 
from her intimate association with Marguerite of Navarre. She received at Ferrara 
Clement Marot, who dedicated some of his verses to her, and also Calvin, who ini 
tiated her in the faith of the Eeformed, for which she was honoured to suffer, and 
which she professed courageously till her death. This was the origin of the long 
correspondence which she maintained with the Eeformer, whose letters recurred 
from time to time to encourage and confirm her. The letter which we insert here 
is, doubtless, one of the earliest in that series. On the last leaf we have the fol 
lowing words written in another hand : 

" Against a certain almoner, Master Fra^ois, who made (Madame) go to mass, 
and set her against those who would not go, as against scandalous persons. It 
treats very fully about things lawful and not lawful, and how scandals must be 
avoided." 



272 THE DUCHESS OF FERRARA. 1541. 

should you find therein a too great plainness, it proceeds not 
so much from rashness, or from overweening self-conceit, as 
from pure and true affection for your service in our Lord. For 
albeit that I do acknowledge myself a very unprofitable servant 
of the Church, it hath, notwithstanding, been found expedient 
to employ me in that station, according to the grace which the 
Lord has imparted to me ; and it has even occurred to me that 
there was a need-be for my doing so, if I wished to acquit 
myself of my duty, not merely because I feel myself obliged, in 
regard to you, to seek, in so far as is possible for me, and in the 
way of duty, your welfare and advantage, howbeit that such 
motive is alone sufficient to stir me up to action, but rather that, 
considering the state and pre-eminence in which the Lord has 
set you, it seems to us all, we whom the Lord by His goodness 
has called to be ministers of His holy Word, ought to keep in 
special remembrance, to apply ourselves to the bestowal of some 
pains for you, and the more so because, more than most princely 
persons, you are able to promote and advance the kingdom of 
Christ. I have, besides, observed in you such fear of God and 
such disposed faithfulness of obedience, that independently of the 
high rank which He has vouchsafed you among men, I do so value 
the graces which He hath put upon you, even to such a degree, 
that I would think myself accursed should I have omitted the 
occasions of any profitable service, in so far as they might be 
presented to me. This is certainly what I can say without any 
feigning or flattery, but in sincerity of heart, and speaking as 
in His presence who knows all our secret thoughts. 

Madame, by other worthy persons who have passed through 
here at different times, I have been given to understand how 
Master Francois, whom you have appointed preacher to your 
household, after having acquitted himself well in preaching, 
as well at least as could be expected of him, had persuaded 
you that it would not be a bad thing, after having heard 
mass, to hold some sort of communion, which must be somehow 
the Supper of our Lord ; this proceeding, which was not ap 
proved of by one of your ladies, who, according to the knowledge 
which she had received of God, did not wish against her con 
science to meddle with what she considered to be wrong in 



1541. THE DUCHESS OF FERRARA. 273 

itself ; and has been the occasion, on the representation of the 
said Master Francois, to have some way or other turned away 
from her the good-will which you have been wont to bear her ; 
so that matters have reached such a height, that you have 
intimated that all those who do as she does, ought not to be 
supported, inasmuch as, by their importunity, they give birth 
to scandals to no purpose among the faithful. Wherefore, 
concluding that a thing of so much importance must not be 
concealed, seeing that you had been given to understand that 
matters were otherwise than they are, according as it has 
pleased the Lord to reveal Himself to me in Scripture, I have 
thought it right to communicate to you what the Lord has given 
me of understanding in that matter. But while I have been in 
some doubt and hesitation about doing so, I have been given to 
understand, on the part of Madame de Pons, 1 that you wished 
very much to be more fully instructed, the more so that, besides 
the many difficulties which you see, on the other hand, it is very 
difficult to come to a satisfactory solution of them. This mes 
sage has all the more confirmed me in my purpose to venture 
to essay the giving you a faithful exposition so far as I know, 
in order that afterward you may judge for yourself, and in so 
far as you shall have fully understood God s truth, that you 
may follow in all obedience, seeing that your zeal is not of the 
kind that rebels against it, but receives the truth in love and 
with all benign affection. Yet all this notwithstanding, Madame, 
before that I begin, I beseech you not to take up any suspicion 
of me, as though I did this, having been put up to it by some 
persons of your household, or to favour any one in particular ; 
for I can assure you, before God, that I do so without having 
been requested by any one, and only on the advertisement, as I 
have already assured you, of persons passing through this way, 

1 Anne de Parthenay, daughter of John de Parthenay, Lord of Soubise, and of 
Michelle de Saubonne, governess of Renee of France. She married Antony de 
Pons, Comte de Marennes, was instructed by Calvin himself in the Reformed doc 
trine, and remained a long time attached, as dame d honneur, to the Duchess of 
Ferrara, to whose court she was an ornament, both by her virtues and her ability. 
Clement Marot addresses her in several of his poems, and the learned author, 
Lilio Gregorio Gyraldi, dedicates to her the second book of his History of the 
Gods. 

VOL. I. S 



274 THE DUCHESS OF FERRARA. 1541. 

who never thought that I could have the means of any direct 
communication. On the other hand, I would rather desire to 
be cast down into the lowest depths of the abyss, than to twist 
about or wrest the truth of God, to make it suit the hatred or 
to procure the favour of any creature whatsoever. But what 
makes me speak out is, that I cannot bear that the Word of 
God should be thus to you concealed, perverted, depraved, and 
corrupted in such essential things, by those in whom you have 
some confidence, to whom you have given authority. 

Touching Master Francois, to speak soberly, I would to a 
certainty put you upon your guard not to confide too unreser 
vedly in his doctrine. Should I do so, I need have no reason 
to fear, that mayhap you may entertain some bad opinion of 
me, as though I might speak from hatred or envy of this per 
sonage. For I have neither matter nor occasion of envy in any 
way toward him ; and the hatred which, up to the present hour, 
I have felt toward him, is such, that I have at all times, to 
the utmost of my power, made it my business to edify him in 
well-doing. But when I perceive that any one, owing to an 
ill-informed conscience, sets himself to overthrow the Word of 
the Lord, and to extinguish the light of Truth, I could by no 
means pardon him, even were he my own father a hundred 
times over. As for this same individual, I have been aware, 
from having long known him, that whatsoever small under 
standing of the Scripture God has vouchsafed him, he has al 
ways made subserve his own profit and ambition, preaching 
wherever he saw that it would be a help to gratify his avarice, 
forbearing to preach wherever he found that it began to be 
troublesome to him ; and then for all that, as often as he could 
procure hearers, persons of credit to countenance him, and 
the wealthy to fill his wallet or his purse, who required him 
to give glory to God, he has taken the trouble to satisfy them 
by almost always selling them His Word. On the other hand, 
again, wherever he met with any trouble or persecution, he had 
always his denial ready to escape from it, to such a degree, that 
one could not know in regard to him whether the holy and sacred 
Word of God was but a sport and mockery ; insomuch that he 
turned it into a farce, playing at one time one character, and at 



1541. THE DUCHESS OF FERKARA. 275 

another the part of another, according to the pastime he finds 
in it. As to his life, I do not touch upon that, except that one 
could desire that it were hetter in a minister of the Word. I 
know, Madame, that the duty of a Christian man is not to de 
tract from his neighbour ; and that is what I have not wished 
to do, for had I been desirous to speak ill of him, I have plenty 
of other material concerning him which I conceal. But our 
Lord does not mean, when we see a wolf, under the colour and 
appearance of a pastor, scattering his flock, that we should 
quail in silence through fear of speaking evil of him. He 
rather commands us to discover the perversity of those who, 
like the pestilence, corrupt by their infection, and mar the face 
of the Church. And as for myself, neither would I have 
taken that method here if I saw any better remedy, taking 
into account the mortal fury of that sort of people which I 
do thereby provoke against myself. For I have not at this 
day so fierce warfare with any as with those who, under 
the shadow of the Gospel, wear a rough garment outwardly 
toward princes, amazing and entertaining them by their finesse 
and subtilty, enshrouded in some cloud, as it were, without 
ever leading them to the right object. But how could I do 
otherwise ? If I do not address myself to them, it is because 
I see their heart to be so divested of all fear of God, that 
speaking of His judgment to them, is but a mere fable or a 
pleasant tale. But when I describe them such as they are, to 
make them aware tlmt they could carry their abuse no farther, 
I find that by this method they are more restrained from 
further seduction and abuse. This very person I have often 
times set about trying to bring back into the good way, so far 
even as to make him confess his iniquity; albeit, that impudently 
he would excuse himself before men, being convicted in his 
own conscience before God. Notwithstanding, with a horrible 
obstinacy and hardness of heart, he would persist in saying, that 
he could not desist from doing that which he knew to be bad, 
except that on one occasion, after having seen some treatise of 
mine, with grievous imprecations on himself he protested that 
he would never assist at the mass, because it was such a gross 
abomination. But 1 know inv man so well, that I scarcelv 



276 THE DUCHESS OF FERRARA. 1541. 

count more on his oath than upon the chattering of a magpie. 
Howsoever, Madame, as I would not that he did persevere in 
ill-doing, to the great detriment of yourself and of the people 
of God, I feel constrained to warn you by my intimation, seeing 
that as regarded him, he would not profit by taking advantage 
of it. What I have told you about him is so certain, that I do 
not wish you to give credit to it until you have first of all found 
out by experience that it is true ; for if you pay attention, you 
will see at a glance that he preaches the Word of God only in 
so far as he wishes to gratify you, in order to catch benefices or 
other prey, and in the meantime not to displease any one who 
can do him hurt. 

Now, Madame, having done with this personage, I come to 
the present matter. He gives you to understand that the mass 
is neither so wicked nor abominable, but that it is allowable to 
say it, and to the faithful to hear it, so that those who make 
this a matter of conscience are the disturbers of the Church, 
stirring up scandals among the weak, whom we are commanded 
to strengthen. As regards the first point, I doubt whether I 
ought to stop to argue it, inasmuch as I reckon that you are so 
fully resolved already, that the mass is a sacrilege, the most 
execrable that one can imagine, that I fear to make myself 
appear ridiculous to you in taking the pains to prove to you a 
thing about which you can be nowise in doubt. And, besides, 
the small compass of a letter cannot comprise that which is 
enough to fill a large book. Yet, notwithstanding, I will touch 
briefly upon it, and, as it were, in a cursory way, in order that 
you may not have any doubt. In so far as the mass is a sacri 
fice, appointed by men for the redemption and salvation of the 
living and the dead, as their canon bears, it is an unbearable 
blasphemy by which the passion of Jesus Christ is quite over 
thrown and set aside, as if it were of no effect whatever. 
For that we say, the faithful have been purchased by the blood 
of Jesus, have obtained thereby the remission of their sins, 
righteousness, and the hope of eternal life, that belief must 
imply so far that the blessed Saviour, in offering up Himself to 
the Father, and presenting Himself to be sacrificed, has offered 
Himself an eternal sacrifice by which our iniquities have been 



1541. THE DUCHESS OF FEKRARA. 277 

purged and cleansed, ourselves received into the grace of the 
Father, and made partakers of the heavenly inheritance, as the 
Apostle declares very fully in the Epistle to the Hebrews. If, 
then, the death of Jesus be not acknowledged as the only 
sacrifice which has been once made for all, in order that it 
might have an eternal efficacy, what more remains except that 
it be effaced entirely, as being altogether ineffectual ? I know 
well, that these liars, to cover their abomination, say, that they 
make the same sacrifice which Jesus has made ; but from 
that statement there arise several blasphemies. For that sacri 
fice could be made by no one except by Himself. And the 
Apostle says, 1 that if He is now sacrificed, it follows, that He 
must suffer still. Therefore, you can see, that one of two 
things must here take place, either to acknowledge the horrible 
blasphemy of the mass, and to detest it, or in approving it, to 
trample under foot the cross of Jesus. How much it is contrary 
to the Supper of Christ, I leave you to consider with yourself, 
after that you have read in Scripture the words of institution. 2 
But the crowning desecration which they commit, is the idolatry 
which they perpetrate by adoring a creature instead of God, a 
thing which is altogether inexcusable. Taking these considera 
tions into view, let us look well to it, since we can neither 
speak nor hear such things without grievously offending God 
by communicating in such abominations. For how can we 
pretend that we are not justly reproved for having consented 
to such iniquities, since we do receive them with greater 
honour and reverence than we do the Word of God ? If 
you wish to know how far that is pleasing to the Lord God, 
He declares by his prophet Ezekiel, in the 20th chapter, 
where he tells the people of Israel, that they love to practise 
open idolatry like the Gentiles, that they made mention of 
His name along witli the name of their idols, as wishing to 
compass their own ends contrary to His statutes, by which he 
was to be served in worship, and by setting up their own foolish 
inventions, by which they were made to fall away from His 
Word ; on the other hand, the Prophet telling them that He 
will scatter all those who swear by His name, avouching Him 

1 Hcb. ix. 25. 2(5. 2 1 Cor. xi. 23-26. 



278 THE DUCHESS OF FERRAK A. 1541. 

as their God ; while, at the same time, they witness against 
themselves in adoring some other than Him alone. Should 
some one object, that externals in religion are quite indifferent, 
that what is required is only that the heart within should be 
upright, to that our Lord answers, that He will be glorified in 
our body, which He has purchased with His blood, that He 
requires the confession of the mouth, and that all our prayers 
should be consecrated to His honour, without being any way 
contaminated or defiled by anything displeasing to him. But, 
because this would be too long to treat of here, as it ought to 
be, you can have recourse, for your more full information, to 
the treatise, where I hope that you will find reasons enough 
to satisfy you. The scandal still remains, which your almoner 
says troubles the consciences of the weak, when any one esteemed 
a believer holds the mass in such horror that he would not in 
any way come in contact with it, that he neither wished to find 
it here nor to meet with it elsewhere. 1 But he does not con 
sider that, in reference to those things which are either com 
manded or forbidden of God, although it might offend the whole 
world, we must not go beyond His ordinances. That which is 
commanded us, to support and strengthen our weak brethren, 
by doing nothing which may wound or offend them, refers to 
lesser things of no great consequence, winch are of themselves 
indifferent and permitted of our Christian liberty, as the whole 
of Scripture bears. Besides, all those commands about not 
scandalizing our neighbour, tend to his edification in well 
doing, as St. Paul points out in the 15th of the Eomans. It 
follows, therefore, that we must not seek to please him in those 
things which do not tend to edification, but to destruction. 
And thence we have the doctrine of St. Paul in the First 
Epistle to the Corinthians, chapters viii. and x., where he says, 
that if by any external action of ours our neighbour is built 
up in wrong-doing, albeit on oar part there may have been no 
violation of conscience, yet that we sin against God and destroy 
our brother. As is here the case : we know the mass to be 
cursed and execrable ; we assist thereat to content the igno- 

1 In the margin, handwriting of f alvin, " After having understood the will of 
God, give advice." 



1541. THE DUCHESS OF FEKKARA. 279 

rant ; those who see us assisting at it conclude that we approve 
by so doing, and they then follow our example. St. Paul 
counts that a great crime, although we make no difficulty about 
it. Wherefore, Madame, I do beseech you not to permit that 
under the name of scandal any one should beguile you ; for 
there is not a more pernicious scandal in this world than when 
our Christian brother, by our example, is entrapped in ruin 
and driven forward into error. If we would avoid all scandal 
we must cast Jesus Christ behind us, who is the stone of offence 
at which the most part of the world trips and stumbles. And 
even thus has He been a scandal to the Jews and Israelites to 
whom He was sent, as always a large portion of that nation 
has been offended and stumbled in the worship of their God. 
We must, therefore, hold fast by this rule, that, in reference to 
things which are either commanded or forbidden of God, it is 
mainly requisite in the doing or forbearing that he may not be 
baulked of His due obedience, though we should offend the 
whole world. But since it is so, that Christ and His Evangel 
are a scandal to the evil- disposed and malignant, we must ex 
pect, if we would follow Him, that they must always be a 
scandal to us. As for things which are free and indifferent, 
that is to say, which, according to our opportunity, we can 
either do or omit the doing of, we ought to suit ourselves to the 
convenience of our Christian brethren, in order that our liberty 
may be subject to choice ; and even in doing so, regard must 
be had so to support their infirmity as that they may be built 
up in God ; for if, by our example, we lead them on and draw 
them in to do what they consider to be wrong, we are the means 
of their destruction. There are few, indeed, who have had 
experience of the truth of God who do not know in some 
measure the iniquity of the mass. When they well wot what 
sort of a thing it is, it is impossible that they should not desire 
to flee from it. While they scruple and are in doubt about it, 
whenever they perceive that we communicate, they follow our 
example, without caring for being further resolved in the 
matter. Here is the worst scandal that can happen them, 
seeing that their consciences are wrung unto death. If what I 
hear is true, that lie would have you to believe that affair to be 



280 THE DUCHESS OF FERRARA. 1541. 

of so small importance that German Churches make no ques 
tion at all about it, that is, that those of one persuasion let 
alone and permit the other to have the mass, in this he 
inflicts a great damage and injury upon the Churches of God, 
in charging them with a practice which you will acknowledge 
to be false whenever you shall be pleased to make inquiry for 
yourself. For not only among all the Churches which have 
received the Evangel, but in the judgment of private indi 
viduals, this article is quite agreed on, that the abomination of 
the mass must not continue. And to that effect Capito, who 
is one of those who set themselves to moderate the zeal of 
others in these matters, has written a book of late, which he 
has dedicated 1 to the King of England, wherein he teaches 
that it is the duty of Christian princes to abolish in their 
country such execrable idolatry, if they wish to do their duty 
as might be expected of them. There is, in short, in our day, 
no man of any renown who is not quite agreed on that point. 

Well, then, Madame, seeing that it has pleased the Lord 
God, of His goodness and infinite compassion, to visit you 
with the knowledge of His name, and to enlighten you in the 
truth of His holy Evangel, acknowledge your calling to which 
He has called you. For He has drawn us forth out of the 
depths of darkness, where we were detained captives, in order 
that we may follow uprightly the light of His Word, without 
declining either to the one side or to the other, and that we 
seek more and more to be instructed by Him, so that we may 
profit more abundantly in that holy wisdom wherein He has 
made some beginning among us ; and, above aH, to look to 
it carefully that we do not restrain His Spirit, as do those 
who shut their eyes and ears to the evident plain truth, being 
content to remain ignorant of that which the Lord would have 
them know and understand. It is not thus that He would 
have us to do, out of mere dread that the Lord will punish such 
contempt and ingratitude ; but rather we ought to study to 
profit continually in the school of this good Master, until 

1 This is the title of that work, " De Missa Matrimonio et Jure Magistrate in 
Religione. D. Wolfgango Capitorie, auctore." The Dedication to Henry VIII., 
" Summum in tern s Ecclesiae Anglicanae Oaput," is of loth March 1537. 



1541. THE DUCHESS OF FERRARA. 281 

we shall have attained perfection in His doctrine, which will 
be when we are free from this downweighing and earthly 
coil of the flesh, praying, with good David, that He would 
instruct us in the doing of His will. Certes, if we go for 
ward advancing therein with zealous affection, He will so guide 
us that He will not let us go astray out of the right path. 
And although there are still some remains of ignorance in us, 
He will vouchsafe a more full revelation, when there is need 
for it, seeing that He knows the right season better than do we. 
The main point is to understand how His holy doctrine ought 
to become fruitful, and so bring forth fruit in us, and that is 
when it so transforms us by the renewal of our heart and mind, 
that His radiant glory, which consists in innocence, integrity, 
and holiness, relumes the soul within us. If it be not thus 
with us we take the name of God in vain when we glorify our 
selves by making our boast that we know the Evangel. I do 
not Fay this to admonish you to do what you do not do at pre 
sent, but on purpose that the work of God, which is already 
begun in you, may be confirmed from day to day. 
; But onty, as I have already at the commencement, I beseech 
you to pardon my simplicity. Should it be your pleasure to 
have more full instruction in this argument, and especially 
how a Christian person ought to govern herself in regard to 
scandals, I will attempt, so far as the Lord shall enable me, to 
satisfy you. In the meantime, I send you an epistle 1 upon the 
subject, as you will see, if you think it worth your while to 
devote some hours to it at your leisure ; and besides that, a 
little tract,- which I have put together lately, which, as I hope, 
by reason of its brevity, may serve as a help to consolation, 
inasmuch as it contains full enough doctrine. 3 [That the Lord 

1 Tliis was the letter of Calvin to^Louis Duchemin, intituled, " De fugiemlis 
impiorum iliicitis sncris, et pnritate Christianse Eeligionis. Genevse, 1537. 8vo." 
That letter, translated into French, has been inserted in the Recueil des Opuscules, 
edit. 15GG, in fol., p. 57. 

2 De la Cene de nostre Seigneur. 

3 The conclusion of this letter is wanting in the original Freneh,"and \ve restore it 
here from the Latin translation inserted, (Calvini F^istolcc et Responses, edit. " Am 
sterdam, p. 93.) A near approximation to the date of that piece is supplied by the 
passage relative to Capito: " Et de celaCapitoqui est 1 ung de ccux qni tas-jhent fort 



282 FAREL. 1541. 

may have a care over you in this your infirmity, and that He 
would manifest in you the efficacy of His Spirit in such a way 
that you may be as much honoured in His household as He 
has elevated you in station and dignity among men.] 

[Fr. autogr. minute. Library of Geneva. Vol. 19G.] 



LXXX. To FAREL. 

Brotherly exhortations efforts of Calvin to draw Viret to Geneva 
news of that Church. 

GENEVA, [llth November 1541.] 

There is no need for your being over anxious about my 
expostulation. My object was rather to scold you than seriously 
to complain ; besides, I am well aware that you could not have 
discarded me from your remembrance even though you had 
taken no notice of me in your letters for a hundred times in suc 
cession. Therefore I bid you be at ease on this score. Would 
that you could make up matters as easily with those who harass 
you and disturb the Church ! However, as you remark, we ought 
not to dread the warfare with the world and the flesh if we 
would serve Christ. We ought, indeed, earnestly to desire it, but 
we ought chiefly to desire that all those who are now at enmity 
with Him may be brought to a willing obedience to Christ, rather 
than conquered and subdued by force of arms, but not corrected. 
Since, however, the Lord is pleased to exercise and drill us in 
his warfare, and allows us to take no rest, let us fight on with 
deliberate and constant valour, only let it be with those weapons 
wherewith Himself hath furnished us. Under this banner 
victory will be always within our reach. When the celebration 
of the Supper takes place, and particularly with that intima 
tion which you mention, it will, as I hope, prove an excellent 

a moderer les choses, a nagueres inscript un livre." The dedication of this book 
to Henry VIII. is of the 15th March 1537 ; the death of Capito happened in 
December 1541 ; and the letter of Calvin to the Duchess of Ferrara, written from 
Geneva, between the two events, places the date, without doubt, in October 1541, 
after the return of the Reformer to that town. 



1541. FAKEL. 283 

means of recovering the Church and reconciling differences. 
Arid I hear, that owing to the moderate course which you now 
adopt, the minds of many are much quieted, and the spirit of 
contention in others very much broken. Until it prove en 
tirely successful, you must omit nought which may avail in any 
degree to promote the healing of the wound. Here you will 
gain the fairest, the most noble triumph, if Satan, abandoned 
by his host, be left alone with but a handful of his leaders. 
As for our own proceedings, what I wrote you about being 
unequally yoked, I find to be more completely verified than was 
expected ; but must endure w r hat cannot be remedied. There 
fore, should Viret be taken away from me I shall be utterly 
ruined, and this Church will be past recovery. On this account 
it is only reasonable that you and others pardon me if I leave 
no stone unturned to prevent his being carried off from me. 
In the meantime we must look for supply to the Church of 
Lausanne, according as shall be appointed by the godly 
brethren, and by your own advice. Only let Viret remain with 
me. This is what I strive for at Berne with all my might. 
The brethren must not take it ill that, passing by them, I went 
lately to Vevay. 1 My representation of the state of matters 
succeeded better there than could have been expected, so much 
so that they not only gave me to understand that they would 
make no objection if Berne agreed to let us have him, but even 
affirmed that, in their judgment, it would be for the common 
benefit of the Churches if he should for a while assist me. In 
this arrangement you will not, I hope, be more scrupulous 
than many men who are none of the most easy. For we have 
here more work before us than you suppose. The common 
people on both sides are willing to comply. The preachings, 
at least, are well attended ; the hearers are decent and well 
behaved enough ; but there is much yet that requires setting to 
rights, both in the understanding and the affections, and except 
that be cured by degrees, there is some danger that it may yet 
break out into the most virulent sore. You are well aware 



1 A Synod of the clmrches of the Pays cle Vaud was then assembled at the 
town of Vevay. 



284 FAREL. 1541. 

with how great difficulty one strives with inward and hidden 
maladies of this sort, and you know by experience what kind 
of yoke-fellows I have, should Viret be removed. We have 
most willingly given your brother the best advice we could. 
As for the rest, whenever he pleases he shall find me ready 
on all occasions; for the present, however, I have stopt, 
because I thought it would be of no use to go on. If you 
think otherwise, I will rather follow your opinion ; nor shall 
I swerve in the least degree from those injunctions which you 
have laid upon me. So long as we two have any authority 
there is no occasion for your complaining that you can do 
nothing, for you know that it is not you alone who have cause 
to complain. Adieu, my most excellent and upright brother. 
Salute kindly all the brethren, especially Cordier, to whom we 
shall reply by the first opportunity. We hope that all your 
family are in good health. 

[Lat. orig. autogr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.J 



LXXXL To FAREL. 

The Vaudois of Provence appeal addressed to Mathurin Cordier the 
Reformation at Paris and Lyons. 

[GENEVA, December 1541.] 

We detained this messenger here with us to-day, unwilling 
to let him away until we had communicated the letter to Viret. 
I would not have hesitated to have done so this morning. In 
the meantime a letter is brought to us which ought long ago 
to have been delivered. This was the reason why the mes 
senger went from hence after dinner, for Viret was not then at 
home, and did not return until a little before sermon. In what 
regards the business of the brethren, 1 the king s party and the 

1 Persecuted with equal animosity by the fanatical bigotry of the courtiers and 
of the priesthood, the Waldenses had appointed two procurators, Francis Chaix 
and William Armand, charged with the duty of justifying their innocence at the 
Court of France ; but these agents could not even obtain from their judges a copy 



1541. FA BEL. 285 

Episcopals are contending with one another about the division 
of the spoil, as if the beast were already slain. "When this 
booty shall have been adjudged to one or other of them, he 
will immediately seize the possession of it unless opposed. The 
procurators of the brethren may indeed interfere, and thus 
suspend procedure in the cause until the Bernese have time to 
write a memorial to the King. The letter would perhaps have 
more weight if there should be some likelihood of wa.r breaking 
out. But if there is no reason to expect such an occurrence, or 
if there is risk of danger from delay, we must see to it, that 
the Bernese themselves defend the concessions they have been 
the means of obtaining for your brethren. For it is of the great 
est consequence to themselves not to allow the privilege, which 
the King has granted to them, thus to be extinguished. The 
pra} r er of their petition will easily be obtained for them, and 
if the letter be written urgently, which Giron will willingly 
do, the King will be ashamed not to perform what he has 
always promised them. It will, however, be safer to despatch 
a messenger, or to recommend the letter in such a way to the 
care of the ambassador, that they may get an answer. And 
if you think it expedient that I add my letter to his sister, 1 
you have only to mention it. As to the old man who at pre 
sent lives with Cordier, we can venture to undertake for no 
thing, until Cordier himself has informed us what we ought 
to expect from him. For the better establishment of our 
school is put off until his arrival. If he is of a mind to aid 
us, and is of opinion that the old man will be a suitable assis 
tant, let him be sent at once ; I shall willingly lodge and 
board him with myself, until he shall have got a situation ; 
indeed I do not grudge the expense of a month, or even 
two. But if Cordier has changed his mind, frightened by 



of the process which had been instituted against the inhabitants of Cabrieres and 
Merindol, condemned by an iniquitous tribunal without ever having been heard in 
defence ; and it required no less than royal intervention to compel the Parliament 
of Aix to give a copy of the acts and procedure of the whole process. The two 
prelates, the Bishop of Cavaillon and the Archbishop of Aries, were among the 
most violent opponents of the Waldenseg. Beze, Hist. Eccl., torn. i. p. 39. 
1 Marguerite de Valois, Queen cf Navarre. 



286 FAREL. 1541. 

my last letter, I dare scarce promise anything certain to the 
good old man, until we shall have arranged with our leading 
men. Although, as I have already said, I shall willingly sus 
tain the charge for one month or two. But I entreat of you, 
my dear Farel, do not suffer Cordier to refuse this appointment 
which is offered him. For, indeed, there is otherwise no hope 
of establishing the school, unless, regardless of his own interest, 
he will serve the Lord here. 1 

We have no news from those of Metz. They say that there 
are some good preachers at Paris. I am unwilling that you 
should exult too much for joy, or rather for gladness, on that 
account. I wish what is said may be true, but scarcely believe 
the half of what I hear ; nor do the letters of friends there com 
mend to such an extent the present state of matters. There is 
at least one piece of good news, that Dolet 2 of Lyons is now 
printing the Psalter ; presently he will begin the Bible, and is 
to follow with the version of Olivetan. Let them tell us after 
that, that Satan is not God s minister ! I was so overpowered 
by the sad intelligence of the death of Capito, 3 that since that 
time I have neither been well in bodv nor in mind. When 



1 Mathurin Cordier left Neuehatel a few years afterwards, to become Regent of 
the College of Lausanne. It was in 1557 that, at the request of Calvin, his old 
pupil, he took upon him the office of Principal of the College of Geneva. See the 
interesting notice of Mathurin Cordier, by M. Professor Betant. Geneva, 1848. 

2 Stephen Dolet, the celebrated printer of Lyons. He published learned writings 
concerning antiquity ; drew upon himself much enmity by the boldness of his 
opinions, and perished at the stake in 1544, equally suspected on both sides. 
He had published a work on the reading of the Bible in the vernacular dialect, 
which has given occasion to consider him as one of the martyrs of the Reformed 
Church See Bayle, Diet. Hist., Art. Dolet. 

3 Capito had died of the plague at Strasbourg, in the month of November, as we 
learn from a letter of Calvin to Farel : " When this worthy brother had brought 
word that our excellent father, and of holy memory, Capito, had been taken away 
from us, and that Bucer, besides, was suffering from the plague, I was so affected 
both in mind and spirit, that I could do nought but lament and bewail." Letter 
of 29th November 1541 ; Calv. Opera, torn. ix. p. 19. Endowed with the wisest 
and most conciliatory spirit, Capito left a great void in the Church at Strasbourg ; 
" happy at least," says Be/a, " to have been called away from this life before 
having witnessed the ruin of that Church. He did not share the exile of his beloved 
colleagues, Bucer and Fagius, but went before to the abode and dwelling-place of 
the heavenlies." Theodori Bezre, Tcones. The decease of Capito excited a general 



1542. FAR EL. 287 

this letter reaches you, if I am not mistaken, yours will be 
upon the road, in which you will give us hope of your arrival. 
Adieu ; salute all the brethren. 

JOHN CALVIN, in name of Viret and my own. 

[Lett. orig. autogr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.] 



LXXXIL To 



Healing of the troubles of the Church at Neuchatel wise counsel given 
to Farel. 

GENEVA, 5th February [1542.] 

Your letter greatly astounded us at first, as it not only 
informed us of your tragical encounter, but also of the suc 
cess of the enemy at the same time. We were somewhat 
refreshed afterwards when we understood that the issue of the 
affair was more favourable, or at least not so disastrous as 
we had feared. You are right, most excellent Farel, the Lord 
has wonderfully overruled this whole affair ; but we have been 
taught by the contest what a Lerna Satan must be, who can 
produce so many Hydras in one little town. If, however, 
from one monstrous head a hundred were to spring, and 
if for every one head even a thousand were to threaten us, 
we know for certain, that while we wage war under the ban 
ners of our Christ, and fight with the weapons of His war 
fare, we shall be unconquerable. At the same time, however, 
we must keep in mind, that we ought to omit nothing by 

mourning ; his loss was equally deplored by the Reformers of Germany and of 
Switzerland. Melchior Adam, Vltce Theologorum Germanorum. 

1 The troubles which had arisen in the Church of Neuchatel (see letter, p. 262) 
not having been quieted by the arbitration of the Seigneury of Berne, the latter 
referred that grave matter to the decision of the burgesses solemnly assembled. 
The majority of votes pronounced in favour of Farel. He was thereupon settled 
in the ministry, and peace was thus established in that Church, so long a prey to 
intestine disorder. Ruch.it, Hist, de la fief., torn. v. p. 167. At the news of that 
happy event, Calvin wrote in his own name, as well as in that of Viret, to con 
gratulate Farel, and to recommend moderation, after the victory. 



288 OSWALD MYCONIUS. 1042. 

which we may oppose and frustrate the crafty devices of our 
enemy. For this purpose our Lord has furnished us with 
spiritual prudence, which, as it neither slackens nor weakens 
our zeal, so, on the other hand, it stills and regulates it by a 
wise moderation. Nor do we speak of these qualities because 
we perceive at present any want of this temper in you, but in 
order that you may be more and more on your guard, that the 
spiteful and malicious may have not even a pretext for trump 
ing up their calumnies against you. We trust you are satisfied 
as to Courault. If our friends have not performed what they 
promised to you, you must impute that to the untowardness of 
the times; and you will forgive the Church her inability in 
that respect, to whom you could pardon so much more serious 
offences. What you request about a new commission, unless 
we are greatly mistaken, it will be procured without difficulty. 
Meanwhile, be of good courage, and at the same time possess 
your soul in patience ; for when you come, we shall give you 
enough to do. 

Adieu, most excellent and friendly brother. Salute our 
brethren in the ministry, and all our intimate acquaintance. 
May the Lord keep you. 

JOHN CALVIN, for myself and Yiret. 

[Lat. orig. autogr. Library of Geneva* Vol. 106.] 



LXXXIIL To OSWALD MYCONius. 1 

Restoration of the Church of Geneva wise and moderate behaviour of 
Calvin obstacles to the establishment of ecclesiastical discipline duty 
of the magistrates thereanent information regarding an adventurer 
named Alberg. 

GENEVA, Uth March 1542. 

On my first arrival here I could not, as you had requested, 
write you with certainty as to the state of this Church, because 

1 Oswald Myconius of Lucerne, the distinguished philologist and theologian, 
disciple of Glarean and of Erasmus. He taught literature at Zurich in the life 
time of Zuingli, who honoured him with his friendship ; was then called to Basle, 
where he discharged the office of theological pastor, and was elected first pastor on 



.1542. OSWALD MYCONIUS. 289 

I had not then myself sufficiently ascertained what was the 
condition of it. Since that time also I have not ventured to 
say anything for certain, while matters were not very settled, 
that I might not shortly have occasion to repent of having 
praised it too soon. And this was also the reason why I 
abstained from writing when the deputies of our republic 
set out for Basle. Now, however, since, notwithstanding 
my delay, your kindness has anticipated me, I feel that I 
can no longer put off my reply to your request. The pre 
sent state of our affairs I can give you in few words. For the 
first month after resuming the ministry, I had so much to 
attend to and so many annoyances, that I was almost worn 
out : such a work of labour and difficulty has it been to up 
build once more the fallen edifice. Although certainly Yiret 
had already begun successfully to restore, yet, nevertheless, 
because he had deferred the complete form of order and dis 
cipline until my arrival, it had, as it were, to be commenced 
anew. When, having overcome this labour, I believed that 
there would be breathing-time allowed me, lo ! new cares 
presented themselves, and those of a kind not much lighter 
than the former. This, however, somewhat consoles and re 
freshes me, that we do not labour altogether in vain, without 
some fruit appearing; which, although it is not so plentiful 
as we could wish, yet neither is it so scanty but that there 
does appear some change for the better. There appears a 
brighter prospect for the future if Viret can be left here with 
me : on which account I am all the more desirous to express 
to you my most thankful acknowledgment, because you share 
with me in my anxiety that the Bernese may not call him away ; 
and I earnestly beseech, for the sake of Christ, that you would 
do your utmost to bring that about ; x for whenever the thought 

the decease of QEcoIampadius, (1531.) Zealous partisan of the Lutheran dogma of 
the Sacraments, in his relations with the Swiss churches, he was ever animated by 
a spirit of moderation and gentleness, which procured him the constant affection of 
Calvin. He died October 15, 1552, at the age of sixty-three years, and was suc 
ceeded by the minister Sulzer in the direction of the Church of Basle. Melcli. 
Adam, Viice Theolonorum Germanorum, pp. 223-226. 

" I will write concerning Viret to Berne as soon as I am able, but in the name 
of the brethren, that it may come with greater authority, if the object can be ac- 
VOL. I. T 



290 OSWALD MYCONIUS. 1542. 

of his going away presents itself, I faint and lose courage en 
tirely. I do hope that the brethren will aid you in this 
arrangement, (I mean the ministers of Berne,) for we enter 
tain that love towards each other, that I can venture to engage 
they will do their utmost for me, as I would do for them. I 
am afraid, however, that the Senate will not very readily agree 
to the proposal. Whatever shall be the result, let us strain 
every nerve to bring it to bear. Do you also strive to the 
utmost with the brethren, as you have undertaken to do ; for 
while there is no doubt that they would be willing of their own 
accord, it will be of advantage at the same time, nevertheless, 
to have your exhortation. Our other colleagues are rather a 
hindrance than a help to us : they are rude and self-conceited, 
have no zeal, and less learning. But what is worst of all, I 
cannot trust them, even although I very much wish that I 
could ; for by many evidences they shew their estrangement 
from us, and give scarcely any indication of a sincere and trust 
worthy disposition. I bear with them, however, or rather I 
humour them, with the utmost lenity : a course from which I 
shall not be induced to depart, even by their bad conduct. But 
if, in the long-run, the sore need a severer remedy, I shall do 
my utmost and shall see to it by every method I can think 
of, to avoid disturbing the peace of the Church with our 
quarrels ; for I dread the factions which must always neces 
sarily arise from the dissensions of ministers. On my first 
arrival I might have driven them away had I wished to do 
so, and that is also even now in my power. I shall never, 
however, repent the degree of moderation which I have ob 
served ; since no one can justly complain that I have been too 
ssvere. These things I mention to you in a cursory way, 
that you may the more clearly perceive how wretched I 
shall be if Yiret is taken away from me. What you observe, 
from the example of your Church, of the great injury which 
is inflicted by the noisome plague of discord among the 
ministry, I can confirm, from my own experience, to the full- 

eomplished at all.. For we also desire that the Church of Geneva may be as well 
supplied as possible for the good of other churches." Osivald Myconius to Calvin, 
Wth February 1542. 



1542. OSWALD MYCONIUS. 291 

est extent, in the calamity which has befallen this Church. 
No persons could be on closer terms of intimacy than we 
were here with one another. But when Satan had stirred 
up that deplorable misunderstanding between these brethren 
and ourselves, you know yourself what followed thereupon. 
My determination was therefore made at once, that unless 
with the evidence of an entire reconciliation, I would never 
undertake this charge, because I despaired of any benefit from 
my ministry here, unless they held out a helping hand to 
me. Meanwhile, many in their assembly are not over friendly, 
others are openly hostile to me. But this I carefully provide 
against, that the spirit of contention may not arise among 
us. We have an intestine seed of discord in the city, as I 
have already mentioned ; but we take special care, by our 
patient and mild deportment, that the Church may not suffer 
any inconvenience from that circumstance, and that nothing 
of that kind may reach the common people. They all know 
very well, by experience, the pleasant and humane disposition 
of Viret : I am in no way more harsh, at least in this matter. 
Perhaps you will scarcely believe this ; it is not the less true, 
however. Indeed, I value the public peace and cordial agree 
ment among ourselves so highly, that I lay restraint upon my 
self : those who are opposed to us are themselves compelled 
to award this praise to me. This feeling prevails to such an 
extent, that from day to day those who were once open enemies 
have become friends ; others I conciliate by courtesy, and I feel 
that I have been in some measure successful, although not every 
where and on all occasions. 

On my arrival, it was in my power to have disconcerted 
our enemies most triumphantly, entering with full sail among 
the whole of that tribe who had done the mischief. I 
have abstained : if I had liked, I could daily, not merely 
with impunity, but with the approval of very many, have 
used sharp reproof. I forbear ; even with the most scrupu 
lous care do I avoid everything of the kind, lest even by 
some slight word I should appear to persecute any indivi 
dual, much less all of them at once. May the Lord confirm 
me in this disposition of mind. It happens, however, sometimes, 



292 OSWALD MYCONIUS. 1542. 

that it is necessary to withstand our colleagues ; but we never 
do so unless they either compel us by their unseasonable impor 
tunity, or some weightier consideration demands our interfer 
ence. I will relate an instance to you, which the complaint you 
make in your letter, owing to the similarity of the case in point, 
brought very forcibly to my recollection. When we were con 
sidering about the introduction of ecclesiastical censure, 1 and the 
Senate had given us a commission to that effect, these worthy 
persons appeared in public to assent ; doubtless because they 
were ashamed to offer direct opposition in a matter that was so 
plain and evident. Afterwards, however, they were to be seen 
going about secretly, dealing separately with each of the sena 
tors, exhorting them not to lay at our feet the power which 
was in their own hands, (as they said,) not to abdicate the 
authority which God had intrusted to them, and not to give 
occasion to sedition, with many other arguments of a like 
nature. We dared not close our eyes to such perfidious con 
duct. We endeavoured, however, to arrange the matter in 
such a way as not to stir up strife among us. We at length 
possess a Presbyterial Court, such as it is, and a form of 
discipline, such as these disjointed times permit. Do not, 
however, allow yourself to suppose that we obtained so much 
without the most vigorous exertion. And besides, those troops 
of unclean spirits break forth in all directions, who, in order 
that they may escape from healthy discipline, which they 
can in no way submit to, seek every sort of pretext for 
slipping away from the authority of the Church. The world, 
moreover, holds this laxity to be an established custom, which, 
for the sake of its lust, must reign paramount, because it cannot 
endure to resign the dominion of the sensual appetites to Christ. 
But however impostors of this kind may plead the plausible 
case of the world and the flesh, the Lord will consume them 

1 The right of censure and excommunication belonging to the Consistory. It 
was not without much difficulty that the right of ecclesiastical censure was granted 
to the Consistorial Court, a body which included at once the ministers and some 
members of the magistracy, chosen from the various municipal councils. This 
right of the consistory was often contested, and was only definitively recognised 
after long resistance, of which traces are to be found HI the Kegisters of Council, 
from 1542 to 1553. 



1542. OSWALD MYCONIUS. 293 

with the breath of His mouth, provided we go forward to 
the assault with united courage and resolution, and fight 
manfully, with a stout heart and unwearied zeal, for that 
sacred authority and power of spiritual jurisdiction over the 
members of the Church which ought ever to be held inviol 
able. For, indeed, the truth of God shines more brightly of 
itself in this evangelic order of discipline, than to allow of 
its being easily overlaid with such lying devices. They 
adduce Moses and David as examples : as if, forsooth, these 
two rulers had exercised no other charge over the people than 
to rule them in the ordinance of civil government. Let those 
insane pleaders for the authority of the magistrate give us such 
men for magistrates as were Moses and David, that is, excelling 
in the singular spirit of prophecy, and sustaining both charac 
ters, not at their own mere will and pleasure but by the calling 
and commission of God, we shall then willingly concede to such 
persons that authority which they demand. I have no doubt 
that Moses himself discharged the functions of priesthood before 
the consecration of Aaron to the office : afterwards he prescribes, 
by the command of God, what was to be done. David, also, did 
not proceed to take order in the settling the administration of the 
Church, before he was invested with that power by the permission 
of God. Other pious godly kings defended and protected the 
established order by their authority, as became them ; they let 
the Church alone, however, in the exercise of her peculiar juris 
diction in spirituals, and left to the priests the charge assigned to 
them by the Lord. But am I not foolish to enter upon so 
complicated a question, when the letter-carrier is just upon the 
eve of setting out ? whence it happens that we have not at present 
sufficient leisure for going fully and particularly into the long 
story of Alberg. I shall make a beginning, however, and follow 
it forth until the messenger shall arrive to snatch away the 
half-completed letter out of my hands. You must understand, 
in the first place, that this individual has now, for many 
years, been engaged in nothing else than constantly running 
about hither and thither, to shuffle money out of some, clothes 
from others, and thus to live from hand to mouth, main 
taining a livelihood by imposture, as is. the practice of those 



294 OSWALD MYCON1US. 1542. 

vagabonds who wander to and fro. He had come hither 
more than once before our expulsion : and had asked for a 
situation, but did not find one to suit him, because he wished 
a school of some standing, which is nowhere to be found in this 
quarter, and with a large salary. In a little while after he returns, 
deploring as usual that he had been plundered by highway 
men. He repairs to a neighbouring small town, goes round 
canvassing for the mastership of the school, which he does not 
obtain. This repulse he charges upon us, who were so destitute 
of influence there, that had it been known that his appoint 
ment would not have been pleasing to us, on that account alone 
he would have obtained it ; and yet, God is our witness, that at 
that time we had endeavoured nothing else than that he might 
find somewhere or other a situation fit and suitable for him. 
He came afterwards to Strasbourg, where he extorted twenty 
batzen from me, which I myself was obliged to borrow in 
another quarter ; for I had sold my books, and was then en 
tirely without funds. He had promised that he would return 
them within a few days. A box, of no value, he deposited 
with me as a pledge. Having returned after an interval of some 
months, laughing in his sleeve, or rather making game of it, he 
asked whether I would not let him have some crowns by way of 
loan, and my reply was, that I needed the small sum which he had 
already got. The rascal, in the meantime, having stealthily 
conveyed the box away out of my library, consigns it to the 
care of Bucer s wife. She would have nothing to do with it, 
and gave me intimation. Thereupon I reprimanded his im 
pudence, in the presence of several witnesses. In half a year 
after, or perhaps a whole year, he coolly wrote me that he 
was shut up at Baden, that all the gentry of the district had 
combined against him, that he could not otherwise escape, 
unless I sent him a travelling merchant, who might bring 
him away in his basket of goods. Bedrot received one, 
couched in similar or nearly the same terms. We had a 
laugh. I wrote a few words also in reply ; for we had reason, 
from many circumstances, to conjecture that he was all the 
while in that city. From that time he has never made his 
appearance. A year and a half has elapsed in the meantime. 



1542. OSWALD MYCONIUS. 295 

As I was aware that the little box contained many trifling 
articles of no value I opened it, in the presence of many wit 
nesses. It contained mouldy apples, and all sorts of trash, 
some books, tattered and torn, and these quite commonplace, 
such as Despautier, and the like. I found also a letter, which 
he had surreptitiously carried off from me. This Sturm is 
weU aware of, whom I called to be present. We replaced every 
thing, not without much laughter. When Grynee, of worthy 
and revered memory, came to Worms, he brought word that 
Alberg was then at Basle. On coming away from Strasbourg 
I requested my friends to send him back the box. The 
rascal, having received it, went about proclaiming that I was a 
thief, that I had taken out of it many incomparable books. 
He came to Lausanne, related the same story to Viret. 
When lately he had betaken himself hither again, he was for 
ten days in the city before I was aware of it. A while after, 
at the suggestion of Viret, I went to him, asked whether it was 
his intention to raise an action of theft against me, when he 
said that he had lost some remarkably rare books. I told him 
he was a most impudent scoundrel. The day after, he attacked 
me in my own house, not only with the most abusive language, 
but also making a furious assault ; hereupon he was given into 
custody. When I was afterwards interceding earnestly for him 
with the magistrate, and he was about to be called and sent 
away without any further trouble, the jailer brought word that 
he had spoken still more outrageously against me there. In 
this manner he would not suffer himself to be benefited ; and 
yet he is punished less than he deserves. It is his old song, 
that something has been taken away from him. He could not 
formerly go three miles distance but he must fall among 
robbers. Everywhere he boasts that he has a great store of 
invaluable books ; even as he offered books in pledge to me, 
which he had at Basle, when he sought my aid in getting 
out of durance at Baden. In like manner, at Berne, when 
he sought ten crowns from me and Farel, he said that he 
had at your house a large package of books, and fifty Bohemian 
ducats. Lately, also, in the taverns, he talked of nothing 
else than the noble librarv which he had left at Basle. But, 



29 G OSWALD MYCONIUS. 1542. 

in truth, it is somewhat offensive that I should have to speak 
a word to clear myself, for I reckon that I have so lived as to 
be beyond the suspicion of theft. The letter has now been twice 
called for. Adieu, most excellent and very much esteemed 
brother. May the Lord Jesus direct you continually by His 
Spirit in His own work, and govern your household. Viret 
particularly and reverently salutes you. Wholly yours, 

JOHN CALVIN. 

[Calvin s Lot. Corresp. Opera, torn. ix. p. 26.] 



LXXXIV. To OSWALD MycoNius. 1 

The Keformation at Cologne some details on the condition of Germany 
efforts of Calvin to retain Viret at Geneva. 

GENEVA, 17th April 1542. 

I arn glad that Bucer had got back to you in safety. 2 His 
hope of some good, which he expects on the part of the Bishop, 
I am afraid is not worth much, unless he ventures at last to 
undertake somewhat on his own responsibility, even in oppo 
sition to the whole of his clergy, for if he waits until the canons 
corne to help him in the work of restoring the Church, he will 
sit still long enough. If, however, he sets his mind in earnest 
to it, and does not allow himself to be daunted by opposition, 
he has the whole affair in his own hand, for the city of Cologne 
will either assent, or will offer no very strenuous opposition, 
rather, perhaps, will lend him a helping hand. But even suppos 
ing that he can effect no remarkable change for the better, it is 
pleasing to observe, that he is not disposed to check the progress 
of improvement, and that he may qualify in some measure the 
fury of our adversaries, until the Lord is pleased to enlighten 

1 To the very faithful minister of Christ, D. Oswald Myconius, pastor of the 
Church at Basle, my much respected friend. 

2 Bucer had gone to Cologne, called thither hy the Archbishop, Elector Hermann 
cle "Wied, the pious and distinguished prelate who had courageously undertaken 
f he reformation of his diocese. 



1542. OSWALD MYCON1US. 297 

himself more fully. In so far as I gather from your letter, the 
German empire is in no whit better condition than it was about 
the time of the conclusion of the Diet at Katisbon, although, 
indeed, at the commencement of that assembly, the proceed 
ings were somewhat cheering. 1 At present, however, as it 
appears to me, the men who are carried away by furious and 
blind rage, who have no better object in view than to keep 
alive disturbances, have got everything their own way. When 
such is the common news of the day, I can well enough guess 
what may have befallen the Marquis of Brandenbourg. 2 As 
he is more eagerly desirous of vainglory than is at all seemly, 
they must have made him drunk with the offer of the ad 
ministration of the war. This one thing comforts me, that 
whatever may happen in desperate circumstances, the so utterly 
unbridled rule and dominion of the wicked cannot exist 
any longer unchecked; and the Lord, as you truly observe, 
will at length vindicate His own cause. There are many in 
fluences at work, both at home and abroad, more than enough, 
and many more spring up daily, which would not merely 
weaken, but entirely crush us, if we were not well aware that 
we are fellow-workers with Himself in the reformation of the 
Church. In our deepest misery, therefore, this consideration 
has sufficed to support us, that Christ has once for all obtained 
the victory over the world, the fruit of which deliverance we 
may at all times partake of. 

In what concerns the private condition of this Church, I 
somehow, along with Viret, sustain the burden of it. If he is 
taken away from me, my situation will be more deplorable than 
I can describe to you, and even should he remain there is 
some hazard that very much may not be obtained in the 

1 Discord prevailed among the members of the League of Smalkald, one part 
refusing the subsidy to the Emperor for the war against the Turks, the other shew 
ing a disposition to grant it. " It is spread abroad that there exists dissension 
between the Princes and the Cities concerning the money and men to be given 
against the Turk. / rejoice that Christ is Lord, otherwise I had altogether de 
spaired. Himself will preserve His Church." Oswald Myconius to Calvin, 10th 
February 1542. 

2 The Margrave Albert of Brandenbourg, a bold adventurer, who lent his sword 
in turn to all parties during the troubles of Germany. 



298 OSWALD MYCONJUB. 1542. 

midst of so much, secret animosity. But that I may not tor 
ment myself beforehand, the Lord will see to it, and provide 
some one on whom I am compelled to cast this care. Mean 
while, I do not cease to try every method which seems to pro 
mise success in obtaining what we ask. The arrival of Mun- 
ster 1 was most refreshing to us, although we were not able to 
entertain him as he deserved, and in such a way as we would 
very cordially have seized the opportunity of doing, since he 
was in so great a hurry as not to admit of that. So far as 
lay in our power, however, we shewed him the tokens of our 
good-will. We are very unwilling that the Bernese and our 
Seigneury should be so long in explaining what they mean to 
do after the pronouncing of the award ; but whenever we press 
our friends here upon the point, they always object that it is 
but just that they should take precedence of the other, and now 
desire to know whether your Senate has received anything in the 
shape of an answer from them. 2 If you can ascertain anything 
privately in a quiet way, I would earnestly entreat you to let 
me have notice to that effect. I undertake to endeavour by all 
the means in niy power, that our friends may not be too 
difficult to deal with, although I have not hitherto been able 
to extort so much as even to get them to take the first step 
in making a reply ; when the decisive moment arrives, how 
ever, I will urge that to the very uttermost. I greatly wish 
that, in the meantime, you would do us this favour. Adieu, 
my excellent and greatly esteemed brother. Viret reverently 
salutes you and all your colleagues, whom I beg you will also 
salute in my name. May the Lord Jesus long preserve you 
and direct you continually by His Spirit. Again, farewell. 
Yours, 

JOHN CALVIN. 

[Lat. orlcj. minute. Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.] 

1 Sebastian Minister, Professor of Theology at the University of Basle, and 
author of the Geographia Universalis. 

2 Allusion to the disputes between Berne and Geneva, submitted to the arbi 
tration of the Seigneury of Basle. 



1542. THE BRETHREN OF LYONS. 299 



LXXXV. To THE BRETHREN OF LYONS. 1 

Stay of a Carmelite monk at Geneva declaration of motives for refusing 
to admit him to the ministry of the Gospel. 

ViLLEFRANCHE, 2 [May 1542.] 

The grace and peace of God our Father, by our Lord Jesus 
Christ, dwell and be with you and upon you always, by the 
power of His Holy Spirit. 

VERY DEAR BRETHREN, We would desire to have where 
withal to write you, which might prove matter of greater com 
fort and consolation to you ; for whereas there are some others 
who would make you sad, we would be the first to take some 
pains to make you rejoice and be glad. But at this present 
time, necessity constrains us to use other argument than our 
own inclination would suggest to us if we w r ere free to choose. 
But yet we hope, you will not think that we have any other 
intention than to edify you, to comfort and confirm you in our 
Lord, and therefore, we shall not make any more lengthened 
excuses on that account. Touching the subject-matter of these 
presents, we trust that you shall not take it in evil part should 
this communication cause you more trouble than cause of re 
joicing. We also do very well know, that it is an odious thing 

1 On the back : Letters against the Carmelite. Without date. A Latin letter 
of Calvin to Farel, of the 10th May 1542, relative to the same subject, furnishes us 
with the date, and informs us that this white friar, who had gone over to the ranks 
of the Eeformed, belonged to Lyons : Venit Carmelifa Lugdunensis a quo non 
frustra timuimus." Calvin forewarned the faithful of that town to he upon their 
guard against that false friar. 

The Church of Lyons, one of the most glorious of the French Keformation, owed 
its origin to the preaching of an old Jacobin monk, Alexander Camus, surnamed 
Laurence de la Croix, who suffered martyrdom at Paris in 1535. The first mem 
bers of that Church were merchants, " some goldsmiths and others of the town," 
who met together in secret. The work begun by Alexander Camus was manfully 
followed up by John Fabri, (or Le Fevre,) who found pious continuators in the 
ministers, Peter Fournelet and Claude Monnier, before the epoch of the great per 
secutions. Hist. Eccl., torn. i. pp. 55, 56. 

2 That is to say, Geneva. 



300 THE BRETHREN OF LYONS. 1542. 

to find fault with a man who is not only in good repute, but 
has acquired some credit and renown. But when you have 
heard the reasons which move us to do so, we have no doubt 
that you will not be dissatisfied with us, but hold yourselves 
well content to agree. In short, we would wish you to under 
stand, that we have some news to write you touching the white 
friar who preached there during last Lent, which will not 
turn out to his praise. The course we take in this matter is 
not from any desire on our part to detract from him ; for al 
though we have some occasion that might lead us to that, our 
courage is not equal to it, and neither is it our use and wont. 
But when we shall have explained our motive, you can fully 
satisfy yourselves ; forasmuch as he has returned from among 
you not very well pleased with the reception which we had 
given him, so he has said to some persons. We can well con 
ceive, therefore, that being thereaway, he would make many 
complaints, were it for no other reason than to clear himself on 
account of his return once more into that lower abyss from 
whence the Lord had delivered him. Well we see, on the 
other hand, what offence you might conceive against us, if you 
were not duly informed of the whole affair. Inasmuch, then, 
as we are bound to you by reason of that tie whereby the 
Lord has joined us together, and that we should be blameable 
in the sight of God towards you, did we not take the trouble to 
remove the scandals which the Devil sets afloat to separate and 
estrange us from the unity which the Lord has put in the 
midst of us, it has seemed to us a sound discretion, simply to 
relate to you the history of the treatment and reception which 
we have vouchsafed him, and, on the other hand, how he has 
conducted himself, that you may judge for yourselves how little 
he had to make him discontented with us. What we shall re 
late to you shall be told as in the presence of God, to whom we 
do appeal as witness, beseeching Him to make manifest the 
truth such as it really is, and to confound those who would 
speak falsehood, or make use of calumny of what kind soever. 

Some days after his arrival, having already spoken to him in 
V private, and having shewn him tokens of courtesy and friend 
ship, we called upon him, being met together, to know what 



1542. THE BRETHREN OF LYONS. 301 

might be his determination. After he had told us that he had 
come to serve the Church of God, we besought him not to take 
it ill, that we had not on the first day of his arrival offered him 
the pulpit. In like manner, we requested that he would ex 
cuse us should we still delay for some time ; and we shewed 
him the causes which hindered our being hasty in so doing. 
First of all, because the Lord has delivered our rule in writing, 
which it is not lawful for us to overpass. It is, that He has 
forbidden us to receive any man to the ministry before he has 
been well and duly approven, and that rule ought to be inviolably 
kept by us, if we would have good order and policy maintained 
in the Church. We admonished him to consider how the rule 
of the ministry, as a matter of Church polity, was recommended 
to us of God, which would be lightly esteemed were we to 
receive any individual at random, without observing the lawful 
form and order. Secondly, we demonstrated to him what might 
be the consequence if we should thus hastily and unadvisedly 
introduce him ; that is to say, that another would be received 
after his example, and in such sort, that it would come to pass 
that we would fall into greater confusion than even we have 
had in time bygone, making dispensation in favour of one, and 
denying it to another, which inequality is mortal ruin in the 
Church of God. Thirdly, we told him, that even were we so 
far to trifle with our conscience as to be willing, in his favour, 
to transgress the commandment of God, that nevertheless we 
were not at liberty to do so, for that we have our laws ecclesiastic, 
which are reduced to writing, and which give us a quite differ 
ent lesson. We must therefore observe them, in regard that 
all the people of our manner of worship are obliged so to do. 
Fourthly, we clearly pointed out to him, that it was even for his 
advantage that the proceeding should be maturely gone about 
and ripely advised beforehand ; that in the interval, he might 
have leisure to consider how difficult and irksome a charge it is, 
and in order to be well resolved as to what he would have to do ; 
and also to become acquainted with our form and manner, 
with a view to suit and accommodate himself to it, from fear 
of giving offence to the people who are tender and delicate, 
for even the untaught and ruder sort are sometimes rather 



302 THE BRETHREN OF LYONS. 1542. 

difficult to please. Notwithstanding, we gave him clearly 
to understand that it was no intention of ours to keep him a 
long while in suspense and weary him out, but rather to shorten 
his probation, and as soon as shall be possible to admit him to 
the service of God. Thereupon we requested of him to have 
yet a little patience, waiting until everything might be done 
according to the prescribed order of God ; and that in the 
meantime he could deal with us privately as with brethren, we 
offering to do him all the service and shew him all good-will in 
everything which the Lord might put into our hand. 

It certainly did appear to us that our proposals were so 
reasonable, that he ought to take them into consideration. 
Moreover, we spoke as kindly arid gently as he could think 
of requiring, and you may rest assured that every God-fear 
ing man, and having a clear conscience, would have been well 
satisfied. More than that, even a man of a bad heart, if so be 
that he might have had some measure of honesty, and was not 
become altogether shameless, would have felt a sort of shame 
in refusing to acquiesce. Our Carmelite, as an answer to 
everything, required us to give assurance on the spot, notwith 
standing all the reasons which we have alleged. And that for 
two causes : the first was, that he had at this time companions 
who could lead him surely out of danger, and furnish him with 
money and equipage, and that he would not always have that 
opportunity at hand. The second, that if he was to return to 
France, the sooner he went the better, before the noise of his 
coming hither was made public. 

We saw clearly by this answer, that lie knew nothing about 
the Church nor the ministry either, and that if he had but little 
understanding, he had even less heart and zeal in her service. 
Nevertheless, having made him withdraw, and having spoken 
with each other, once more we made him a very gentle and 
gracious reply, praying that he would pardon us if we could not 
acquiesce in his request, seeing that our consciences were fast 
bound up from so doing by the Word of God ; and what had 
formerly been said to him was explained and confirmed besides, 
as well by the testimonies of Scripture, as by the example of 
the ancient Church. We also plied him with exhortations, 



1542. THE BRETHREN OF LYONS. 303 

which might well have subdued him and brought him back to 
better reason, had he not gone too far astray ; and, in order that 
it might not appear as if we had not treated him with all due 
honour, we shewed him that the same course had been followed 
in the case of others not less worthy than himself, and who of 
their own accord willingly submitted to it. 

But in place of yielding to reason, he replied, flatly, and some 
what at a non-plus, that if we thought we had the Spirit of 
God, he was not altogether void of it, and shewed clearly, 
that all our forementioned dealing with him he took in no 
other way than as a mockery. We answered him, in the first 
place, that in this matter we had the Word of God so clear, that 
our consciences were well enough assured. And that, even 
if the thing were doubtful, or we might have some scruple 
about it, it was our duty to attempt nothing against what we 
considered to be the will of God. Moreover, that what we 
alleged in proof of that was so clear, that there was no need to 
make any further dispute about it. That he ought, besides, 
rather to suspect himself than us, seeing that he had only his 
own interests to consider, while we, on the other hand, had no 
other object in view but that of keeping close to the order of 
God. He replied also to that, that if he had come before the 
time of Lent, he would willingly have submitted to examination, 
but since he had preached in a church so near at hand, 1 that 
we ought to hold that for approbation. On that point, we told 
him, that it had happened in France, as Solomon had said, that to 
the hungry soul bitter things appear to be sweet, for the poor 
people are so famished and starved with regard to the true doc 
trine, that when one touches on a single word, were it only by 
halves, they are so ravished and transported, that they do not take 
leisure to judge aright. Besides, referring to his boast of having 
preached there, we told him, that he need not exalt his horn on 
that account, and that we knew well in what weakness it had 
been. And yet, nevertheless, we protested that it was not by 
way of reproach, and that we were not so wanting in humanity 
that we would not support those who are somewhat weak when 
in such danger, but that it was to lead him to the knowledge of 

1 Tlio ( hurch of Lvoris. 



THE BRETHREN OF LYONS. 1542. 

himself, in order that he might not pride himself upon that 
without cause, having more occasion rather to humble himself. 
In conclusion, we set ourselves again to soothe and to encourage 
him, while, on his part, he did not exhibit any farther appearance 
of being irritated. 

On the morrow, being in a tavern with a large company, 
among whom there were about half a score of preachers about 
him, after they had discoursed of some matter, without any 
provocation, or any occasion given, as if he had been the control 
ler of the whole world, he declared that they had not a learned 
man among them hereabouts, and spoke even more outrageously 
than I can repeat ; and as truth always comes to light in time, 
we have been told since, that from the first day of his arrival in 
this town, he has never ceased to malign sometimes one person 
and sometimes another, and at other times the whole of us, 
even so far as to pronounce, that he found no savour nor edifi 
cation in all our preachings and lectures. And, notwithstand 
ing, while all this was going on, he did not hesitate in venturing 
to dine with us. We see his object perfectly ; it is, that the 
poor man has such a hungering after notoriety, that he burns 
everything to attain it, and all the while we see nothing about 
which he need glorify himself. For when one has thoroughly 
sifted all that is in him, even all the inward parts of the belly, 
there is nothing one finds after all, but the ignorance of 
an ass. He knows somewhat less of Latin than a child of 
eight years ought to have. In Scripture he is as blind and 
ignorant as a beetle, and all the while he is so drunken with 
ambition, that he can scarcely keep upon his feet. We do not 
trouble you by the recital of all the shifts and subtleties which 
he has devised and attempted. He had all the will to trouble 
the Church, had the time been seasonably disposed for it. 
This, however, is no new instance of the kind, for these sort of 
people have had their predecessors since the time of St. Paul, 
who, by a like sort of artifice, that is to say, bragging and 
vaunting about their own doings, and disparaging the holy 
apostle behind his back, in order to advance themselves, threw 
all in disorder, as we may see in the Epistles to the Corin 
thians and the Galatians. 



1542. THE BRETHREN OF LYONS. 305 

Towards the conclusion of the whole affair, this discreet and 
worthy man having made up his mind to [have nothing more 
to do with us,] and to be gone, came to one of us to clear him 
self, and principally with the view of justifying everything that 
he had said in his answers he was told, that it would be for 
his own advantage seriously to consider all that had taken place, 
as in the sight of God, that he might accuse and condemn him 
self, and without being so resolutely bent upon maintaining his 
honour by loud talk, after having, both by act and deed so 
greatly wounded it ; for that, should he persist in thus contend 
ing both against reason and truth, he would come to a bad 
end, inasmuch as that judgment must ever prove true, that 
whosoever exalteth himself shall be humbled. As touching 
the silly expressions he had made use of in the tavern, he wished 
to be credited in denying them, and that we must consider all 
those to be liars who had heard him. He was answered, that 
then he must plead against our Lord, who had willed, that in 
the mouth of two or three witnesses every word should be esta 
blished. And although there was not any special need what 
ever to discuss that point, inasmuch as it need not give us very 
much concern how much they prize or despise our knowledge, 
and that our chief glory consists in our being the servants of 
God ; so much so, that we held it to be a laughable matter and 
of no consequence whatever, and that to such a degree, that we 
could not so far defer to him as to admit that he is a compe 
tent judge. We could, nevertheless, very well perceive by such 
expressions, that his heart was so swelled with venom, that he 
was compelled to disgorge it by vomiting forth his spite in 
such language upon us ; and this sign and token of his malice 
gave offence, seeing that we had never given occasion for it. 
Touching the third point, he could not deny that he had in 
some sort misrepresented our preachings. Yet it was diffi 
cult for him to state any certain ground of objection, even 
although he had possessed the knowledge required to enable 
him to do so. For even though he came once for the sake 
of countenance, as if from the fear of being seen listening 
for the purpose of learning, he read in a book apart by him 
self, in which one could see his foolish ambition, to be so 

VOL. T. u 



306 THE BRETHREN OF LYONS; 1542. 

much afraid of lessening his own reputation should he conde 
scend to do so much honour to the Word of God as to give 
Him a hearing. 

The final result of this proposal was, that he to whom it was 
addressed said, that he would call together his companions to 
speak with him ; and as he gave* him clearly to understand, 
that he need not be under any fear that we would recoil upon 
him in the way of revenge, no more than as if he had conducted 
himself very wisely, upon that he supped with one of our com 
panions, and made him believe that he intended to take lodgings 
and stop in the town. The next morning he mounted on horse 
back, and in mounting gave full rein to his abuse, more than ever 
he had yet done. Whether or not he has had just cause for so 
doing, we leave yourselves to judge, after having read the state 
ment which we have now made you, which we protest before God 
to be the simple truth, without having added anything, and pray 
ing the Lord to give you the spirit of direction to take know 
ledge of it, and rightly to judge, in order that you may not take 
offence, whatever report he may make to you ; for in writing 
this letter to you, we intended, besides the discharge of duty in 
giving you satisfactory information, to convince you that we 
had not treated him with inhumanity. For in truth, because 
it had pleased the Lord to make use of his services in that 
quarter by his preachings, and that some edification had fol 
lowed thereupon, our wish and desire was entirely bent on not 
rejecting him. Our conscience, however, would not admit of 
our receiving him immediately, until his pride had been a little 
abased, that he had learned to trust somewhat more in God, and 
that he had profited yet farther a little so as to teach faithfully 
and purely ; for he had three things about him which by good 
right were displeasing to us. First of all, that good persuasion 
of himself. Secondly, that he was so devoted to the kitchen, 
that methinks the earth itself would scarce have supplied him, 
as if God in heaven were not all-sufficient for the nourishment 
of His own. Thirdly, he was so ignorant, that we were very 
much astonished ; for in our congregation, where we read a text 
of St. Paul, which contained beautiful matter of doctrine and 
copious, and ought to be well known by all who preach in that 



1542. FAKEL. 307 

quarter, because it is the Epistle for the first Sunday in Advent, 
when it canie to his turn, not only did he speak meagrely and 
sparingly upon it, but he reversed the whole of what Paul said, 
not intentionally or in malice, as we thought, but in pure 
stupidity. Other vices we let pass, as worldly vanity and the 
like, that we may not appear as if we persecuted him in hatred 
and enmity. What we have now told you is to forearm you, 
that you may not be imposed on to your hurt. As regards the 
individual, we pray the Lord that He would give him the spirit 
of humiliation and of meekness, correcting that lofty and foolish 
presumption which he has ; and above all, that he might know 
himself such as he really is, so as to get a true sight of himself, 
for then he will have occasion indeed for self-abasement. In 
conclusion, very dear brethren, we shall commend you to the 
holy safeguard of our Lord Jesus, who is the true Pastor of all 
the faithful. 

[Fr.orig. minute library of Geneva. Vol. 145.] 



LXXXVL To 

Detail of the edifying death of the first Syndic, Amy Porral. 

GENEVA, 16th June 1542. 

Would that I might attain to that discipline in contempt of 
this present life, and in the meditation of a holy death, as the 
experience of the past year, in the deaths of many pious per 
sons, may well have brought me. Porral, the chief magis 
trate of the city, has departed to the Lord ; his death, which 
could not be other than occasion of sadness to us, has been 
bitterly lamented. The manner of his decease, as it was 
in some respects consolatory to me, so, on the other hand, 

1 The Kepuhlic of Geneva incurred the loss of an excellent magistrate and friend 
in Porral, who had been named first Syndic of this year. He had concurred with 
Calvin in drawing up the Ecclesiastical Ordonnances adopted the preceding year, 
and he died, as this letter of the Reformer to Farel testifies, with sentiments of the 
deepest and most lively pietv. 



308 FAREL. 1542. 

it increased my sorrow when I considered how great has 
been our loss in the bereavement of that one man. The 
day after he became unwell, when we were calling upon him, 
that is, Virct and myself, he told us that he considered himself 
in danger, for that the disease with which he was afflicted had 
been fatal in his family. Thereupon we had a long conversa 
tion on a variety of matters : he talked about them just as 
though he had been in sound and perfect health. During the 
two following days his sufferings were more acute, but, not 
withstanding, his intellect was stronger, and he exhibited more 
fluency of speech than he had ever manifested in his life 
hitherto. Whoever called to see him, heard some suitable 
exhortation ; and that you may not suppose it to have been 
mere talkative vanity, as far as was possible he applied to 
each individual what was best adapted to his circumstances, 
and most likely to be of use to him. Afterward he began 
to feel somewhat better, so that very much hope was enter 
tained that he would be forthwith restored to health. In 
this state he continued for three days ; at length, however, the 
disease began to grow more severe, so that it was evident that 
he was in the greatest danger. The more he was afflicted in 
body, the more animated and vivid was the spirit. I say nought 
about the intermediate period ; but upon the day of his death, 
about nine in the morning, we \vent thither, I and Viret. 
When I had spoken a few words, to set before him the 
cross, the grace of Christ, and the hope of eternal life, for 
we were unwilling to weary him with tedious addresses, he re 
plied, that he received God s message as became him ; that he 
knew the efficacy of the power of Christ for confirming the con 
sciences of true believers. Thereupon he spoke in such a 
luminous manner on the work of the ministry, and all the 
benefits which accompany or flow from it as the means of 
grace, that we were both of us in a sort of stupor of asto 
nishment ; and whenever it recurs to my memory, even yet 
I grow bewildered. For he spoke in such a way, that it seemed 
to reflect some discourse by one of ourselves after long and 
careful meditation. He concluded this part of his address 
by declaring, that the remission of sins which we promised 



1542. FAREL. 301) 

on the authority of Christ, he received just the same as if 
an angel had appeared to him from heaven. After that he 
spoke of the unity of the Church, which he commended with 
marvellous praise ; he bore testimony that, in his own experi 
ence, he had found no better or more certain source of consola 
tion, in the struggle of death, than from having already been 
confirmed in the assurance of this unity. He had summoned, 
a little before, our two colleagues, and had been reconciled with 
them, 1 lest, having persisted in that dispute, others might make 
a bad use of it in following his example. And he had, more 
over, said to ourselves, since the public edification of the Church 
compels you to bear with them as brethren, why might not 
I acknowledge them as pastors ? He had previously, how 
ever, seriously admonished them, and reminded them of their 
sins. But I return to that last address. Turning himself 
to those who stood around, he exhorted every one to prize 
very highly the communion of the Church ; such of them as 
are superstitious in the observance of days and ceremonies, 
he advised to lay aside their perverse opposition, and to agree 
with us, for that we better understood, and saw more clearly 
what was the prudent course than they did ; that he had him 
self, also, been rather obstinate in these things, but that his 
eyes were at length opened to perceive how injurious contention 
might become. After that he made a short, serious, as well 
as sincere and luculent confession. Thence he proceeded to 
exhort us both, as well regarding the other departments of our 
charge as ministers, as also to constancy and firmness ; and 
when he discoursed at some length on the future difficulties of 
the ministers of the Gospel, he seemed inspired with the fore 
sight of a prophet. It was wonderful how wisely he spoke to 
purpose on what concerned the public weal. He recommended 



1 Two years before, he had a keen religious dispute with the minister Henri de 
la Mare, and James Bernard had supported his colleague. De la Mare upheld that 
the magistrate should not punish sins ; that no one can have assurance of his elec 
tion ; that no one could go more gladly to his wedding than Jesus went to death. 
Amy Porral pronounced these opinions to be false and dangerous. Arch, de Geneve, 
Savion, c. 45. This dispute degenerating into a quarrel, had embroiled the two 
ministers with the magistrate. 



310 FAIiEL. 1542. 

as a most important step that we ought to lose no time in devot 
ing our utmost attention to bring about a reconciliation among 
the cities in alliance with us. 1 " However some noisy people 
may clamour loudly/ he said, " don t trouble yourselves about 
it, and do not be discouraged/ My time will not admit of my 
relating everything. After we had submitted a few observa 
tions we engaged in prayer, and then took our leave and 
departed. 

On the second afternoon, when my wife arrived, he told 
her to be of good courage whatever might happen, that she 
ought to consider that she had not been rashly led hither, but 
brought by the wonderful counsel of God, that she also might 
serve in the Gospel. A little while after he signified that his 
voice was gone ; but even when his speech entirely failed he 
intimated that he retained a perfect consciousness of the con 
fession which he had previously made, and in that same he 
would die. At the same time, having repeated the song of 
Simeon, with application of it to himself, " I have seen/ he 
said, " and have touched with my hand, that saving merciful 
Kedeemer." He then composed himself to rest. From that 
time he was speechless, but indicated at times, by a nod, that 
he had lost nothing of his strength of mind. About four 
o clock I went thither with the Syndics ; when, as often as 
he attempted to speak, and was hindered by obstruction in the 
throat, I requested that he would not further disturb himself, 
for that his confession was abundantly satisfactory. At length 
I began to speak as well as I could : he hearkened with a very 
composed and tranquil countenance. Scarcely had we left 
when he gave up his pious soul to Christ. This narrative, 
when you weigh the character of the man, will hardly appear 
credible to you ; but I would have you understand that he had 
been thoroughly renewed in the spirit of his mind. 

We are at present very much occupied in the choice of new 
colleagues, and the more so because, when we thought that we 
had fallen upon a very suitable one we afterwards discovered 



1 The disputes Avhich had fallen out between Geneva and Berne had not yet been 
finally settled. 



1542. VI11ET. 311 

that he did not answer our expectation. When we fix any 
thing definitely you shall receive information. There is no 
reason, although you may be absent, why you may not aid us 
with your counsel. Adieu. 

[Lat. copy Library of Geneva. Vol. 111.] 



LXXXVIL To 

Sickness of Idelette de Bure the beginnings of the new ministers of tha 
Church of Geneva. 

GENEVA, [July 1542.] 

This brother, the bearer, will tell you in how great anxiety I 
am at present writing to you. My wife has been delivered pre 
maturely, not without extreme danger ; but may the Lord have 
a care over us. All our colleagues have now made trial of 
their gifts. 2 The first gave a specimen of his ability to the 
people such as I always expected of him. Peter is much more 
apt to teach. The first sermon was successfully delivered by 
Geniston ; the fourth surpassed all my expectation. As to 
stipend, we have not obtained what we wished ; for the Senate, 
without much discussion, decreed to the other two the same 
sum that the two former had, that is, Henri and Champereau. 3 
They have referred the election of the deacons to the Syndic 
Corne, to John Parvi, and to myself. But after having given 
in our report, they have not taken our advice. Geniston, there 
fore, has not more than two hundred ecus; the other only 
one hundred and fifty. They hold out the expectation, how 
ever, of a better provision by and by. When I saw they were 
so close-fisted in this question as to stipend, I rated them 
rather sharply on the administration of the Church property. 

1 Letter without date, but written to Yiret shortly after his return to Lausanne 
from Geneva, at which former place he had resumed the functions of pastor, July 
12, 1542. 

2 The ministers elected to exercise along with Calvin the office of pastors at 
Geneva were the following : Philippe, surnamed De Ecclesia, Peter Blanchet, 
Louis Geniston, and Treppercau. See the Consistory s Registers, 1542. 

3 Henri de la Mare and Champereau, ministers before the last election. 



312 BENEDICT TEXTOLt. 1542. 

They ought in time to think of it how they must render an 
account both to God and man. I said that the Pope was a 
thief and a sacrilegious robber ; that we ourselves must take 
care that we did not become his successors. I prefaced, how 
ever, what was spoken with a few words to draw attention : 
" that the wounds of a friend are better than the kisses of an 
enemy ;" that they ought not to seek out for a Balaam, who 
might bless them with a curse. The farther consideration of 
the business was delayed until a more convenient season. I 
did not forget, however, to warn them, that it behoved them 
seriously to consider that question and the settlement of it 
without delay. They wished to have your house left empty, 
but from this, for very good reasons, I dissuaded them. It was 
thereupon granted to the ecclesiastic. Adieu. 

[Lat. orig. antogr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.] 



LXXXV1IL To BENEDICT 

Divers recommendations. 

[July 1542.] 

First of all, I most earnestly entreat of you, that as soon as 
you get home you will make the best of your "way hither. 
Then after that, would you turn a little off the road about 
Nyon, or a little beyond, to visit a certain nobleman, the father 
of the young man who lives with me ? His village is called 
Bursin, and may be pointed out to you at Rolle. Your arrival 
there will be most welcome to him, and, as I hope, he will well 
reward your services. I hope that at my request he may 
receive this favour at your hands. 

[Lat. orig. autogr, Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.] 

1 To B. Textor, my brother and esteemed friend. Benoit Textor, tlie distin 
guished physician and friend of Calvin, who dedicated to him. in 1550, his Com 
mentary on the Second Epistle of St. Paul to the Thessalnnians, in remembrance 
of the care which he had bestowed during the sickness of Idelette de Bure, 



1542. FAREL. 313 



LXXXIX. To FAREL. 

Excuses his silence estimate of tlie new ministers works and literary 
productions of Calvin. 

GENEVA, [28th July 1542.] 

I do indeed, of my own accord, accuse myself of negligence, 
plead guilty and self-condemned, and I can scarce ask pardon, 
having nothing to offer by way of palliation. The reason, 
however, why we did not write by Cordier was, partly be 
cause we thought that he would himself serve as a living 
epistle, and partly, because there were some at that time 
here who spoke of proceeding to Neuchatel in a short time. 
All, however, were liable to this drawback, that only when they 
were prepared for the journey, and just ready to start, they came 
to inquire whether I wished to send any letter to you. In 
this way Sebastian, when he lately intended a journey thither, 
which he never achieved, came to me overnight and said, that 
he was to set out on the morrow by break of day. I could not 
attempt, however, to write on that day, on account of the state 
of my health, and I am not in the habit of rising so early in 
the morning as to be able to outrun his speed by my activity. 
Besides, I had to preach a sermon ; but I refrain from vain ex 
cuses, lest I should seem to allege a justification, whereas I have 
freely acknowledged there is none to offer. If Viret is not 
already on the way, he will set out ere long for Berne ; for 
it had been agreed among ourselves, that he should rather visit 
you on his return, for fear that the evil-disposed might accuse 
him unjustly of having received his instructions from you pre 
viously, if he should propose anything unpleasant to them, as 
he could not fail to do. Our wish was to shield you from this 
spiteful envy, while you are down-weighed in so many other 
ways. I mention this because, in the event of your disapprov 
ing of our advice, you may understand that we nevertheless 
felt that there was a good reason for it. What occurred 
here before he went away, or what lias happened since, lie 



314 FAREL. 1542. 

will explain Letter in conversation than can be set down in 
writing : this is the reason why I do not enter upon these 
matters. 

The brethren we have lately elected 1 will not be found un 
suitable when they have had some practice ; although he who 
is the most learned of them, to whom we assign the precedency, 
is by no means popular. 2 He has certainly a confused manner 
of delivery, and were he even to pay more attention to correct 
and distinct utterance, his meaning would not be less obscure. 
All goes on well with the other three, although they are no 
thing to compare with Viret. Therefore, those who wish to 
make progress wish, at the same time, that I would preach 
oftener than usual, which I have already commenced, and shall 
continue to do until the others have acquired more acceptance 
with the people. Next Lord s day I go to Cartigny to James s 3 
ordination. I feel some hesitation as to the extent of my com 
mendation, as you may easily gather, but I follow it up because 
I am certain it will prove for the edification of the people. 

I am not very well pleased with my little book, 4 because it 
has not been got up in the manner I wished, and had arranged 
three years ago ; for I expected that you would have added a 
preface to it. Nor can I give any other explanation, than that 
Satan himself threw obstacles in the way of my obtaining this 
favour from you. For I was afraid to request you lest some 
one should misinterpret my motive, but that fear on my part did 
not proceed from spiritual prudence, as I now perceive, although 
somewhat besides has indirectly come in the way. For I had 
made a promise to Michael, that as soon as we had returned from 

1 See Letter LXXXVIL, p. 311, note 2. 

2 Is he the minister Philippe de Ecclesia, who was afterwards deposed ? 

3 The minister James Bernard. See Letter LXII. He became pastor of a 
country parish. 

* Is this Calvin s Catechisme, reprinted at Strasbourg in 1541, or perhaps the 
treatise De la Cene, of which a second edition was published in the same 
year at Geneva ? The journeys which Calvin had made in Germany to promote 
the interests of the Church at Strasbourg, had laid him open to suspicion of 
Lutheran tendencies by the Swiss theologians ; it was to remove this suspicion 
that he published that little work, which is distinguished by the spirit of modera 
tion which pervades it, and which was approved of by Luther himself. See Hos- 
pinian, ii. p. 312. 



1542. FAREL. 315 

the Diet at Worms I would send him a copy, with this proviso, 
that you should say in the preface that you had revised the pub 
lication. He went away, and thus my whole plan was upset. I 
should be surprised, however, were it not that perhaps our En 
comiast supposes that that which most afflicts me is, that we 
do not on the first page read those so very ample, or rather 
lavish commendations, which he has bestowed on me ; and 
yet I opine, that you have such a notion of his prudence that 
you could never think him capable of such a thought. It is 
better to say nothing about those persons whom he assails, that 
we may not humour his inclinations. We see clearly what 
he would be at. Let that therefore be held pro non dicto. 
When you send the summary I shall willingly run over it, not 
as censor, but as one of the readers, unless, indeed, I am able to 
supply some hints, that the book may not become liable to the 
calumnies of the unprincipled ; in this respect I may be of 
some use to you. 

As to my observations on Genesis, if the Lord shall grant 
me longer life and leisure, perhaps I will set myself about that 
work, although I do not expect to have many hearers. 1 This 
is my especial end and aim, to serve my generation ; and for the 
rest, if, in my present calling, an occasional opportunity offers 
itself, I shall endeavour to improve it for those who come after 
us. I have a mind to set about writing several things, but 
as my wife is now in ill health, not without danger, my atten 
tion is otherwise engaged. This, however, I may observe at 
present, that I have always set a very high value on the temper 
you have shewn in bearing with your colleague, and have, 
besides, always advised you to persevere. But when I hear 
the way he behaves himself, no other conclusion can be arrived 
at, except that the case must be dealt with more openly and 
straightforwardly. For I can by no means approve as a remedy, 
that you should be more upon your guard with him, and so live 
in a course of constant dissimulation. When he perceives he 
is suspected, he will thereupon become worse. You ought 

1 This Commentary was not published for some time afterwards, when it 

appeared under the care of Robert Etienue Commentaries in Genesini, in fol., 

(Geneva, 1554. 



316 VIUET. 1542. 

rather, therefore, simply to admonish him. Adieu, my dearest 
Farel ; may the Lord long preserve you. Salute the whole of 
the brethren, with their wives also, very kindly. 

Bead the letter yourself alone, or only to a few, and take care 
that nothing gets abroad. 

[Lat. orig, autogr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.] 



XC. TO VlRET. 

Proceedings of Castalio school of Geneva criticism on the new 
ministers tidings of France domestic sorrow. 

GENEVA, 19^7* August 1542. 

I would have written to you long ago had I not been aware 
that my letter could not reach you one moment sooner than if 
I delayed writing until your return. Now, because I conceive, 
from the reckoning of the time, that you must have at length 
returned, you have herewith what I have to say in the mean 
time. As soon as you were gone, strange bickerings broke out 
between Sebastian 1 and his brothers-in-law, which have sorely 
exercised me in trying to settle them by a little friendly interfer 
ence. My motive for taking part in these disputes was, that the 
quarrel might not go so far as that the scandalous report of it 
should get abroad to the disgrace of the school. With all my 
care and diligence, however, I could not even so far succeed as 
to get the one party to cease from abusing the other, and thus 
they are everywhere become the town-talk of most people. 
When the common controversy about the payment of the 
dowery-money was somewhat allayed, lo, new disputes break 
out between Sebastian and Peter, 2 partly about the manage- 



1 The person here mentioned is no other than Sebastian Castalio, who was after 
wards so unhappily celebrated by his debates with the Eeformer. Born in the little 
town of Chatillon en Bresse, he sought an asylum at Strasbourg, where he was ac 
quainted with Calvin, and became a member of the French Church ; esteemed by 
Calvin on account of his character and talents, he followed him after his recall 
to Geneva, and was nominated regent in the new college of that town. 

2 The minister Peter Blanchet. 



1542. VIRET. 317 

ment of the household expenses, and partly also about the 
dwelling. I have never seen a more complicated affair. After 
much wrangling with each other they came at length to a sort 
of compromise, which, however, brought forth by and by another 
and a fresh dispute. Tempers on both sides were so much 
fretted that one can scarcely hope for any solid friendship 
between them, such as ought to exist among brethren. These 
disturbances have calmed down for the present, indeed, but 
there is much reason to fear that some trifling circumstance 
may, all of a sudden, stir them up again. Behold, you see the 
state of our school, that you may not envy us. On the other 
hand, Nicolas cle Jussy has been the occasion of new vexation 
to us within the last few days, on account of his pride. He 
had been commending some one I know not who it was 
who, he supposed, had suffered wrong in being imprisoned on 
very sufficient grounds, and because the assessors did not yield to 
his demand, he proceeded to launch against them a very bitter 
invective. The affair was reported to the Senate, who were 
glad to avail themselves of the opportunity for his expulsion. 
We interceded for him, not so much for the sake of the in- 
dividual, who complained, not many days since, that there 
was far too much deference shewn to me, but that so hurt 
ful a precedent of the easy, or even rash and precipitate ejec 
tion of a minister, might not be set up in the Church. They 
are making fuller inquiry at present, and afterwards, taking 
us along with them in the decision, they will pronounce 
judgment. If I am satisfied that there is just ground 
for laying him aside I will make no further opposition. 
You would be surprised to see how stoutly our Henry philo 
sophizes about asserting the honour of the Gospel ministry j 1 
having presented, forsooth, such a distinguished example 
of firmness and constancy of principle in his own person. 
Upon which score I was by no means silent, but have cer 
tainly discharged my duty, having declared openly, in the 
presence of all, that in the making up of my mind, I did 

1 The minister Henri de la Mare. He had discharged the functions of the 
ministry during the exile of Calvin, under conditions which were scarcely compatible 
with the dignity of the ministry. 



318 VIRET. 1542. 

not so much consider what what was clone to myself, but rather 
what ought to be done. Our colleagues make considerable 
progress in preaching ; but in two of them, there is, I fear, 
somewhat of vain-glory. You understand who the other per 
son, the third, is ; in my opinion he evinces a better regu 
lated judgment. Peter has, besides, shewn already some 
tendencies which are not very satisfactory, if what Geniston 
has reported to me be indeed true. As, however, we have not 
yet ascertained the point with sufficient certainty, I have re 
solved to observe him more closely. If we have been deceived by 
him, where is faith to be found ? Louis, as I always feared, has 
more of levity and less of self-control in his conversation and 
behaviour than becomes a minister of the Gospel ; but this defect, 
as I hope, will, in course of time, be corrected, if only the 
other more essential qualifications are not found wanting. As 
you passed through Neuchatel on your way to Berne, I have 
no doubt the brethren there must have fully explained to 
you all about the departure of Farel, 1 which I may now tell 
you from the letter in which he mentions it ; therefore I for 
bear to enter more at large upon the subject. The letter 
itself I send you, that you may be fully instructed. Fro- 
ment returned lately from Lyons. He reports that the Queen 
of Navarre is at present even better disposed than ever 
she was ; 2 and he even gives the assurance in her own lan 
guage, for he was admitted to familiar converse in an in 
terview with her. Howsoever you are aware that we must 
not rashly hold every word that the messenger utters to 
be strictly true ; for he is so carried away by the honour 
which has been put upon him in having been admitted 

1 He had set out for Metz. 

2 After the affair of the Placards this Princess shewed herself less avowedly and 
openly favourable to the Protestants of France ; she, however, took an unceasing 
interest in their cause. She wrote, in 1541, to Calvin, on occasion of the pro 
jected marriage of her daughter, Jeanne d Alhret, with the Duke of Cleves : " We 
think that God has given us a son to our own heart and mind, by whom we hope 
that we shall contribute somewhat to His honour and glory. We entreat you, that 
in whatsoever you shall perceive that I can do you any good service, you will not 
spare me ; and I assure you that I will do my endeavour very heartily, according 
to the power which God shall bestow upon me." Paris MSS., an Unpublished 
Letter of the 25th July 1541. 



1542. VIRET. 319 

to an interview with the Queen, that he seems to me to have 
lost the small remnant of common sense which he still pos 
sessed. 1 To say nought of other absurdities, when he men 
tioned that the Queen wished me to write to her, he thought 
proper to dictate at the same time the subject-matter ; and, 
having but little confidence in my judgment, he forbade 
my writing and sending away my letter unless previously read 
and revised by himself. He has spread a report through the 
whole city that he was very near preaching before the King 
himself. There are a thousand silly statements of this sort. 
That you may not think, however, that all he says is false, 
part of what he says he heard from the Queen or her mi 
nisters. But these artful courtiers, when they get hold of 
a simple-minded individual, abuse his credulity for their own 
advantage or amusement. They wish that such a report 
may reach Germany, and reconcile the minds of the godly to 
the King, whom they know at present to be entirely estranged 
from him. Among other things they persuaded him that the 
Chancellor was imprisoned on no heavier charge 2 than because, 
without the orders of the King, he had directed the promul 
gation of that edict about books, 3 and had caused the godly to 
be burnt. What more need I say ? He not only believed every 
thing he heard, but besides, he has invented many other things 
which he never heard at all. The King of France has passed an 
army into Spain, 4 which is threatened on the other side by the 
Turk. The Duke of Orleans has done nothing memorable hither 
to, except that he has burnt down two towns. 5 That, however, is 

1 Of a vain and flighty turn, Froment could not remain content with that better 
part which had been assigned to him as the missionary of the Reform at Cifeneva. 
He abandoned the ministry of the Gospel to become a notary, and incurred more 
than once the censures of the Seigneury. 

2 The Chancellor of France, William Poyet, accused of malversation. He was 
condemned to pay a heavy fine, and deprived of all his offices. 

3 See Sleidan, lib. xiv. p. 408. The Institution Chretienne of Calvin was parti 
cularly forbidden by this edict. 

4 Brought to a stand for six months before Perpignan, by the heroic resistance 
of the Duke of Alva, the French army could not cross the Pyrenees. Robertson, 
Hist, of Charles V., book vii. 

5 More fortunate than the Dauphin, the Duke of Orleans began the campaign 
with success in Luxembourg, but he compromised all his advantages by a preci- 



320 VI RET. 1542. 

old news. Many events have probably occurred since that time. 
Our friends here have at present a rather hard knot to untie ; l 
and all the more so, because even although, for the future, all 
they ask were conceded to them, the opposite party has hitherto 
made the hope to be very uncertain. I have carried my point, 
however, with the lesser council. 2 Entreat the Lord, that the 
question may be brought at length to a successful conclusion. 
There is some risk lest, when it comes to be debated in the 
larger public assembly, that little coterie, which you know con 
sists of veteran and disciplined demagogues, may throw all into 
confusion. But the Lord, I hope, will overrule everything for good, 
if we only carefully entreat him. 

Adieu, my excellent and highly esteemed brother. Greet all 
the brethren ; your maternal aunt also, and your wife, to whom 
mine returns her thanks for so much friendly and pious conso 
lation. She is unable to reply, except by an amanuensis, and 
it would be very difficult for her even to dictate a letter. The 
Lord has certainly inflicted a severe and bitter wound in the death 
of our infant son. 3 But He is Himself a Father, and knows 
best what is good for His children. Again adieu ; may the Lord 
be with you. Would that you could make a run as far as this, 
I would willingly have half a day s free conversation with you. 
Yours, JOHN CALVIN. 

[Calvin s Lat. Corresp. Opera, torn. ix. p. 234.] 

pitate departure for the Roussillon, and the towns of which he had taken posses 
sion in the Netherlands fell back under the power of the Imperialists. Robertson, 
Hist, of diaries T 7 "., book viii. 

1 In allusion to the struggle which the ministers had to sustain in the Councils 
of the Republic for the appliance of discipline. 

2 The lesser council, as distinguished from that of the two hundred. They have 
at Geneva four councils. 1st, The common council, or lesser council, formed of the 
four syndics going out of office, of the four new, and seventeen members nominated 
by the two hundred. This is the Senatus minor. 2d, The council of the two 
hundred. 3d, The council of the sixty. Lastly, The council general, a popular 
assembly, convoked only upon extraordinary occasions. 

3 It is to this sad loss that Calvin alludes in so remarkable a manner in his an 
swer to the Jurisconsult Baudouin : " Wishing to clear himself from the charge of 
a want of natural affection brought against him, Balduin twits me with my want 
of offspring. God had given me a son. God hath taken my little boy. This he 
reckons up among my misdeeds, that I have no children. 1 have myriads of sons 
throughout the Christian world." Responsio ad Balduini Convitia. Geneva, 1501. 



1542. VIRET. 321 



XCL TO ViRET. 1 

Instructions given to Viret for the Synod of Berne need of maintaining 
the spiritual independence of the Church various directions. 

GENEVA, 23d August 1542. 

I wish that your letter, which no doubt is already on the 
way, had reached me. For although I do not expect it to con 
tain very cheering intelligence, it will yet be a help to me to 
know somewhat certain as to the state of the Church of Berne. 
At present I am under the necessity of writing on a subject 
without being sufficiently informed about it, yet, nevertheless, 
I cannot refrain from writing. I hear that the Deans of the 
Classes had been summoned to attend, for the purpose of hear 
ing what the Senate has determined about the Supper of God. 
I can say nothing to you but what you have thoroughly consi 
dered and meditated on. The importance of the cause, how 
ever, does not admit of my silence. You perceive there are two 
considerations here to be kept in mind, the state of the question 
itself, and the mode of procedure, which partly depends on cir 
cumstances. Concerning the cause itself, it is unnecessary to 
recommend that you diligently compare notes with your own 
dean. This I earnestly wish, however, that you would see to 
secure that whatever persons he addresses, he may not scruple 
to bear testimony, that\there is not only figured in the Supper, *" 

1 Notwithstanding the constant endeavour of the Seigneury of Berne to main 
tain peace and union in their churches, serious differences on the subject of the 
Supper had made their appearance on several occasions among the members of the 
Bernese clergy. A new formulary, reproducing the terms adopted in the dispu 
tation of Berne in 1528, was then drawn up by order of the Seigneury, and sub 
mitted for the acceptance of the ministers. The Deans of the different Classes of 
the Pays Romand, Payerne, Yverdon, Lausanne, Morges, Gex, and Thonon, were 
assembled together at Berne, with the view of sanctioning, by their approbation, 
the uniformity of doctrine in the districts subject to the Government of Berne. 
Alive to every proceeding which might compromise the independence and dignity 
of the Church in a neighbouring country, Calvin does not spare giving his advice 
to Viret, and puts him on his guard. 

VOL. I. X 



322 VIRET. 1542. 

but actually exhibited, that communion which we have with 
Christ, and that not words merely are bestowed upon us by 
the Lord, but that the truth and the reality agree with the 
words. Moreover, that this communion is no imaginary thing, 
but that we are united, each individually, in one body and 
one substance, with Christ. Let him fearlessly set aside all 
unreasonable views, in replying to them and warning them, 
taking care that he does not weaken the truth in so doing. 
Nor is it allowable to complicate, by ambiguous or obscure 
language, what requires the utmost clearness or perspicuity. 
As to the mode of procedure, this point ought to be well weighed, 
what a fatal precedent they are about to set, if the brethren 
acknowledge the Senate as judge in the case of doctrine, so 
that, whatever the Senate sanctions must be accepted and em 
braced by us as if proceeding from an oracle. What kind of 
a precedent, and how great a prejudgment must this be for 
posterity ! Assuredly, if we suffer the yoke in this manner 
to be imposed upon us, we treacherously betray the sacred mi 
nistry by our dissimulation. Nor shall we be able to excuse 
this perfidy either in the sight of God or before men. It will 
be noway needful for us, however, to descend to the discussion 
of this question ; because the brethren, by a modest and courteous 
reply, may avoid this reef, if they merely say, that the matter in 
dispute is of far too great importance for them to take any step 
in it whatever without the advice of their colleagues. They have 
besides both honourable and favourable pretexts with which 
to give reasonable satisfaction to the Senate. And we cannot 
but press the observation, that when they shall perceive the good 
ness of the cause itself, they will apply themselves seriously to 
the consideration of it, lest while they wish to follow a middle 
course, they desert entirely the cause of truth. It is not at all 
my meaning, that they ought to join themselves as adherents 
to what is either vicious or unsound ; or if both sides are to 
blame, that they should entangle themselves in the fellowship of 
either party. All that I wish is, that they may adhere to true 
and sound doctrine openly and without any dissimulation. Lastly, 
explain to your dean what you think of the individuals them 
selves, and what fault you have to find with them, that he may 



1542. VIRET. 323 

know where to have or give confidence ; but I feel that this is 
troublesome in so anxiously taking upon me to forearm you, to 
whom it is quite sufficient to give the signal by one word. I 
shall therefore conclude. 

The bearer who takes charge of my letter to you seems to 
me to be pious and upright. He engaged here with an apothe 
cary of Vienne, who has his business there, with the intention to 
learn the art. I was present at the agreement, because there was 
a person here who affirmed that the apothecary was an honest and 
worthy man. Should he turn out not to be such, the agree 
ment can be cancelled, so that the youth may be released from 
the contract. Will you therefore direct him with your advice, 
and consider him as recommended ? He will not cause you any 
expense, or be any way troublesome by importunity. 

Adieu, my excellent and very agreeable brother. May the 
Lord Jesus always direct and confirm you more and more. 
Salute for me all the brethren, your wife, and your aunt. 
Yours, 

JOHN CALVIN. 

[Lat. orig. autogr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.] 



XCIL -TO VlRET. 1 

Disquietude of Calvin on occasion of the acts of the Synod of Berne. 

GENEVA, [August 1542.] 

I am still waiting to hear what has been done at Berne, what 
has been said to the Deans, what sort of a reply they made, and 
what they found they could not obtain. Whenever a trust 
worthy messenger arrives among us, I will explain my meaning 
more fully. For the present, I send you a formula, from which 
you can extract what you please, or strike out what you do not 
like ; and yet, peradventure the Lord will vouchsafe something 

1 See the note of the preceding Letter. The different Deans of the Classes of 
the Pays de Vaud having met at Berne, received communication of the new formu 
lary, and declared their adherence to the acts of the Deputy from Lausanne, regard 
ing the question of the Sacraments. 



324 VIRET. 1542. 

better, so that it may be unnecessary either to correct or to ap 
prove what I now propose to you. 

Our friends both shame and grieve me, Viret, when the truth 
of God is overborne by either the hatred or the favour of men. 1 
I express myself in this way, because Gering 2 speaks in such 
terms as if the hypothesis of Erasmus 3 were, after all, the best ; 
the others speak nought but falsehood. I can clearly perceive 
how greatly rumours of this kind endanger sound doctrine, and 
therefore, that I may keep a clean conscience, I have determined 
openly, without dissimulation or concealment, to declare my sen 
timents. 

Besides, what occasion is there for any apology ? I have not 
found a single individual in this Church who has even a com 
petent understanding of this sacrament. What annoys me at 
present is this, that while they are not only nourished and 
brought up in error, and at the same time confirmed in it, 
they at length fall into such a condition as to become wholly 
incurable. I now repeat what I said before, that if you 
put any confidence in my judgment, you must not humour 
our friends overmuch in this fundamental doctrine. We think 
alike; let us, therefore, all with one voice speak the same 
thing. 

[Lat. orig. autoyr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.] 

1 The Seigneury of Berne, jealous of the authority which they claimed the right 
to exercise in ecclesiastical as well as in civil affairs, and looking on every attempt 
of the ministers to maintain the dignity of their office as a direct infringement on 
their power, began to introduce the system of despotism in Church matters, w r hich 
had met at first but slight resistance in the Pays de Vaud, recently brought under 
government, but which was destined gradually to excite there an energetic opposi 
tion, and to occasion the voluntary retirement of the most distinguished ministers. 
Ruchat, Hist, de la Ref. torn. vi. p. 256, et seq. 

2 The minister Beat Gerung or Gering, a declared partisan of the Lutheran dogma 
of the Supper, and one of the most servile of the Bernese clergy. 

3 Another minister of Zurich. 



1542. FAREL. 325 



XCIIL TO FAREL. 1 

Wishes for the success of the journey undertaken by Farel to Metz 
calumnies of James de Merges. 

GENEVA, 30th August 1542. 

Wherever, my very dear brother, you are, may the Lord 
keep you in health and safety all the day long, and that for the 
good of His Church. If, as we suppose, you have got an entrance 
within the walls of Metz, may He even there also open up a 
way for the Gospel ; may He fill you with the spirit of wisdom, 
of prudence, of moderation, of zeal, of fortitude, that you may 
be armed at all points for an undertaking so difficult and 
arduous. I clearly perceive how many imminent and danger 
ous conflicts surround you, which require the special help of 
God. But you are neither so raw nor inexperienced in this 
warfare, as that even great danger has any power to alarm you. 
Neither is the strength of Christ, which has ever been present 
with you in such a wonderful manner, at all diminished. We 
who are here at Geneva, await somewhat anxiously the issue, 
to see what success shall be vouchsafed you. You are aware 
how very generally, in our day, the judgment of folly rules 
everywhere, so that men form their estimate of every plan or 
undertaking from the event. In the meanwhile, you would 
scarce believe what complaints James de Merges spreads every 
where hereabout, saying that you hastened to accept a call which 
had been offered to him, whereby serious injury had been done 
to him, and that, against the mind of all the godly in that 
quarter (Metz) you hastened thither. You know the osten 
tatious vanity of the man, which I wish you had checked in 
time. It has now with age increased in growth to such a 
degree, as to have become an incurable malady, for certainly he 
has never raved so openly as he does at present. 

1 At the request of the Protestants of Metz, Farel had left Neuchatel to go to preach 
the Reformed doctrine in that town. He received Calvin s letter at Strasbourg, 
where the Reformer joined him the year following. See Hist, des Martyrs, liv. iii. 
p. 153 ; Bt-ze, Hist. Eccl. torn. iii. p. 432. 



326 VIRET. 1542. 

The Metz brethren are, however, in some measure themselves 
in fault, who have fled to him as to a sacred anchor, when they 
might have got others who were more distinguished, and also 
more apt to teach ; but these trifles can no way hinder you in 
this bold undertaking, neither would I have troubled you with 
these at present, were I not afraid that some reports of that 
kind might reach you from some other quarter. I preferred, 
therefore, to be beforehand. By the first safe opportunity I will 
write you more at large about our present state. Adieu, most 
excellent, most genuine brother. Salute all om\ friends, for 
whom it is my prayer that counsel and courage may be im 
parted to them, and that, upheld by the strength of the Spirit, 
they may fear nothing. Again, farewell. 

[Lat. orig. autogr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.] 



XCIV. TO VlRET. 1 

Origin of the disputes between Calvin and Castalio. 

GENEVA, UtJi September 1542. 

The letters of Farel arid his brother were brought to me 
four days ago ; and I thought that you also had seen them, 
seeing that Peter Cossonay had brought them back with him. 
Now listen to the freaks of our friend Sebastian, which may 

1 This letter throws light on the first disagreements or differences between 
Calvin and Sebastian Castalio, or Castellio, occupied on the translation into French 
of the Sacred Scriptures. Castalio evinced very little anxiety about elegance and 
purity of language in the work on which he was engaged. Thus he could not fail to 
encounter the severe criticism of the Eeformer, who doubtless was charged in the 
name of the Seigneury with the revisal of the translation of the New Testament, 
and refused to give his approbation. It was not until some years afterwards, at 
Basle, that Sebastian Castalio published his work, under this title, " The Bible, 
with Annotations on the Difficult Passages. 2 vols. in folio, Basle, 1555." This 
work has become so rare, that it is at present impossible to procure it, and to ascer 
tain the justice of the criticism which it has occasioned. The celebrated Henry 
Etienne accused the author of speaking the language of the Gueux. Bayle 
has been less severe. See Diet. Hist., Art, Castalion ; and MM. Haag, La France 
Protestante, 6me part, p. 365. 



1542. V1KET. 327 

both raise your bile and your laughter at the same time. The 
day before yesterday he came to me, asked whether I was 
agreeable that his edition of the New Testament should be 
published. I replied, that there would be need of many cor 
rections. He inquired the reason why. I pointed them out 
to him from those few chapters which he had already given 
me as a specimen. Thereupon he answered, that he had 
been more careful in what remained. Then he asked me over 
again, what I thought as to the publication ? I answered, that 
it was not my wish to hinder the publication ; but that I was 
ready, nevertheless, to perform the promise which I had made 
to John Girard, 1 that I would look it over and would correct, 
should there appear to be anything that required to be cor 
rected. This arrangement he refused. He offered, however, 
to come and read it to me if I would fix a time. This I re 
fused to do, even were he to offer me a hundred crowns, to 
bind myself to certain hours ; moreover, that I would be 
obliged sometimes to dispute for a couple of hours, perhaps, over 
some little insignificant word. And so he left me, dissatis 
fied as appeared. That you may understand how faithful an 
interpreter he is ; while in many ways he wishes to change and 
innovate, in most things he corrupts the meaning. One pas 
sage I may mention as an instance : where there occurs, The 
Spirit of God which dwells in us, he has changed to haunt in 
us, when to haunt, in French, does not mean to dwell, but is 
used to signify to frequent. 2 One such boyish mistake may 
stamp a bad character upon the book. Such unseasonable 
trifling as this I swallow, nevertheless, in silence. 

Adieu, dear brother. May the Lord preserve and always 
guide you. Salute all the brethren; but unto all, you will 
please not impart the whole of what I write. Yours, 

JOHN CALVIN. 

[Lat. orig. autogr. Library of Goiha. Vol. 404.] 

1 Printer of Geneva. 

2 This word is taken in a bad sense : to haunt the wine-cellars and the cabaret, 
or beer-shop. See the Dictionnaire de I Academie, 



328 VIKET. 1542. 



XCV. To VIRET. 

Invitation to Viret to coine to Geneva nomination of a principal of the 
College of that town. 

[September 1542.] 

You ask that I would pardon your somewhat lengthy letter. 
That I may not be compelled to request a like forbearance 
on your part, I shall not only be brief but even very precise. 
It is not very easy to advise as to Zebedee, 1 for it is of very 
little use to deliberate about what cannot at once be carried 
into effect. He has increased the blame which attaches to 
him twofold by his foolish journey, and has not corrected the 
sin of profane swearing. Would that he were advised by these 
warning intimations, and that he may at length learn from 
experience not to take so much his own way ! Had it been 
convenient for you to have come thus far at present, we might 
perhaps have effected more by conversation than we can do by 
letter. I mention this, partly because Claude Franc wishes you 
to be present at his marriage, which will be celebrated the 
Lord s day after next. But, further, I look forward to your 
being able, at the same time, to refresh yourself a little while 
with us after those troubles which have annoyed you, and that 
we may talk over matters together. I am also rather in 
doubt about a successor. No one will be able to undertake it 
unless he has been well trained beforehand, and accustomed 
to the duty. We have no such person here at present. If 
Celio 2 would rather turn his attention in that quarter than to 

1 See note 2, p. 268. Dismissed by the Seigneury of Berne from the Church of 
Orbe, Zebedee was on the point to become pastor of the Church of Nyon. 

2 Celio Secondo-Curione, among the most illustrious of the preachers of the 
Reformation in Italy. Born at Turin in 1503, he devoted himself successfully to 
the teaching of Luther s doctrine, and preached the Gospel in Piedmont, at 
Ferrara, and at Lucca, stole away by flight from the pursuit of the Inquisition, and 
took refuge in Switzerland with his celebrated countrymen, Ochino and Peter 
Martyr. The same year he was appointed Director of the College of Lausanne. 
See M Crie s History of the Reformation in Italy ; and Jules Bonnet, Vie d Olympia 
Morata. Paris, 1851, 



1542. VIRET. 329 

the rectorship of the school, it might be arranged. But whether 
Turtier would be a sufficient substitute for the other, I have 
some doubt. This one charge both plagues and vexes me ; for 
if we put off the consideration of the settlement any longer, the 
spirit of restlessness will break forth, to enter, as it were, and 
take possession of the vacant office. Suppose that Bibitti or 
some one else should come hither until Christmas, that in the 
meanwhile we may look about and make some more permanent 
arrangement ? I propose this because nothing better occurs to 
me. At the same time, I must own, that frequently, when I 
think of you and about you all, I feel almost pressed to death. 
Earnestly would I entreat of you that you do not allow any one 
to come hither without a letter, or some hint or intimation of 
your present state and condition. 

What I wrote about Imbert was reported to me, but I do not 
remember my authority. Nay, it was even said that he had fled 
the city and gone away into Germany, or elsewhere at a dis 
tance. Let him perish, however, himself and all of us, rather 
than that we should present such an instance of cruelty to our 
own age, and leave such an example to posterity. Adieu, my 
excellent and very dear brother in the Lord. Salute all lovingly, 
Celio, Imbert, Ribitti, and your own family. Once more adieu. 
Yours, JOHN CALVIN. 

I have written with a troubled mind and confusedly, as well 
as in haste. 

[Lat. oriy. autogr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.] 



XCVI. To VIRET. 

Approval of a letter of Viret to the Seigneuries of Berne the ecclesiastical 
property Italian emigrants at Geneva troubles caused by the differences 
of that town with Berne. 

[September 1542.] 

(For yourself only.) 

That day on which I thought of writing to you by Nicolas 
some other business came in the way ; this is the reason why 



330 VIRET. 1542. 

I did not perform what I had undertaken. At length, when 
I was looking about for an opportunity whereby to write, this 
brother conveniently offered his services, but saying that he 
wished me to reply immediately. But when I would have 
excused myself, owing to my not being able to write so soon, 
because the Consistory was about to meet, without any hesi 
tation he granted me the whole day. As even then, however, 
there is not very much time left, I shall briefly run over the 
particular points which I intended to discuss with you. 

The letter to the Senate, 1 seeing that we cannot have the 
other remedy, which I thought better, pleases me remarkably 
well. There is somewhat manly and spirited about it. More 
over, it closes the door for the future against mischievous 
and tyrannical precedents. In my opinion, Erasmus has been 
very leniently dealt with, especially since others may be brought 
under more severe discipline, who, unless I am mistaken, had 
both a better case and were less reprovable in their conduct. 
Nor do I express myself in this way, because I would have 
you to flatter others ; but caution is required, lest while 
you are reproving the many, you take care, at the same 
time, that, on a like occasion, you do not spare the individual 
offender. However that may be, the whole affair has turned 
out better than I had even ventured to hope. May the Lord 
cause your letter to be well received and hearkened to by 
men. 

As to the ecclesiastical property, I have almost no informa 
tion beyond hearsay. 2 I*irst of all, therefore, I shall mention 
what I have heard ; then, what is my own opinion. They have 
determined, that whatever the Church possessed of property or 
annual rents should be put up to sale, on condition that part of 
the purchase-money should be paid down : that the balance of 
the price should be met by an annual payment. They add, by 

1 Concerning ecclesiastical affairs. See pp. 321-323. 

2 The Seigneury of Berne put to sale tins year the property of the churches, of 
the priories, and of the cloisters, and drew from them considerable sums, of which 
a portion ought to have been applied to the foundation of new cures, and in aug 
mentation of the ministers stipends See Ruchat, Ilist.de la fief, en Si*se, torn. 
v. pp. 201-203. 



1542. VIRET. 331 

way of exception, that they cannot guarantee or defend pos 
session to the purchasers beyond the period of their own 
administration. Subject to this condition, Peter Wendel pur 
chases the priory for the sum of one thousand five hundred 
crowns, others bought vineyards, others fields, others dwelling- 
houses. Now, you may at once conjecture what I must think 
of all this. You perceive an alienation of the property has been 
made, that the Church is to be left unprovided, that the magis 
trate may grant just what he pleases, as if the property were his 
own, and if the incumbent does not discharge the duty entirely 
to his satisfaction, he can even curtail the provision which he 
allots to the ministers, and may even threaten to withhold it 
altogether. It is not an easy matter to unravel this business or 
to say what ought to be done, especially when there are so few 
who, without self-seeking, dare venture disinterestedly to expose 
themselves to the shafts of envy ; and there are many who rather 
prefer by connivance to forget their duty, and so to obtain the 
favour of men, than to incur their displeasure by a firm and 
honest opposition. In this affair of the Church property, how 
ever, nothing can be accomplished without an entire agreement 
amongst ourselves. In vain, therefore, you may attempt to set 
any train of operations in motion unless you have them all 
ready at the same time to pull along with you. We have this 
much, however, in our own power, that we withhold our approval, 
either by words or by any other token, of whatever may be even 
questionable. 

I am glad that lately I did not put myself to trouble to no 
purpose, by writing into Italy, since my letter after all could 
not have arrived in time. We have here now another Italian, 1 
an old man of a reverend aspect, even in his outward appear 
ance. 2 He was of great authority among his countrymen, lives 



1 The year 1542 was signalized by the establishment of the Inquisition in Italy, 
and by the dispersion of the reformed communities established at Naples, at Lucca, 
and at Venice. See M Crie, Hist, of the Bef. in Italy, c. v. pp. 212-231. 

2 Bernardino Ochino of Sienna, [ancien superieur-general,] of the order of the 
Capuchins. Renowned for his eloquence throughout all Italy, he preached the Re 
formation successfully at Naples and at Venice, was cited before the tribunal of the 
Inquisition, and escaped by a voluntary exile the condemnation which threatened 



332 VIRET. 1542. 

here at his own charges ; and if he can acquire the language, I 
expect will become some time or other exceedingly useful. 

John the bookseller, who has lately returned hither, spoke to 
me about Zebedee, 1 and says that he is ready to come hither if 
there was any opening for him. I made no other reply except 
that I would write to you about it. But what to write, verily 
I know not ; for, as you are aware, we have not the means to 
engage him ; and you are better able yourself to form an opi 
nion as to the many obstacles which may lie in the way of such 
an arrangement than I am to express them in writing to you. 

There is another affair which sadly vexes me. When I was 
supposing that everything was conclusively settled by arbitra 
tion with the Bernese, 2 lo ! all of a sudden the whole affair is 
broken off. It was thereupon resolved, on the part of the 
Council of Two Hundred, that the claims of the Bernese ought 
to be yielded up to them. There remained an appeal to the 
General Council or Assembly of the People, which, when the 
Senate was considering deliberately about convoking them, our 
friend Amy Perrin 3 said that he retracted his former opinion. 
Then in magniloquent terms he discoursed about the meanness 
of making such a base concession. There were some who fol 
lowed him on the same side. The upshot of the whole was, 
that the Council of Sixty, and next the Council of Two Hun 
dred, were to be assembled. When the two hundred met, and 
the matter was propounded to them, lo and behold ! Paguet, as 
if he were the sole Atlas of the commonweal, broke out in a 
bitter invective, reproaching the men who were so ready, of 
their own accord, to despoil the city of such a distinguished 
privilege. To such a degree did he allow himself to be carried 

him. In the month of September 1542 he arrived at Geneva, and was the first 
pastor of the Italian Church founded in that town. See M Crie, History, and 
Council s Registers, 1542, passim. 

1 See Note 1, p. 328. 

2 See Note 2, p. 204. Notwithstanding multiplied conferences, and the con 
ciliatory efforts of the arbiters of Basle, the disputes between Berne and Geneva 
had not yet been settled. The two republics were brought to agreement only in 
the month of January 1544. 

3 He was then devoted to the Keformation and to Calvin, of whom he soon be 
came the most determined adversarv. 



1542. VIRET. 333 

away oy the spirit of contention in debate, that he even went so 
far as to threaten the members of Council with the Wood- 
market, where traitors to the republic are wont to be beheaded. 
A serious disturbance and riot was the consequence. At 
length, however, it passed away, on a resolution being come to, 
that he must humbly, on his bended knees, ask pardon of the 
Senate for having made use of such language. The whole 
affair, as you may perceive, is hatched in the workshop of 
Macrin, who seems to me to be determined, of set purpose, to 
keep the two towns in a state of perpetual dissension with 
each other. Now, if you could make it suit your convenience 
to come hither at present, you would do me a very great favour. 
For even although there may be no possibility of falling on any 
remedy, it will afford some comfort both to me and to yourself 
to have the opportunity of deploring this calamity together. 
There cannot be a doubt, however, that your arrival will be of 
great importance to us, provided you are here by Monday. 
Take care, however, to keep to yourself the reason of your 
coming, for all those who were present bound themselves by oath 
to keep silence, so that it will not be without danger. The 
advantage to be derived from your journey you shall hear of 
when we meet ; and, as I hope also, you will yourself acknow 
ledge it. 

Adieu, my dear brother; may the Lord preserve you, and 
bring you speedily hither in safety. Salute all the brethren and 
your family in my own name and in that of my wife. Yours, 

JOHN CALVIN. 

[Lett. orig. autogr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 111.] 



XCVIL To VIRET. 

The plague at Geneva conduct of the ministers in these circumstances 
Italian refugees the question of the ecclesiastical property examined. 

[GENEVA, October 1542.] 

Your letter, in which you requested that I would write some 
what about the ecclesiastical property, was delivered to me on 



334 VIRET. 1542. 

Monday, while I was engaged upon the relics of the wed 
ding. Although that by no means had prevented me from 
writing, yet since that time I have not had a single moment of 
leisure. 

The pestilence also begins to rage here with greater violence, 
and few who are at all affected by it escape its ravages. 1 One 
of our colleagues was to be set apart for attendance upon the 
sick. Because Peter offered himself all readily acquiesced. 2 If 
anything happens to him I fear that I must take the risk 
upon myself, for, as you observe, because we are debtors to one 
another, we must not be wanting to those who, more than any 
others, stand in need of our ministry. 3 And yet it is not my 
opinion, that while we wish to provide for one portion we are 
at liberty to neglect the body of the Church itself. But so long 
as we are in this ministry, I do not see that any pretext will 
avail us, if, through fear of infection, we are found wanting in 
the discharge of our duty when there is most need of our assist 
ance. In what concerns yourselves I have already told you 
what occurred to me. 4 Now, since that colleague has been 
removed you must seek for some one else to be put in his place. 
If no such person can be found you must devise some plan, but 
with the common advice of the brethren. 

Our friend Bernardino 5 has been assailed by strange ma 
noeuvres to induce him to leave us. He remains constant, how 
ever ; and, in a great measure, he has so broken with Antichrist, 
that they need not think of troubling him for the future. He has 
written a volume of sermons, at the end of which he professes 

1 " The plague having made its appearance in several houses of the town, the 
Plague Hospital was supplied with officers." Registers of Council, 25th Septem 
ber 1542. 

2 " Peter Blanchet, minister, having offered to attend and offer consolation to the 
poor affected with the plague who are at present in the Plague Hospital, his offer is 
accepted." Hid., 23d October 1542. 

8 According to the testimony of Michael Reset and of Savion, cotemporaries of 
Calvin, the Reformer offered himself at the same time with Blanchet to visit the 
sick. But the Seigneury of Geneva refused his offer, " on account of the great 
need which the Church had of his services." Registers of Council, 1st June 1545. 
Chronique de Roset, iv. fol., and Savion, 60. 

4 The plague prevailed equally at Lausanne. 

6 Ochino See Note 2, p. 331. 



1542. VIRET. 335 

that he entirely, and, without any exception whatever, goes 
along with us thinks as we do. Many of the Italians visit 
him ; and we have already two other preachers. Those who 
have known him, consider that the kingdom of Christ has got 
no small addition in that single individual. In the meantime, 
as you may conceive, I need to have all my wits about me. 
The more attentively I observe him, the more highly do I esteem 
him. He acknowledges, however, that he has been greatly 
helped and relieved by me, so as to be less easily shaken. The 
Senate has already granted allowance for his preaching as often 
as he thinks proper. 1 We have here at present Julio Camillo, 2 
whose manifold tergiversations are somewhat suspicious ; for 
although he talks boastingly of the Gospel, yet, because he has 
something of a secret purpose, which even, although unknown to 
us, we do not like, we have reason to be upon our guard with 
him. It is well, however, that Bernardino is on his guard, and 
dreads him as an enemy. 

Now, however, I return to that request of yours about the 
ecclesiastical property. For you remind me of it again in your 
last letter. I beg, however, that you may pardon me ; for 
you are aware that the nature of this question is of a kind 
that requires both time and leisure, a composed mind, and no 
little diligence. When we were at Katisbon I lent a hand to 
Bucer in collecting those materials which he published among 
the acts of the conferences ; but as the question was there only 
incidentally brought under discussion, what was written there 
at that time will not suffice for the present exigency. Some 
little insight, however, may be derived from it. To me it 
seems twofold. The case seems to me to divide into two 



1 " Bernardin de Sesnaz, of Sienna, an Italian minister, having asked permission 
to preach in that language, resolved to grant it to him, and that he shall preach in 
the chapel of Cardinal d Ostie." Registers of Council, 29th October 1542. 

2 Julio Camillo, better known under the name of Renato, which he had adopted 
on embracing Protestantism. Originally from Sicily, he left his native country in 
early youth, for Paris, where he was long devoted to the study of the Cabala. 
Having left Paris for Geneva, he preached the Keformation in the Valteline, and 
joined the sect of the Anti-trinitarians. Bock, Hist. Anti-trinit., torn. ii. p. 482. 
His solemn and taciturn manner appeared to conceal heterodox opinions; Calvin s 
clear sight did not deceive him. 



336 VIRET. 1542. 

heads. In the first place, that you may declare that this 
alienation will occasion stumbling and causes of offence, 
and, in the next place, you may demonstrate that it is not 
lawful. 

The occasions of stumbling are readily stated. Because that 
on that account the Papists defame the Gospel, and they have 
begun to do so even at a time when they had not such a spe 
cious pretext for doing so. Formerly, therefore, they took 
advantage of these calumnies ; they wiU now have a just ground 
of accusation when they talk about the plunder of Church pro 
perty. In the next place, because the common people through 
out the whole canton dare not speak out openly, they complain 
about it everywhere in corners, and the ministers have not a word 
to answer. For after having cried out without ceasing against 
the sacrilege of the Pope and the whole of the Popish priest 
hood, with what face can they defend the sale of property which 
entirely strips the Church bare, and may leave her naked, while 
they could not even submit to any abuse or misapplication of 
the revenues. In the third place, because they afford the very 
worst precedent to other states and rulers. They are more 
eager than enough to seize upon church property without hav 
ing further inducement from any other quarter presented to 
them, but now, if they shall transgress in this respect, one half 
of the blame will lie upon those who set them the example. 
Fourthly, that they are not aware, and have no means of know 
ing, what posterity will do in this matter ; for it may so happen, 
that when the Church has been plundered of everything of her 
own, she may be left entirely helpless and destitute. 

With reference to that second head which is above stated, keep 
in mind that argument on which the chief hinge of the whole 
question turns, that what has once been devoted to Christ and 
the Church, is not the property of the magistrate. And here it 
will be necessary to put them in mind of that law and ancient 
method, by which rule of appropriation property of this kind 
was to be dispensed. You must, therefore, insist upon it 
that these ungodly paunches have taken possession of what 
had been solemnly set apart to the service of the Church, that 
it is clear enough what is a lawful application of Church 



1542. VIRET. 337 

property, and that appropriation ought now to be adopted ; that 
the alienation is liable to anathema and to the curse, because it 
profanes that which is sacred. In the meantime all suspicion 
will need to be taken off, that they may not think you have a 
hankering desire after the property. It will need to be demon 
strated to them, however, that the rule of reformation which 
King Josiah prescribed is the best, that the magistrates may 
have a power of inspection, and that the deacons be the admi 
nistrators. You can testify, however, that you are content that 
the magistrate may have the full power of administration, pro 
vided he faithfully dispenses the annual income, and neither 
diminishes nor dilapidates the property. 

You perceive how confusedly and hurriedly I have run 
over these few heads. I make no apology, however; with 
you, especially who are so well aware that I do not, on so 
grave a matter, babble with carelessness and rashness what 
ever comes uppermost, but am forced, by the urgency of the 
case, to launch forth at once what I would willingly elabo 
rate had I more leisure. Adieu, my excellent and very dear 
brother. We shall see to the relative of Cordier. The breth 
ren salute you, my wife and the whole household. Again, 
farewell. May the Lord preserve you and other good men. I 
am very glad that you have at length removed to another 
house, which, if you had not done, I would have turned you 
out of the old one by my abuse. Farewell; may the Lord 
always guide you by the counsel of His own Spirit, and protect 
you by His strength from on high, Yours, 

JOHN CALVIN. 

I scarce know what I have written, my eyes are so much 
affected. 

[Lat. oriy, autoyr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.] 



VOL. I. 



338 BULLINGER. 1542. 



XCYIIL To BULLINGER. 

Numerous occupations of Calvin death of Leo Juda ravages of the 
plague in Switzerland. 

GENEVA, 8th November 1542. 

When this bearer, who brought you my letter, sought a 
recommendation from me, I entertained no doubt whatever that 
he was worthy of it, since he possessed a testimonial from godly 
and trustworthy persons of his own country who are resident 
among us. But that which caused me most concern was, that 
in the midst of these hindrances which beset me at this time, I 
am compelled to write more briefly than I could have wished 
after so long an interval. Such, however, I am aware, is your 
considerate forbearance towards me, that I do hope you will not 
be very implacable, that you will admit this my excuse, more 
especially since you may rest assured that I seek no frivolous 
pretext, nor does it arise from any wilful negligence that I do 
not now write more exactly and fully. Indeed, I take you to 
be well aware of my respect for you, how much I honour you, 
how much, to sum up the whole in a word, from the heart I 
love you. My long silence has arisen from the circumstance, 
that when I returned hither, so entirely was my whole attention 
directed to the renewal and reparation of our affairs, which were 
almost utterly broken up and fallen to pieces, that it was not 
possible for me to turn my attention to anything else. 1 After 
ward, when the opportunity for writing seemed to me to have 
been allowed to pass, I wished rather to wait until some fresh 
opportunity might occur. On this present occasion, while there 
is a call upon me to write, I could wish that time as well as 
leisure were at my disposal. On another occasion, I hope both 
will be allowed me, and then I shall willingly avail myself of 
the advantage. The death of our brother Leo, 2 as there was 

1 The Seigneury of Geneva shewed their sense of the zeal and indefatigable acti 
vity exei-cised in their behalf by the Eeformer. " Ordered, to make present to 
Calvin of a tun of old wine of VHopital, for the pains which he takes on account of 
the town." Extracts, Registers of Council, 17th Nov. 1542. 

2 Leo Juda, one of the pastors of the Church of Zurich, translator of the Old 
Testament into Latin. He died of the plague the 19th June 1542, in the sixtieth 



1542. BULLINGER. 339 

good reason why it should be lamented by all good men, so 
also it has sorely afflicted me. For he had always evinced 
towards myself personally a singular affection, and when I 
dwell upon the loss the Church has sustained in the death 
of this man, it is impossible for me not to be deeply grieved. 
With us, also, the past year has been more than usually 
fatal; for it carried off both Grynee and Capito, and many 
other distinguished men, together with Leo. Wherefore, 
we ought all the more assiduously to endeavour to sow the 
good seed, that the Church may not remain utterly desti 
tute ; in reference to which most desirable object, as your 
Senate of Zurich has never ceased from the very commence 
ment to employ their utmost exertions, so I understand that 
it has lately augmented its ecclesiastical establishment. In 
this belief, we have thought it advisable to send tins brother, 
the bearer, to you. For besides that our schools are but thinly 
attended, the stipend also is very small. ISTor dare I venture 
to press our Council very closely on this point, since I see 
clearly that they are quite willing to do so, but their hands are 
tied. I do not, however, recommend the bearer of this letter 
rashly to your notice ; for Bernardino of Sienna, a man of emi 
nence, and two others, who have observed his conduct, have 
seriously assured me that he is an excellent young man, and 
that he is not unworthy the patronage of your Senate. I there 
fore do request of you, that, on my account, you would take 
some charge of him, and aid him by your influence with 
the Council. Neither do I entreat this favour from you only, 
but also from others of my respected brethren, to whom you 
will remember me. May the Lord Jesus ever direct you by 
His Spirit, and preserve as well as increase His gracious gifts 
in you. Yours, JOHN CALVIN. 

[Lat. orifj. autocjr. Library of Gollia. Vol. 404.] 



year of his ago. " Our Church," wrote Btillinger, " has lost in that man an ines 
timable treasure. As regards myself, I have lost a good part of my life hy the 
death of that much-loved brother ; and if I did not find consolation by the hope of 
a better life in that which is to come, and of the resurrection of the dead, I must 
have given way under my sorrow. "Letter, cited by Ruchat, Hist, de la Ref. 
torn. v. p. 188. 



340 MONSIEUR LE CURK DE . . . 1543. 



XCIX. To MICHAEL 

Recommendation of a sick person. 

[1542.] 

SEIGNEUR MICHEL, This poor man is so very disfigured 
body, that it is pitiful, and even shockingly horrible, to see. 
He says that it has not happened through profligacy. Seeing 
that it is a pitiable case, will you consider whether you can 
manage to help him, so that he may not putrify in rank cor 
ruption. I recommend him all the more earnestly to you, as 
thinking that he must belong to the town, for had he been a 
stranger, I would myself have provided for him in some way, 
so that no occasion might be given to cry out as they do. But 
since he is here, I make less difficulty about it. Your brother 
and good friend, JOHN CALVIN. 

[Fr. oricj. autogr. Archives of Geneva. Vol. 1250.] 



C. To MONSIEUR LE CURK DE . . . 2 

Religious controversy occasioned by the plague at Geneva apologizes for the 
Reformation. 

[1543.] 

MONSIEUR LE CURE, We acknowledge that point of your 
letter to be very true, that the plague which we have in our 

1 Michael Varod \vas procureur of the hospital at Geneva in 1542. 

2 On the lack : " Answer to a certain Cure, which he had written while the 
plague was at Geneva, wherein there are several remarkable instructions with 
out date." From the Council Registers we see that the plague made its appearance 
at Geneva in 1542, and that during several years it made great ravages in the town 
and throughout the whole territory of Savoy. The number of sick was immense. 
It was almost certain death to visit them. Three ministers offered spontaneously 
to discharge that duty : Calvin, Sebastian Castalio, and Blanchet. Castalio, who 
was the first person designated by lot, appears to have declined that perilous honour. 
Blanchet generously made the sacrifice of his life, and the urgent solicitations of 
the Seigneury of Geneva, who were afraid to expose the valuable life of the reformer, 
could alone determine Calvin to desist from undertaking the charge which he had 
himself solicited. See Roset, Chronique, iv. 60, and Savion, 60. 



1543. MONSIEUR LE CUKE DE . . . 341 

town is a scourge of God, and we confess that we are justly 
punished on account of our faults and demerits. We do not 
doubt also, that by this mean He admonishes us to examine 
ourselves, to lead and draw us to repentance. Wherefore, we 
take in good part what you have said, that it is time for us to 
return to God, to ask and to obtain pardoning mercy from Him. 
We likewise see that throughout the whole of Christendom there 
is great trouble, that there is scarce a single corner which is not 
in some way afflicted in that respect, from whence we must con 
clude that the wrath of God is greatly kindled against this poor 
world. And it is no wonder, for the causes are evident, and they 
are not far to seek, while one sees that such corruption everywhere 
prevails, and how vice of every kind is carried to the utmost 
pitch and reigns paramount. We do not say this to excuse 
ourselves, by hiding, as it were, in a crowd, but inasmuch as the 
wrath of God ought to be all the more dreadful in our appre 
hension when it is thus spread abroad over the whole earth, like 
a kind of deluge. Besides, when we have well considered the 
matter in every way, we can come to no other conclusion, except 
that over and above the vice which reigns generally everywhere, 
there are among Christians two tilings which specially provoke 
the wrath of God ; namely, that the one party of them dis 
honour Him by their idolatry and superstitions, and instead of 
receiving His holy Word to bring them back into the straight 
road, not only despise and mock and flout, but have a hatred 
and horror of, and even persecute the truth. On the other 
hand, we who know by His Evangel how we ought to serve and 
honour Him, do not make strict account in our disharge of duty, 
so that the word of life is as if it were idle and unproductive 
among us. We have no wish to justify ourselves by condemning 
others. For in so far as it has pleased God to withdraw us out 
of the horrible darkness wherein we were, and to enlighten us in 
the knowledge of the right way of salvation, we are so much the 
more blameable if we are negligent in doing our duty, as it is 
written, " The servant knowing the will of his master, and not- 
doing it, shall be severely punished." (Luke xii.) So that we 
ought not to be astonished if our Lord should visit us twofold, on 
account of our ingratitude which is in us, when we do not walk 



342 MONSIEUR LE CURE DE . . . 1543. 

as children of the light, and produce no fruit of that holy calling 
to which He hath called us. Moreover, He threatens that 
judgment shall begin at His own house ; that is to say, that 
He will correct His servants first of all. (1 Pet. iv.) But, 
nevertheless, we would rather consider, on the other hand, that 
seeing above all else He holds His own glory in highest com 
mendation, He hates and chiefly holds in detestation the idola 
tries and superstitions by which He is dishonoured, and which 
more grievously offend than every other thing. Think for a 
little on what takes place among you. They adore stone and 
wood ; they invoke the dead ; they trust in lying vanities ; they 
would serve God by ceremonies foolishly invented without the 
authority of His Word. The true doctrine is buried, and if 
any one wishes to have it brought forth, he is cruelly persecuted. 
Do you think that God can bear with such pollutions and blas 
phemies against His own honour ? St. Paul bears witness that 
God had sent the plague on Corinth, because the holy Supper 
had not been so reverently treated there as it ought. (1 Cor. xi.) 
Then what must we expect, seeing that it has already, for so 
long a period, been converted into such an execrable sacrifice as 
is your mass ? There is no need for a long proof of what we 
say. Consider attentively the institution of our Lord, and make 
the comparison between it and your mass. You will find a 
greater distance between them than between the heaven and 
the earth. Thus, in truth, our duty would be, to give glory to 
God all together with one accord, by confessing our offences, 
every one for his own sin, according to his state and circum 
stances. (Dan. ix.) This it is, that on our part we should feel 
how grievous a sin it is for us not to receive His grace as it 
befits us to do, when He presents it to us, and that we do 
not live in higher perfection, considering the knowledge which 
He hath given us of His Evangel, and the exhortations which 
are daily made to us by His commandment. Let those 
who, instead of the Word, follow their own fancies or human 
traditions, consider that it is an abomination very displeas 
ing to God, that of corrupting His service, as they have done, 
of adhering to false doctrine, of attributing the grace of 
His salvation to creatures, of reversing the right use of the 



1543. MONSIEUR LE CURE DE . . . 343 

sacraments, turning them quite upside down, of abusing and 
taking His name in vain, and along with all that, of persecuting 
the witnesses of Jesus Christ, who dare venture to open their 
mouth against such abuses. And if some of them are at pre 
sent in prosperity, let them by no means put their trust in that. 
For it is ever the fashion of hypocrites, and especially of idola 
ters, to glorify themselves when the hand of God does not press 
upon them, as if this were because they have so well deserved 
of God, while dishonouring Him by their idolatrous mummeries, 
and by that they harden themselves in their impiety, flattering 
themselves and condemning others. But what says our Lord ? 
" I have done them/ He says, " all the good which was possi 
ble, and they have thought that this was the wages of whore 
dom with their idols. Wherefore, I will take away all that I 
have given them, to discover their vileness, and constrain them 
to return unto me/ 

Now, even at this very time, when we are seeking and search 
ing to find out the misdeeds on account of which God punishes 
us, and in what we have offended, you allege against us, that 
we have changed the divine service, and the order of the Church, 
which had been so well established and observed in this town. 
This is not any new reproach, for it was made against Jeremiah 
in his time, as he relates in the forty-fourth chapter. It is, that 
the hypocrites complain, that since they had left off the adora 
tion of the Queen of Heaven, they had had nothing but famine, 
war, and all poverty. Lactantius also, an ancient doctor of the 
Church, and St. Augustine, demonstrate that in their time all 
the afflictions which had happened in the world were imputed 
to the Evangel, because it had brought about the abolition of 
the Pagan superstitions, which were thought to be service to 
God. You will reply, that it was not all alike ; we hold that 
it was. What then is to be done ? We must ascertain what is 
the truth upon the point, in order to pronounce a sound and 
correct opinion. Well then, besides that our consciences speak 
peace to us before God as touching that, the thing itself can 
clearly answer for us before men. For no one has hitherto shewn 
us that we had changed anything which was commanded of 
God, nor that we had introduced any novelty against His person, 



344 MONSIEUR LE CURE DE . . 1543. 

nor that we had declined from the truth to lay hold on some 
evil doctrine. On the contrary, it is notorious that we have re 
formed our Church according to the pure doctrine of God, 
which is the rule to apply and to keep up a healthy state. It 
is true, that it is rather an odious thing to alter what has been 
hitherto received. But the order which our Lord has once de 
livered to us ought to be for ever inviolable. Thus, when it 
has been forsaken for a season, it ought to be renewed and 
set up again, even should heaven and earth commingle. There 
is no antiquity, no custom which can be set up or pleaded 
in prejudice of this doctrine, that the government of the 
Church established by the authority of God should be per 
petual even to the end of the world, since He has willed and 
determined that it should be so. The reasons which have 
made us change are more than sufficiently urgent. The first 
point in Christianity is the true adoration of God. Now, we 
have come to know, that the form of adoration which we have 
been in the habit of observing was false and perverted, and, 
moreover, that it was not in the spirit of truth, (John iv.,) but 
in external ceremonies, and even in superstitious practices. 
It is certain that then we did not adore God alone, but wood 
and stones instead of Him, the pictures, the reliquaries of the 
dead, and things of a like kind. To the adoration of God is 
conjoined the rule of worshipping Him aright. And in what 
manner is it that He is invoked throughout the Papacy, except 
with doubt and distrust, inasmuch as they know nothing about 
the office of Jesus Christ as our Advocate and Intercessor, by 
whom we obtain our requests ? (Bom. viii. ; 1 Tim. ii. ; 1 
John ii. ; Heb. iv.) Besides, what are the public prayers but 
murmurs and ululations, vain repetitions without understand 
ing ? Thirdly, how many blasphemies are there in it, in so far 
as the power of the sole Mediator is attributed to saints and 
saintesses, to obtain grace in their name and by their merits ? 
After the invocation follows the service, as if we were instructed 
to serve God by the vain traditions of men. On the contrary, 
He wills and requires that we take for our rule His will alone 
throughout. (Dent. xii. ; 1 Kings xv.) As concerning the 
confidence and firm persuasion of our salvation, which is like, 



1543. MONSIEUR LE CURE DE . . . 345 

as it were, the foundation of all, instead of relying on His pure 
mercy, in order to have our consciences at rest, and give to Him 
the glory which appertains to Him, we were taught, like the 
rest of the world, to put our trust partly in ourselves, and 
partly in other creatures. There is no need, however, to re 
hearse all the rest, for there would be no end of that. For, in * 
short, it has come to this, that the grace of Jesus Christ was, 
as it were, buried out of sight to us. When we have under 
stood so much, and that it has been clearly proven to us, that 
all that was abomination in the sight of God, what could we 
have done ? Were we to withstand God, and to resist His 
truth ? Had it merely been a matter of Church order, if 
it had been at all bearable, we might have been content to 
remain, but it was such a Babel of confusion and disorder, that 
there remained no other remedy but that of an entire renova 
tion. What shall we say of the Sacraments, the observance 
and use of which had been altogether perverted from the ordi 
nance of Jesus Christ our Lord ? How many silly baptismal 
ceremonies had been sought out and invented by men, without 
the authority of God ? And what is worse, the true and pure 
institution of our Lord was, as it were, abolished by such frivol 
ous patchwork. In short, they set a greater value upon the 
anointing chrism than the water, and at present it seems to be 
a settled point with you, that our baptism is null, because we 
have only retained what the Lord has commanded, and what 
the Apostles have observed and held fast in practice. As for 
the holy Supper, it has been much more profaned. Our Lord 
has left us that as a pledge, on purpose that (we might be) cer 
tain that our souls are nourished from His body and from His 
blood, to make us partakers of all His benefits, arid peculiarly so 
of His death and passion. In order that we may do this, we ought 
to distribute it according to the terms of his commandment, 
namely, in declaring the worth and efficacy of the mystery. On 
the contrary, they have converted it into a sacrifice, to make 
reconciliation anew with God by man s work, and not for the 
living only, but also for the dead. The priest, to make what he 
considers a due use of the sacrament, separates himself from 
the Church. The whole is done and spoken in an unknown 



346 MONSIEUR LE CURE DE . . . 1543. 

language, after the manner of enchanters with their charms. 
When Easter comes, again they only give to the people the 
half of the sacrament, depriving them of the cup, against the 
express command of the Master. To consent to such sacrilege 
as that, is not even to be thought of. And yet, nevertheless, 
they reproach us with having let down and abased this holy 
sacrament. But the thing speaks for itself, that we have re 
stored it in complete integrity, where it had been corrupted and 
polluted in so many ways. St. Paul, wishing to correct an abuse 
which had grown up among the Corinthians in reference to this 
sacrament, sends them back to the first institution of the ordi 
nance by the Lord himself, as to an inviolable statute. (1 Cor. xi.) 
What could we do, then, to correct the infinite abuses with 
which it had been contaminated, except to follow that same 
rule ? Let them shew us, if they can, if there be anything in 
the manner of our worship which is not conformable to the 
institution of our Lord, to the usage of the Apostles, and we 
are ready to amend our fault. But when they accuse us with 
out either rhyme or reason, that will not in the least disturb or 
excite us, so as to make us renounce the true and settled insti 
tution. Wherefore, that which you impute to us as a fault, we 
hold and take to be a work of God, the best which we had been 
able to attain to. Yet nevertheless, we do not deny that we 
have come very far short in many respects, for which our Lord 
has good right to punish us, but it is in regard that our life 
does not correspond with His holy doctrine of which we make 
a profession. 

In like manner, where you exhort us to return back to God 
in order to appease His wrath, you drive us back to the means 
which rather serve to provoke and inflame it the more. First 
of all, you would have us to present the oblation of the precious 
body and blood of our Lord Jesus. We are well aware that it 
is a customary practice among you ; but in order to ascertain 
whether it is a work pleasing to God, inquiry ought to be made 
if it is according to His will. Besides, He does not say that we 
should offer His body, but that we should receive it. (Matt, xxvi., 
Mark, Luke, Paul.) Take, says He, eat. Instead of receiving 
the body of Jesus Christ, if we wish to make God believe that 



1543. MONSIEUR LE CURE DE . . . 347 

it is a sacrifice which we offer to Him, where shall we find any 
approval of our phantasy ? We would pray you seriously to 
ponder this reason. You advise us to make an offering of ^ 
the body of Christ by a priest, for the purpose of obtaining 
grace. We reply, that He never gave us His sacrament for 
that end, but that it is in order to receive him, in the intention 
of being partakers of that once-for-all and eternal sacrifice 
which He alone has offered, according to His office. (Heb. 
vii.-x.) We say, moreover, that it is to derogate from His dig 
nity, inasmuch as He has been consecrated sacrificial priest, 
without successor or companion, to make offering of Himself, 
because none other could be worthy to perform an act of such 
excellency. For the office of sacrificing is to be Mediator, to 
make reconciliation between God and men. In whom shall we 
put our trust, in Jesus Christ, or in you ? seeing that there 
is such contrariety. Then after that, you hold forth to us the 
beautiful general processions. But what use is there for that, 
except that with great pomp and ceremony one would think of 
appeasing God ? You will tell us that you would intend that 
they should devoutly engage in them. And what devotion is 
there, to place reliance in candles and torches, in beautiful and 
sumptuous equipage, in images, in reliquaries of the dead ? Such, 
indeed, has always been the use and wont of Pagans, as appears 
from history. How such things comport with Christianity it is 
impossible to explain. We make no question about assembling 
together to make solemn prayer to God. But we ask what there 
is in these public general processions, beyond the pompous ac 
coutrements, lamps and luminaries, relics, and other things of a 
like kind ? All that sort of thing smells of rank Judaism, 
and befits Pagan rather than Christian worship. They shout 
well, indeed, and make an outcry, and they sing prettily. But 
to what end ? It is in an unknown tongue, and therefore against 
the express command of the Holy Spirit, (1 Cor. xiv.,) who wills, 
that the common prayers be made in the common language, on 
purpose that the rude and uninstructed may take part in them, 
and say Amen at the end. You further exhort us to invocate 
the Virgin Mary and the saints, among whom you make special 
mention of Saint Peter, as our patron. But God calls us to Him- 



348 MONSIEUR LE CUKE DE . . . 1543. 

self alone, forbidding us to have recourse elsewhere, (Ps. xlix.,) 
; and with good right, for His chief glory lies in that we should 
: call upon Him alone in the name of Jesus Christ. But even 
had there been no such reason for it there, we have many ex 
hortations in Scripture pressing our return to God with prayer 
and supplication in time of pestilence, of war, and famine. 
(Is. xliv. xlv. ; Jer. iii. ; Hos. ii.) Never does there occur a 
single word about the invocation of the saints. It would there 
fore be very inconsiderate on our part were we to follow what 
you have told us, in turning away from the doctrine of God. 
Touching that of your calling Saint Peter our patron, it is the 
same thing with what the prophet speaks : Israel, thy gods are 
according to the number of thy towns, (Jer. ii.,) and at that 
time the intention of the people of Israel was not to invent 
many gods in order to abolish the worship of the true God the 
Creator of the world. Forasmuch, however, as each town chose 
a patron in whom to trust, they are reproved by the prophet, 
for that every town had its own god. You would have us to 
do the like at present. But it does not please God that we 
I should take up with any other patron than Jesus Christ, who 
has taken us into His keeping, to recommend us to God His 
Father. If we have formerly been in this state of blindness of 
mind, the darkness has passed away. (John x.) There is now 
an end of transgression, now that we have the shining light 
before our eyes. But you have known by experience, you say, 
how much that has profited you. It is no new thing, as we 
have said, to attribute God s benefits to our own foolish and 
perverted doings, as if by our idolatry we had merited the good 
things which He has sent us. The sorcerers, enchanters, sooth 
sayers, and other like, could say as much. But we have our 
certain rule, which is, that reason goes before, and experience 
follows after. If we do thus, we shall not wander away from 
the right path, and shah 1 neither decline on this side nor on that 
from what God commands us. And we shall find in truth and 
without deceit, that His help is never wanting to those who put 
their whole trust and confidence in Him. On the contrary, in 
seeking for other help, we shall sometimes think to profit by it, 
but we shall be disappointed in the end. 



1543. PHILIP MELANCHTHON. 349 

Well, then, our Lord Jesus wishes to open your eyes to under 
stand and to see what it is that He would say, when He calls 
Himself the only Saviour, the only life, the only sanctifi cation, 
the only wisdom, the only confidence of men ; that it is in 
order that we may altogether acknowledge Him to be such, 
that with good accord we glorify Him, as well in heart as with 
the mouth, and equally in all our works, so that as we have 
all received one baptism in His name, we might have the same 
confession of our Christianity. 

[Fr. orig. autogr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 107.] 



CI. To PHILIP MELANCHTHON. 1 

Testimony of respect and of fraternal affection his homage in one of his 
books details of his labours at Geneva survey of the state of Germany 
and of Italy. 

GENEVA, IQth February 1543. 

You see to what a lazy fellow you have intrusted your letter. 
It was full four months before he delivered it to me, and then 
crushed and rumpled with much rough usage. But although 
it has reached me somewhat late, I set a great value upon the 
acquisition. Howsoever, therefore, I have been, through the 
negligence of this person, deprived for a season of so much 
enjoyment, he, nevertheless, at once obtained my forgiveness, 
when I got possession of the communication. Would, indeed, 
as you observe, that we could oftener converse together, were it 

1 This letter is doubtless one of the first addressed by Calvin to Melanchthon. 
United, since the Conferences of Ratisbon, to the German Reformer by the bonds 
of affection and friendship, he thenceforth lavished upon him the testimonies of his 
esteem and respect, and kept up relations with him which were never interrupted, 
notwithstanding the difference of their doctrine and genius. Calvin dedicated, in 
1543, to Melanchthon, the publication which he set forth against Doctor Albert 
Pighius, the opponent of the doctrine of grace, and he edited, some years afterwards, 
the Loci Communes of Melanchthon, translated into French ; thus presenting a 
remarkable example of the spirit of union and concord which he applied in its 
development to the Lutheran and Reformed Churches, according to that beauti 
ful passage of one of his Letters : " Would that the union between all Christ s 
Churches upon earth were such, that the angels in heaven might join their song 
of praise ! " 



350 PHILIP MELANCHTHON. 1543. 

only by a letter. To you, indeed, that would be no advantage ; 
to me, however, nothing in this world could be more desirable 
than to take solace in the mild and gentle spirit of your corre 
spondence. You can scarce believe with what a load of business 
I am here burdened and incessantly hurried along ; but in the 
midst of these distractions there are two things which most of 
all annoy me. My chief regret is, that there does not appear 
to be the amount of fruit that one may reasonably expect from 
the labour bestowed ; the other is, because I am so far removed 
from yourself and a few others, and therefore am deprived 
of that sort of comfort and consolation which would prove a 
special help to me. Since, however, we cannot have even so 
much at our own choice, that each at his own discretion might 
pick out the corner of the vineyard where he might serve 
Christ, we must remain at that post which Himself hath allotted 
to each. This comfort we have at least, of which no far distant 
separation can deprive us, I mean, that resting content with 
this fellowship which Christ hath consecrated with His own 
blood, and hath also confirmed and sealed by His blessed 
Spirit in our hearts, while we live on the earth, we may cheer 
each other with that blessed hope to which your letter calls 
us, that in heaven above we shall dwell for ever, where we 
shall rejoice in love and in continuance of our friendship. But 
that you may not suppose that I have made an improper use of 
your name in the Essay 1 which I have lately published, I ask 
you to recognise or approve of it on the score of my affection 
for you, or to yield so far to your own kindly disposition as 
to acquiesce in what I have done. Among many reasons by 
which I was induced to take this course this was not the least 
important, that Pighius had selected Sadolet, under whose 
name he might impose upon the world his own frothy conceits. 
That there might, however, be no occasion for drawing odious 
comparisons, I have held my peace; nor, indeed, shall I here 
make any lengthened apology, since I could have avowed at 

1 This treatise, first of all written in Latin, and afterwards translated into 
French, is inserted in the Recueil des Opuscules, p. 257, under this title, Eeponse 
aux Calomnies d 1 Albert PigJu us, Contenant la Defense de la Saincte Doctrine contre 
Ic Franc Arlitre, with a Preface to Melanchthon, of February 1543. 



1543. PHILIP MELANCHTHON. 351 

once that I had taken the course which I felt assured, from 
the kindness and good-will which you entertain towards me, 
was no unwarrantable liberty. 1 

As to our own affairs there is nought that I will write. The 
sole cause which imposes this silence upon me is, that I have so 
much to tell you that my tale would never have an end. I labour 
here and do my utmost, but succeed indifferently. And, never 
theless, all are astonished that my progress is so great in the midst 
of so many drawbacks, the greater part of which arise from the 
ministers themselves. This, however, is a great alleviation of 
my troubles, that not only this Church, but also the whole 
neighbourhood, derive some benefit from my presence. Besides 
that, somewhat overflows from hence upon France, and even 
spreads as far as Italy. It is not without the bitterest grief 
that I hear of the sad condition of your Germany. Nor are the 
evils which I dread of a less serious kind than those which I 
bewail. For if what is reported be correct, that the Turk again 
prepares to wage war with a larger force, who will stand up to 
oppose his marching throughout the length and breadth of the 
land at his mere will and pleasure ? 2 And as though it were a 
small matter, after having disbanded the army under base cir 
cumstances, after so much expenditure lavished in vain, after so 
much dishonour incurred ; and finally, after having, by the three 
years pestilence, and that which more lately visited us, lost 
the very flower of their strength, they are at this present time 
suffering even more severely from civil discord. Notwithstand 
ing all this, however, our rulers, though so sharply chastised, 
are not awakened from their sleep, nor have they learned 



1 In his answer, dated the 4th of May following, Melanchthon thanks Calvin for 
the Dedication of his book, mingling the expression of his acknoAvledgments with 
high praise of the author. " I am much affected by your kindness, and I thank 
you that you have been pleased to give evidence of your love for me to all the world, 
by placing my name at the beginning of your remarkable book, where all the world 
will see it." Calvini Opera, torn. ix. p. 175. 

2 Faithful to the engagements which he had contracted with the King of France, 
Soliman in fact invaded Hungary with a numerous army, and took possession of 
almost the whole country, while the crescent of Mahomet and the Lilies united ; 
to the great scandal of Christendom, before the walls of Nice, then besieged by the 
combined fleets of France and Tui-koy. Robertson, Hist, of Charles V., c. vii. 



352 PHILIP MELANCHTHON. 1543. 

to give glory to God. This, however, somewhat revives me, 
they say that the Archbishop of Cologne and some others 
have turned their minds in earnest to set about the work of 
thoroughly reforming the churches. 1 Nor, indeed, do I consider 
it an affair of small importance, that the bishops, from among 
whom hitherto not a single individual has given glory to 
Christ, now raise their hands, and publicly declare their defec 
tion from the Komish idol. Only, we must now be very careful 
and strive diligently to promote their progress, lest from 
a divided Christ some still more monstrous form of evil may 
arise. Meanwhile, the Pope of Borne already parades the 
empty show of a Council at Trent, 2 that may amuse the 
world, and keep it hanging a little while longer in suspense. 
But God will not suffer Himself to be mocked any longer. I 
am deceived if this year does not produce a very great change 
of affairs, which may soon take place ; but already I have said 
too much. 

Adieu, therefore, man of most eminent accomplishments, 
and ever to be remembered by me and honoured in the Lord ! 
May the Lord long preserve you in safety to the glory of His 
name and the edification of the Church. I wonder what can 
be the reason why you keep your Daniel a sealed book at home. 
Neither can I suffer myself quietly, without remonstrance, to be 
deprived of the benefit of its perusal. Will you salute Doctor 
Martin respectfully in my name ? We have here with us at pre 
sent Bernardino of Sienna, an eminent and excellent man, who 
has occasioned no little stir in Italy by his departure. He has 
requested that I would greet you in his name. Once more adieu, 
along with your family, whom may the Lord continually pre 
serve. Yours ; 

JOHN CALVIN. 

[Lat. copy Library of Zurich. Coll. Simler, torn, lii.] 

1 The Archbishop, Elector of Cologne, had requested the advice of Bucer and of 
Melanchthon in endeavouring to reform the churches within his diocese. See 
Melch. Adam, Vita Melanchthonis, p. 34. 

2 The Council of Trent, so often announced and as often adjourned, only com 
menced on the 13th December 1545. 



1543. VIRET. 353 



GIL To VIRET. 

Ecclesiastical particularities struggles to maintain the right of excom 
munication over the ministers. 

The day before Easter, [1543.] 

I send you the letter of Pellican, 1 that you also may .consider 
it and take counsel along with me whitherward that may tend 
about which he writes. As for the books he inquires about, I 
have no certain information. I shall wait until William re 
turns, after the fair-time. Antony, as you are aware, has been 
admitted and received without any difficulty. Thus the bre 
thren wisely, so they think, could give no better decision than 
to pass over in silence so much wickedness. It cannot other 
wise be, than that the Lord, for the punishment of our remiss- 
ness, will soon take the case into His own hand, arid from 
His own judgment-seat pronounce a just deliverance. The 
aforesaid Antony has given me to understand, through Matthew, 
that Sulzer has advised him to make his peace with me ; but 
on what ground could I condescend to this reconciliation ? 
However, should he once seek to have an interview, the 
Lord will open up a way. We have lately had a discussion 
with the Council, which, however, was soon disposed of. While 
we were met in consistory, the Syndic brought us word that the 
Senate retained in its own hand the right of excommunication. 2 
I immediately replied, that such a decree could only be ratified 
by my death or banishment. Yesterday I called the brethren 
together, by whose advice I have demanded of the Syndics, that 
the Senate should appoint an extraordinary meeting. They 
assented, but not willingly. There, in a large discourse upon 
the weighty argument, I laid the whole question fully before 

1 See the next letter. 

2 See note 1, p. 292. The ecclesiastical ordonnances had separated distinctly the 
domain of religious authority from that of the civil jurisdiction. To the Consistory 
belonged the right of private remonstrance, of public censure, and of excommuni 
cation. When the delict was punishable by corporal chastisement or by fine, the 
Consistory then referred the matter to the Council, who pronounced sentence, and 
enforced the penalty. 

VOL. I. Z 



354 CONRAD FELLICAN. 1543. 

them. Without any difficulty I have got what I asked for, 
and, from what I understand, those who have been the means 
of raising this question have been sharply taken to task about 
it. Who they may be, if you do not know by this time, 
you are well enough able to conjecture. Adieu ; may the 
Lord have you in His keeping, and ever direct you by His 
Spirit, dearly beloved brother. Salute Ribitti, Imbert, and 
the rest. Yours, 

JOHN CALVIN, 

[Calvin s Lat. Corrcsp. Opera, torn. ix. p. 235. j 



CIIL To CONRAD 

Ofrer of his services answers the accusations directed against Farel 
justification of Ocliino introduces two young rnen. 

GENEVA, 18th April 1543. 

I reply somewhat late to your letter, because I wished pre 
viously to ascertain somewhat about the books which I sought 
for, that I might let you know something certain about them. 
I am now given to understand that they have not yet been 
printed. Whenever they do appear in print, I will carefully 
see to it, that you may receive them by the first opportunity. 
I do not proffer my good offices to you in whatsoever they may 
be of service with many expressions of forwardness, because I 
think that you are quite persuaded that nothing would be more 
agreeable to me than in any way to be able to satisfy you by 
actual experience of the good- will and respect which I entertain 
for you, But because you mentioned in your letter that Bullinger 



1 Conrad Pellican, a pious and learned professor of the Academy of Zurich. 
Born in 1479, he evinced from his infancy an extraordinary taste for the study of 
the Hebrew language, in which he made rapid progress, and which, at a later period, 
he taught at Basle and at Zurich. Called to that latter town in 1526, he acquired 
the friendship both of Zuingli and of Bullinger, was a correspondent of Calvin, and 
died in 1556. The celebrated Peter Martvr succeeded him. Melch. Adam, Vitre 
Throloyoritni Germanortim, p. 162, et seq. 



1543. CONRAD PELLICAX. 

had communicated to me by letter what might concern the 
public business of the Church., I wonder how it has happened 
that his letter was not brought to me at the same time. Now, 
however, as many days have elapsed, and none has come to 
hand, I am led to suppose that either what was written had 
been lost, or that he had altered his mind. Would, how 
ever, that he had done as he proposed at first, that I might not 
be deprived of the singular pleasure which I could not but 
have thence derived. Will you, however, request him earnestly 
in my name, whenever his convenience will admit of it, to do 
me this kindness ? For he may have somewhat perhaps to 
communicate, upon which it may be both useful and necessary 
that I should be admonished. 

That which has been reported to you about Farel is to me so 
utterly incredible, that I would venture, even at the peril of my 
life, to be answerable for it, that no such expression had ever 
fallen from him ; for I know that he both loves and reveres 
you. And, most assuredly, the very atrocity of the words used 
is a good enough argument of itself to prove how little ground 
there is for that accusation. If it had been said that he had 
made you wince a little, and without any more serious out 
rage, I would admit that the report might have been be 
lieved, or at least suspected to be true, until he had cleared 
himself. But only consider how monstrous it is to suppose, 
that he who has always been so closely allied and intimately 
connected with you, who at this very time reveres and loves 
you, had given utterance to such reproachful expressions as 
would be reckoned extreme even among the most deadly 
foes. It will be your duty, therefore, most reverend Sir, en 
tirely to root out of the hearts of our brethren that unkind 
suspicion. Besides, indeed, that it is altogether inhuman, and 
utterly unreasonable, that any man should be condemned 
unheard; such persons do wrong Farel when they do not 
acknowledge him to be such a man as they have ever truly 
found him by experience to be. Therefore, do you apply your 
utmost endeavour to uproot this noxious weed of malevolence, 
(for it has sprung from nothing,) before it breed further mis 
chief, and lest that advantage be given to Satan which he is 



356 CONRAD PELLIOAN. 1543. 

always so eager to catch at. Had Farel been now at Neuchatel, 1 
I would not have allowed him to delay so long to justify him 
self carefully, even to your full satisfaction. For the present, 
however, until we shall know for certain that he has escaped 
in safety out of the jaws of death, 2 we will supplicate the Lord 
that He would restore him to us as soon as possible, so that some 
time or other he may do what he would himself have done at 
the very first had he been present. 

There is also another subject on which I am requested by 
Bernardino to write you. We have been informed as a fact, 
that through the folly of a certain brother who was of his 
acquaintance, he had become suspected in your eyes, as though 
he were not altogether quite sound in opinion either on the article 
of the Trinity or of Christ. I shall say nothing further in his 
excuse, than simply to state the truth. As I do not place 
much reliance on the most of the Italian wits, after that he 
mentioned to me his intention to make a more lengthened 
sojourn among us, I discoursed with him carefully on the 
separate heads of the doctrine of faith, and in such a way 
that he could scarcely conceal it, should he differ materially 
in any point from us. It did appear to me, and if I possess 
any judgment at all, I can bear testimony, that as well 
in every other point as upon this important one, he was 
entirely of the same mind with us. This, however, I have 
remarked, that he did repudiate those over-nice distinctions 
and discussions which we meet with in the scholastic writers ; 
and certainly, if we weigh attentively how much these subtle 
speculations of the sophists differ from the sober and moderate 
doctrine of the ancients, we shall be of the same mind. It 
seemed, therefore, only what was clue, to bear this testimony 
to a pious and sincere man, that he may not be undeservedly 
aspersed among you, by having even the shadow of a suspicion 



1 Fare! was then at Met?;. See the Letter XCIIT. 

2 The life of Farel was threatened more than once, by the Roman Catholics of 
Metz, as it had been formerly, when he was preaching the gospel in the valleys of 
the Jura and the Alps ; but, like the Apostle Paul, nothing could quench his zeal 
for the promulgation of the truth. Hist, des Martyrs, lib. iii. 



1543. THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA. 357 

thrown over him. He is indeed an excellent person, and a 
man of genius, learning, and sanctity. 1 

But now to make an end of my letter. These two youths 
come to you for the purpose of following out their studies. 
As they have sojourned some considerable time among us, and 
have so conducted themselves that we can venture to engage for 
their probity, and do consider them worthy of our recommen 
dation, I request of you, my dear Pellican, that you would shew 
them the same kindness you are wont to express toward all 
good men. They have wherewithal to live at a moderate rate, 
but they would ask the favour of you to put them in the way 
of finding a convenient lodging. 

Farewell, respected Sir, and greatly esteemed by me in the 
Lord. Salute reverently Bullinger, Theodore, Megander ; may 
the Lord continually direct you all for the upbuilding of His 
Church. 

[Lat. orig. autogr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.] 



CIV. To THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA. 2 

Calvin at Strasbourg expose of his proceedings with the magistrates of 
that town for preaching the Evangel at Metz the news. 

STRASBOURG, 1st July [1543.] 

EIGHT WORSHIPFUL AND VERY HONOURED LORDS, I hope 
that Master Peter Yiret shall have made my excuses for not 

1 Ochino allowed himself to be entangled at a later period in those opinions 
which at this time he repudiated. He afterwards became one of the principal 
chiefs of the sect of the Anti-trinitarians. 

2 This letter, written from Strasbourg, has reference, as well as the following, to 
the journey which Calvin undertook, in 1543, for the evangelization of Metz. 

A town of the Empire, and the seat of one of the three bishoprics which the 
treaty of Gateau Cambresis incorporated with France, Metz received betimes the 
seed of the Reformation. The first missionaries were John Leclerc and John Cha- 
telain, who suffered martyrdom, (1523-1524.) The Church which they had helped 
to found by their testimony, enlarged under the cross of persecution. She demanded, 
in 1 544, the free exercise of religion at the Diet of Ratisbon, but without obtaining 
it. The year following, she called Farel. The intrepid missionary answered the 
perilous appeal. Driven from the town by a sedition, he retired to the village of" 



THE SEIGNEUKY OF GENEVA. 1543. 

having written you from Berne, forasmuch as at the time I was 
indisposed. Having arrived at Basle, I presented my letters to 
Messieurs of the Council, who gave me letters of recommenda 
tion to Messieurs of this town, requesting that they would assist 
me with advice, as well as furtherance on my journey. 

In this town, as well by means of your letters and those of 
Messieurs of Basle, as from the good affection which they bear 
towards me, and singularly in favour of the cause, I have met 
with good furtherance, as much as I could desire. Messieurs 
have very liberally offered to do whatsoever lay in their power. 
Only that we must be careful, Master William (Farel) and my 
self, as to the means which it would be fitting to adopt. We have 
therefore set before them three ways : either to bring us on direct 
to Metz, although that w T as not without danger ; or once more 
to call on the Council of Metz to let us have a hearing ; or 
otherwise, to send to the town of Smalkald, where the Protestant 
League are at present assembled, and there to request press- 
ingly the princes and ambassadors of the towns to take the thing 
in hand. 

As to the first method, they have replied, that willingly they 
would send an embassy along with us, to insure our safety and 
to solicit a hearing, and that they would spare no pains in 
regard to that, were it not that they saw that they could not 
do so without endangering our persons, and with but little 
hope of advantage. To send letters in their private capacity, 
would be labour lost. The reason is, that the Papists wax 
more insolent upon the coming of the Emperor, inasmuch 
as he has promised, on the occasion of this journey, to 
settle all the religious differences, as if he had nothing else 
to do at present. 1 So, whenever they have written from this 

Moritigny, where the Protestants flocked together to wait upon his preachings. 
The gates of the to\vn were shut upon them by order of the Roman Catholic magis 
trates, and thus they perceived they were driven from their country. Received 
with kindness by the magistrates of Strasbourg, they had recourse to the interven 
tion of the Protestant princes of Germany to obtain free access to their houses and 
property, as well as the free exercise of their worship. It was during these nego 
tiations that Calvin left Geneva, and rejoined Farel at Strasbourg. Beze, Hist. Ecd. 
torn. iii. p. 431, and following. 

1 Charles presided in the following year at the Diet of Spires with extraordinary 



1543. THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA. 359 

town,, for answer and solution of everything, they always refer 
them thither. 

The third method, therefore, has been found the best, to send to 
Smalkald, which they would have done already, were it not that 
they have wished to get articles from us to set forth whatever 
might seem best to us. But to-morrow, please God, the mes 
senger will set out. They have allowed us to proceed in the 
affair with so much diligence, and so thoroughly in earnest, 
that we would acknowledge their zeal and courage ; and as I 
know them, I have no doubt that they will do yet more than 
they promise. It is six days journey thither, at the rate of 
speed their herald will go, for usually they take fully eight 
days. 

Now, while this journey is gone about, seeing that I must 
wait here, it seemed to me to be best, my Eight worshipful and 
very honoured Lords, to send back your herald, the present 
bearer, in order to let you understand how matters were going 
on, for I would have hesitated to make so lengthened a stay 
only in expectation, without in the meanwhile letting you hear 
my news ; and that could be done without being at much more 
expense than, if I had retained the messenger here along with 
me. You will consider, however, about sending him back as 
shall seem good. To meet whatsoever may happen, I have 
delivered over to him six crowns, that he may have wherewith 
to meet his expenses in going and returning, with three testons 
which I have given besides. Howbeit you can do according to 
your own good pleasure. I tell it, that you may know, in case 
you should send him back, that, in order to be in time, he must 
be here within a fortnight ; for we shall then arrange to set 
out for Metz, should it please God to open up the way for us. 

As concerning myself, I am well aware that I cannot be so 
long time absent from you, without some shortcoming in the 
care of your Church. But seeing that one has come so 
far, to return without effecting anything whatever, would 
have been too absurd, and when there is a reasonable ex- 
eclat, but strove in vain to bring the two parties to agreement. All that he ob 
tained from the majority of that assembly, was a declaration by which the points in 
dispute were to be submitted to a Council. 



360 THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA. 1543. 

pectation in waiting yet a little while longer, I am well in 
clined, before my return, to essay whether or not the Lord would 
have somewhat accomplished. Wherefore, I "beseech you to 
have patience until that interval, which is short, be overpast. 
Thereafter, with all possible speed I will hasten to return 
thitherward. 

Meanwhile, Eight worshipful Lords, I beseech you to have 
in mind and to aim at the honour of God, as you do, 
and to keep the Church together in good order and condi 
tion. On purpose that you may see what need there is for 
going to Metz to silence Caroli, I send you a copy of his last 
correspondence by way of answer, wherein he displays more 
fierceness and arrogance than ever, and inasmuch as he relies 
wholly upon the presence of the Emperor, we shall never get 
him to hearken to reason, for before that arrival he would have 
betaken himself to flight. 

There has been a great uproar here, burst forth in different 
parts of the Netherlands, now that the Duke of Cleves has 
recovered a strong town which he had lost, since he was ruined 
and dispossessed; but seeing that all as yet is uncertain I 
forbear writing you further about it. 1 Howbeit, such is the 
disturbed state of affairs, that no further off than a distance of 
two leagues they have made a raid for two nights running, and 
have stolen and carried off fifty horses belonging to the 
merchants. 

And now, Eight worshipful and very dread and sovereign 
Lords, after our humble commendations of Master William and 
myself, I pray the Lord Jesus to preserve and uphold you by 
the bestowal of His grace, enabling you well to guide and rule 
your people happily, and always in peace, to the honour of His 
name. Your humble servant in our Lord, 

JOHN CALVIN. 

[/ Y V. orifj. autogr. Archives of Geneva. No. 1250.] 



1 The Duke of Cleves, the ally of France, was threatened at the time by the 
rhole force of Charles V. 



1543. THE PASTORS OF THE CHUBCH OF GENEVA. 361 



CV. To THE PASTORS OF THE CHURCH OF GENEVA. 1 

The preaching of the Gospel encounters difficulty at Metz intrigues of 
Caroli fraternal exhortations. 

AT STRASBOURG, 1st July 1543. 

Grace to you from God the Father and the Lord Jesus 
Christ. 

There is at present, my dearest brethren, nothing about 
which I have to write, except that up to this time we are kept 
waiting in a state of suspense ; for my coming hither has 
happened very untowardly, and at a most inconvenient season, 
seeing that the Papists of Metz wax insolent because of the 
near neighbourhood of the Emperor, and pretend his authority 
as a cover for their making no concession to us whatever. 
They maintain, indeed, that it is not becoming to decree an 
alteration in their condition in the presence of the Emperor, and 
without consulting him. Therefore, because it is perilous to 
proceed to Metz, and would now be of no use, for that even 
the letters of the Senate here would be set at nought and de 
spised, the Senate resolved that a deputation be sent to Smalkald, 
where the Protestant Confederates are at present met, requesting 
them to appoint an embassy in the name of all, who may accom 
pany us to Metz, and extort from the inhabitants of that city what 
they are not willing freely to grant. Moreover, the journey from 
hence to Smalkald requires eight days travel, which a speedier 
messenger will, however, accomplish in six. And that there 
may be no delay, the horses have been kept in readiness. 
We have resolved to await the result here, that we may 
not incur to no purpose the fatigue of so long a journey ; 
and it appears to us that we shall have obtained no mean 
advantage if the deputies come thither along with us, who, 
whether he will or no, may draw that impious dog to 
a disputation, which he not only tries to shirk, but plainly 

1 To the godly and faithful servants of our Lord Jesus Christ, the pastors of the 
Church of Geneva, my very dear brethren. 



362 THE PASTORS OF THE CHURCH OF GENEVA. 1543. 

refuses. 1 For the present, indeed, under shadow of the Em 
peror s presence, because he has got that convenient hole to 
crawl into, he raves more saucily than ever. But the Lord, as 
we hope, shall ere long repress the insolence of this sacrilegious 
agitator. See to it, I beseech you, while I am absent, that you 
are all the more attentive to duty, and even more earnestly 
diligent. There are, indeed, many considerations which ought to 
arouse you to take care, that the Church may not feel any change 
or inconvenience from my absence. If you only set about this 
with hearty agreement, and with a serious desire and sincerely 
affectionate zeal, the Lord will vouchsafe a very prosperous 
issue. In the meantime, do you commit unto the Lord in your 
prayers both ourselves and this His own cause, in which at this 
time we are engaged, which is not free from danger or difficulty, 
notwithstanding all the help which human foresight can supply. 
Farel very kindly salutes you. I not only keep my health much 
as usual, but feel as if restored, so that at present it is somewhat 
better than ordinary. Adieu, my very dearly beloved brethren, 
and do labour diligently in the upbuilding of the Church. 
Master Bernardino may also be invited to be present at the 
reading of this letter, wiiom salute most kindly in my own 
name and on behalf of Pirrhus. 2 Salute all the godly. May the 
Lord, indeed, so govern and direct you by His Spirit that you 
may serve Him profitably and with advantage. Your brother, 

CALVIN. 

[Lat. autoyr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.] 



1 The apostate Peter Caroli. Reconciled with the Sorbonne, he went to Metz 
to give proof of his zeal to support the doctrines of the Roman Catholic Church, and 
had boasted publicly to confound Farel and Calvin by a public discussion, at which 
he dared not even appear. Beze, Hist. Ecd., torn. iii. p. 431, el seq. 

2 It is probable that Farel is here indicated, in allusion to the impetuosity of his 
disposition. 



1543. VIRET. 363 

CVL To VIRET. 

Relation of his proceedings at Strasbourg, and the state of tilings at Metz. 
STRASBOURG, July 1, [1543,] about mid-day . 

As usual it has so happened, that I have found matters far 
more forward and advanced than I had expected. But, indeed, 
as you are fully aware, I am not very effectively supported. 
The Senate neither advises nor permits our at once pro 
ceeding to Metz. It is thought to be quite useless to write 
thither, since the letter which has already been sent is either 
held in contempt, or at least is not so much considered 
as it ought to be. For the coming of the Emperor elates the 
courage of #ie Papists, who have obtained the entire direction of 
affairs at Metz. Therefore it is that our magistrates are about 
to send a deputation to Smalkald, where the Protestant princes 
are at present assembled for the purpose of demanding a com 
mon embassy, whereby to quicken the motions of those who will 
do nothing unless they are driven on and goaded forward. You 
cannot imagine how important our magistrates conceive this 
to be. They have received us indeed with the utmost 
courtesy. Whensoever we shall have an answer, we must then 
gird up our loins for action, and we shall call you to our assist 
ance, But after all, in this so doubtful and unsettled state of 
affairs, what could you obtain ? In the meantime, while the 
deputation is gone to Smalkald, our Senate have thought it 
was desirable to let them know where I was, and what ex 
pectation detained me here. Should the messenger return 
hither, as I expect he will, take advantage of him to inform 
us certainly about everything. As to the challenge of Caroli 
you need have no doubt whatever about that. We have his 
own hand for it. Of late he was meditating flight, but 
now when the Emperor is nearer at hand he waxes more 
audacious and insolent, because he takes it certainly for 
granted, that a public discussion cannot possibly be obtained 
by us. Request from this bearer a sight of his reply, which 



364 THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA. 1543. 

having read, you can return. You will clearly perceive from 
thence the lofty puffed-up humour of the man. Adieu ; salute 
all the brethren, and pay a visit sometimes to Geneva. Again, 
adieu. May the Lord preserve you. Yours, 

JOHN CALVIN. 

[Lat. orig. autogr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.] 



CVII. To THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA. 

Answer from the Assembly at Smalkald prolongation of the stay of Calvin 
and of Farel at Strasbourg preaching of the Evangel at Cologne war 
like preparations in the Netherlands. 

From STRASBOURG, this 24th July 1543. 

EIGHT WORSHIPFUL AND VERY HONOURED LORDS, Only two 
days after the return of your herald we have got an answer 
from the meeting at Smalkald, that for the present the princes 
and ambassadors from the towns could not openly undertake 
anything in the affair of Metz ; but before separating they 
would come to a settled determination ; that is, to hold another 
meeting to finish what has been begun, seeing that those of 
Metz will not go forward, unless they are compelled. Now, 
for the present, their mind is to demand a safe conduct 
for themselves and those whom they wish to bring thither, 
and that done, proceed to the place in order to press the busi 
ness further. On hearing these tidings, we have gone, Master 
William and myself, before Messieurs the Councillors of this 
town, to request of them that they would inform us what might 
seem to them good to be done, representing to them that we 
were afraid it would be too tedious to await the coming of their 
ambassadors, and also that I had received letters from you, in 
which you required me, in the event of there being no hope of 
doing anything for the present, that I would speed forward my 
return without loss of time. Albeit, that should it seem good 
to them, Master William would be able to wait on still, in case 
perhaps the good brethren of Metz might be disheartened if we 
should both of us go away together. So thereupon we gave 



1543. THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA. 365 

them to understand, that our wish would have been that Master 
William had remained, and that I had withdrawn homeward, 
until that some fixed resolution had been come to. Their 
answer was, that had there been any very pressing occasion 
which constrained me to return forthwith to you, that they 
would not have ventured to hinder me, but if it were possible, 
the preferable course seemed to them, that I ought not to stir 
until the return of their ambassadors, whom they expected to 
see here again in this town within eight days. 

As touching the commendations, thankful acknowledgments, 
and offers which, on your part, I have made to them, they have 
answered, that as up to this hour they have engaged in that 
cause, so they are thoroughly determined to follow it up and 
persevere for the future ; only they are sorry that matters 
are not in a better order, and have charged me to make their 
commendations to you, promising without fail to write by me, 
for that they were not aware of having so safe a messenger. 
Having received this answer, Master William and I have 
altered our purpose ; and we have no doubt you will approve of 
my having followed the advice of the Council of this town, 
seeing that the course to be followed was somewhat doubtful. 
It is quite certain that they would never have wished to detain 
me without having some good hope. Would that our Lord 
might so order and dispose His work that the issue may be yet 
better ! 

The Metz brethren on their part, also earnestly desire that it 
may be so, for the late eschevin, 1 with four of the burgesses, was 
at the meeting, and there is still a representative there. As 
soon as I am able, you need not doubt that I shall hasten my 
return ; and were it not that the interval is so short, I would 
not have failed to make the journey to offer my excuses in per 
son by word of mouth. But seeing how the matter rests, it 
would be to no purpose to leave a work so well begun. Where 
fore, Right worshipful Seigneurs, I beseech you yet further, that 
you would be pleased have patience for a little while, as indeed 



1 Caspar de Hen, Seigneur de Buy. It was under the administration of this 
nagistrate, favourable to the Reformation, that Farel had been called to Metz. 



366 THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA. 1543. 

also I hope you will, which is the reason why I do not make you 
more lengthened excuses. 

For news, the Archbishop of Cologne is wonderfully stedfast 
in planting the Evangel in his country ; l and truly his is a 
miracle of zeal, for notwithstanding the resistance he meets with 
from the clergy, the university, and the town of Cologne, even, 
forsooth, to the extent of openly threatening him with deposi 
tion, he does not on that account relax, but perseveres more 
stoutly than ever, entreating the preachers who are with him to 
make no account of his person nor rank, but that the Keforma- 
tion may go forward vigorously, and as it ought, inasmuch as his 
conscience urges him to discharge this duty before his death. 
He has at present called together the states of the country, to 
settle a right form of order and policy over the churches, and 
to correct the idolatry ; for as touching the preaching, he had 
already been determined formerly, seeing that the whole country, 
the clergy and the town excepted, have accepted everywhere the 
preaching of the Evangel. 

In the meantime the Emperor makes his preparations for the 
defence of tne Netherlands against the King, 2 or rather to 
wreak vengeance upon the Duke of Cleves, one cannot tell 
which ; howsoever, he is not yet very far advanced, and it would 
be rather dangerous were he to be in too great a hurry. For 
the Turk approaches with a great power, and is about to enter 
Germany on three sides. If that does not compel him to with 
draw altogether, it will at least retard his movements. If he 
had leisure to apply himself against the Duke of Cleves, every 
one considers that he would get the upper hand. 3 

1 See note 2, p. 296. This prelate, remarkable for his zeal and for his piety, 
had boldly introduced the reformed doctrines into his states, without allowing him 
self to be intimidated by the opposition of his clergy, or the menaces of the Pope. 
He protested, however, against the title of Lutheran, declaring, that he wished to 
order his diocese in manner conformable to the apostolic doctrine. In 1546 he was 
excommunicated by Pope Paul III., and deposed after the battle of Muhlberg. 

2 That war, which was the last act of the struggle between Charles the Fifth 
and Francis I., w r as fought simultaneously in the Netherlands, in France, and in 
Italy. The Emperor was in alliance with the King of England, Henry VIII. ; 
Francis I. with the Duke of Cleves and the Sultan Soliman. Peace was re 
established by the treaty of Carpy, (18th September 1544.) 

3 111 supported by the King of France, the Duke of Cleves was overborne by the 



1543. THE AMBASSADORS OF GENEVA. 367 

As for the King, he has been hampered for about a month 
bypast on account of the continual rain. It has been the news 
of the last four days that he was about to march to attack the 
Duke of Cleves. But yesterday the news came that he would 
withdraw. It is not known whether it is on that account that 
the English press forward. Neither is it known for certain that 
it is so. The Emperor seeks to borrow the artillery and ammu 
nition belonging to the towns ; but he has not so much credit 
with them as he would like to have. 

To the right honourable and redoubtable Seigneurs: after 
having humbly commended me to your kind favour, I pray that 
our Lord Jesus would govern you always by His Holy Spirit, 
vouchsafing you prudence and uprightness in the discharge of 
your office which He has committed to you for His own honour 
and glory, and the safety of your people, upholding by His holy 
protection your town and Seigneury in happy prosperity. 
Your very humble servant in our Lord, 

JOHN CALVIN. 

[Fr. oriff, autogr. Archives of Geneva. No. 1250.] 



CVIIL To THE AMBASSADORS OF GENEVA. 1 

Expose of the motives which prevent immediate return to Geneva Cologne 
news and of the Netherlands. 

FROM STRASBOURG. 24th July 1543. 

VERY HONOURED LORDS, Having received an answer from 
Smalkald, I would, with devoted good-will, have desired to come 
to you at Berne on my return to Geneva, had I not been prevented 
by Messieurs of the Council of this town. The answer was, that 
they must settle some other points in the meeting of the con 
vention before they could take the affair of Metz into conside 
ration. There should, however, be no remissness on their part, 
and they would determine before their departure to hold another 
meeting, and in the same place, in order to follow up their pro- 
Emperor, reduced to implore pardon on his knees, and dispossessed of a part of 
his states. 

1 To the ambassadors of Geneva at P&gt;erne. 



368 THE AMBASSADORS OF GENEVA. 1543. 

ceedings more vigorously, and that before going to Metz, they 
would ask safe-conduct as well for the arbiters deputed as for 
such as they might bring in company along with them, without 
mention of any person to conduct us thither in greater safety. 
Having heard this answer, I was of opinion to return immedi 
ately to Geneva, until it were necessary to proceed to Metz, 
and that in the meantime Master William could remain 
here to keep up the spirits of the Metz brethren and encourage 
them to persevere. But Messieurs, the councillors of this 
town are of opinion that we should both of us wait until the 
arrival of their ambassadors, who, as they expect, will be here 
in eight days. I am well inclined to give good heed to their 
advice, seeing how faithfully they have engaged in this affair. 
Meanwhile, I beseech you to pray the Lord, that He would not 
allow me to return without bringing forth some fruit, since I 
have waited so long already. I shall also pray to Him on my 
part, to guide the affair in which you are engaged, in suchwise 
that it may be brought to a good issue, and shall return Him 
hearty thanks, when I shall have heard some tidings, such as I 
desire. 

I have not leisure to write you the news at length, and 
besides I have scarcely any that I know of to tell you but 
bad, except that the Archbishop of Cologne shews a marvel 
lous affection on all occasions to promote the Evangel. 1 It 
is true that the town and University of Cologne, with the 
clergy, made all the resistance thereto which they could ; but 
so much the more has he shewn stedfast constancy in going 
forward. This is the first day of his meeting with the states of 
the country, to consult about setting up an order and policy in 
the Church : I mean, for their resolving and carrying into exe 
cution that which shall have been agreed, for the formula is 
already drawn up. If the Lord vouchsafe him that grace to 
get the consent of the States, this will serve to dash the rage of 
the adversaries. 

The Emperor continues always his preparations for a descent 
towards Brabant, whether it may be to drive back the King or to 
make an onset upon the Duke of Cleves. But he does not make 

1 See the preceding letter, p. 366. 



1543. THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA. 369 

his approach in any great hurry, and besides, he has not made 
out a case. On the other hand, there is some danger that the 
Turk will stop him, who is coming down with a great force 
to attack Germany upon three sides. Were the Emperor 
able to march forward, the Duke of Cleves could not sustain 
the attack unless he had the King s aid, who has been pre 
vented by the continued rains from approaching. Now of late 
he has begun to do so, and was already well advanced, but the 
rumour is that he draws back. We do not know whether the 
English are forced to withdraw. Howsoever it may turn, it is a 
sad thing to see such desolation everywhere throughout Chris 
tendom. Would that our Lord, of His infinite mercy, might 
consider the miserable condition in which we are, and albeit that 
we might very deservedly have been more sorely visited, that it 
would please Him to withdraw His hand, vouchsafing to us the 
spiritual acknowledgment of our sins, in order to bring us back 
to himself. 

Wherefore, very honoured Lords, after my hearty commen 
dations to your good graces, I pray the Lord to assist you in the 
business which you are gone about, upholding you in real pros 
perity. Your servant and good friend, 

JOHN CALVIN. 

[Fr. orig. autoyr. Archives of Geneva, No. 1250.] 

CIX. To THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA. 1 

New delay in conclusion of the affair of Metz Calvin makes arrangements 
fo his return to Geneva. 

13th August 1543. 

EIGHT WORSPIIPFUL AND VERY HONOURED LORDS, The eight 
days which Messieurs of this town had required me to wait 

1 The negotiations pending between the Protestant Princes and the Magistrates 
of Metz were prolonged to a wearisome length. Tired of a proceeding that seemed 
to be endless, baulked in his expectation of seeing a free access open to the preach 
ing of the reformed doctrine in that town, Calvin sought permission to depart, from 
the Magistrates of Strasbourg, and prepared to return to Geneva. The refugees 
of Metz obtained leave that same year to return to their country, with the promise 
of a Church, and a precarious loleration of their worship, which, with much ado, 
scarcely lasted a few months. 

VOL. I. 2 A 



370 THE SEIGNEUR Y OF GENEVA. 1543. 

have turned out to be three weeks, and hitherto we have not 
gotten any final resolution, for their chief ambassador has not 
yet returned from the court of the Emperor ; and it was he 
who could explain matters, so that upon his report they might 
advise further. 

But, nevertheless, my conscience goads me to delay no longer, 
for I ought not to be carried away to such a degree by the 
longing desire to serve the town of Metz, as to overlook the duty 
which I must fulfil toward you. 

I am more content to have made the journey to no purpose 
than that I should weary you out by rny tiresome delay. How 
ever, I purpose, once for all, to go for the last time within three 
days before Messieurs of the Council, and to state to them that 
I could stay no longer, and having done so, to return to Geneva, 
unless an entrance has been already obtained into Metz, which 
is not to be looked for ; for the Council of Metz, instead of 
replying to the Protestants, has sent some one to the Emperor 
in order to protract matters, and will take care to create delay 
as much as it can. Our Lord, it is true, can easily break up 
and frustrate all their devices, and the chief thing is to pray to 
Him that He would assist us in the doing of His work, else 
we shall be utterly unprofitable, whether it be in counsel or in 
action, so far as we are concerned. But I shall make up my 
mind to follow as nearly as possible the path which He shall 
point out to me, that is to say, to do my utmost for those of 
Metz ; in such wise, however, that I may not set aside or neglect 
your service, seeing that He has specially bound me to you. 

After my humble commendation to your Eight worshipful 
and redoubtable Seigneury, commending me to your good 
graces, I beseech our merciful God to govern you by His Holy 
Spirit, for His own glory and the welfare of your town, up 
holding you in real prosperity. Your humble servant, 

JOHN CALVIN. 

[Fr. orig. autogr. Archives of Geneva. No. 1250.] 



1543. M. DE FALAIS. 371 



CX. To MONSIEUR DE FALAis. 1 

Exhorts him to quit his native country and to retire where he can make free 
profession of the Gospel. 

[UtJi October 1543.] 

MONSIEUR, How much soever it may be contrary to the 
usual fashion of men that I use so much freedom as to address 
you familiarly by letter before being better acquainted, never 
theless, since I feel well assured that my letters shall be agree 
able to you, it would be hypocrisy in me to make lengthy 
excuses as if there were any doubt about that. So, therefore, 
my bearing and behaviour in this respect shall be as that of 
one of your friends, without any further preface. 

The matter in hand which I have to discourse with you 
would, indeed, almost require that we should meet together to talk 
the matter over for at least half a day. And in good earnest, 
for four or five months past, I have often desired that it might 
be the good pleasure of God to afford us that opportunity. 

1 On the back: " To my good lord and friend Sire Jacques Le Franc." James 
de Bourgogne, Seigneur de Falais and of Breda in Brabant, great-grandson natural 
of Philip le Bel, Duke of Burgundy. Brought up at the Court of Charles the 
Fifth, this seigneur adopted, in his youth, the reformed faith, and under the 
Spanish rule not being able to avow his profession, by the advice of Calvin he 
quitted his country, abandoning the whole of his property, which was confiscated 
by a decree of the Court of Malines. Thenceforth devoted to perpetual exile, he 
dwelt successively at Cologne, Strasbourg, Basle, Geneva, and maintained an 
active correspondence with the Eeformer, who heaped upon him the tokens of his 
friendship, and dedicated to him in 1546 his Commentary on the First Epistle of 
Paul to the Corinthians. These kind relations were unfortunately disturbed at a 
later period on account of the trial of Jerome Bolsec, in which M. de Falais openly 
took part against Calvin. The latter keenly resented that act of hostility on the 
part of a friend, which broke up the friendship, without any after healing, in 1552. 
The letters of Calvin to M. de Falais have been published in the last century at 
Amsterdam from the originals long preserved in that town. Lettres de Calvin a 
Jacques de Bourcjoyne, Seigneur de Falais, 1 vol. 8vo. Amsterdam, 1744. We 
republish them here in more chronological order, revised and corrected from the 
originals now deposited in the library of Geneva, with some other pieces appended 
which have not hitherto appeared in print. 



372 M. DE FALAIS. 1543. 

And, indeed, up till this time I have been in doubt, whether for 
better advice I ought to entreat you to undertake a journey, in 
order that after having seen and considered more closely, we 
might be able to determine what ought to be done. For had 
the question been, to deal with the matter in deliberation as at 
all doubtful, there would have been many pros and cons to 
settle before being able to solve it ; it would have been some 
what silly and inconsiderate on my part to attempt to do so by 
letter. But at length, I have thought, on the other hand, that 
if our Lord hath already bestowed the courage upon you to 
visit us in good earnest, to put your confidence in our Lord 
along with us, that it would be trouble thrown away, and show 
much besides of shyness and drawing back, to recommend 
you to come merely to see what was done there, to advise you 
at all upon that head. Wherefore, I would not recommend 
you to take that unnecessary trouble, only to have to begin 
again afterwards afresh, and that perhaps in less favourable 
circumstances than the present. 

I understand very well the difficulty in which you are placed 
if you look to the world, and those considerations which may 
keep you back. But you will need to come to a settled conclu 
sion, to cast aside everything which shall come in the way to 
cross you in your purpose. One ought not, it is true, to take 
such a step at random, that is to say, without foundation, and 
without knowing why or wherefore. But when you have your 
conscience assured by a testimony which is better and stronger 
than all the world could give you, you ought to acquiesce 
therein out and out, and deem besides, that all the obstacles 
which interpose to divert or turn you aside, are scandals which 
Satan lays before you to block up the way. Howbeit, to my 
thinking, there is no great need to allege many reasons to shew 
you what to do according to the Word of God. I take it for 
granted, that you are already clear upon that point. You have 
only the regret of what you leave on the one hand, and on the 
other, the fear of not meeting with all that you could desire. 
All worldly regrets, however, may be overcome by this consider 
ation, that there is no condition more unhappy than to live in 
trouble of mind, and to have a continual warfare raging within 



1543. M. DE FALAIS. 373 

one s self, or rather without ceasing to be tormented by a hell 
within. Consider, then, whether you can have peace with God 
and your own conscience, while persevering in the state wherein 
you now are. In the first place, if the hope of being better 
off still holds you back, you perceive plainly enough that the 
opening abyss grows ever wider, and that in the end you sink 
the deeper. Secondly, should it please God to repair the dis 
order which prevails at present, what delight would it afford you 
if you could say, While my Master was banished from this 
country, I was quite willing to be excluded, and of my own 
accord to go and serve Him ; and now that he is come again, 
I return to give Him praise ? while as yet there is no appear 
ance of his being about to do so. Wherefore, the course which 
it most befits you to take, is to withdraw before you are plunged 
so deep into the mire that you are not able to extricate yourself ; 
and, indeed, the sooner the better. For in such a case you 
must seize the opportunity when it presents itself, concluding-, 
that when the Lord vouchsafes the means, it is as though lie 
opened the door for us ; thus it behoves you thereupon to enter 
without further trifling or delay, for fear that it may be shut, 
while in the meantime we wrangle and debate about it. 

Now, the most seasonable occasion, I conclude, is when He 
has broken those heart-ties, as well your own as those of your 
good wife, making that easy to you, by the disposedness where 
with He has inclined you, to what must otherwise have been so 
full of difficulty. In such a case, we ought, according to the 
exhortation of the holy apostle, to avail ourselves of the gifts of 
the Spirit, putting them to profitable use and into practice, and 
never allow them to lie dead and useless, fearing lest they may 
be altogether quenched through our own negligence. Therefore, 
since you have every appliance you could wish for at hand, you 
ought not to tarry, for should it so happen, what experience of 
your faith could you ever have in that ? There cannot be a 
doubt, that our father Abraham must have felt great reluctance 
when he was obliged to leave his country, and that he had 
not all things to his liking ; yet nevertheless, without hesi 
tation he hastened forth. If we are his children, it is only 
seemly that we do follow him. We have no express revela- 



374 M. DE FALAIS. 1543. 

tion commanding us to leave the country ; but seeing that we 
have the commandment to honour God, both in body and soul, 
wherever we are, what more would we have ? It is to us, then, 
equally that these words are addressed, Get thee out of thy 
country and from tliy kindred, whenever we are there con 
strained to act against our conscience, and cannot live to the 
glory of God. For the rest, our Lord will vouchsafe you wis 
dom to order your steps aright, and you are yourself in the most 
favourable position to judge whither your affairs are tending. 
I desire, however, that you should be endeavouring to shake 
yourself loose, in order that you may feel yourself more alert and 
free to act, when you shall have got rid of these entanglements, 
with the aid of the good friends whom you have with you there 
abouts, who may be helpful to you both in the way of advice 
and painstaking on your behalf. 

The worthy seigneur whom you have so much desired to lend 
some help, 1 is about to leave, offering to do, for his part, all that 
lies in his power in the way of duty ; and certes, the zealous 
interest he evinces toward you, ought indeed to quicken your 
motion, and be like a new spur to increase and stir up the good 
inclination which you already possess. 

Then as for what remains, we cannot so well manage to settle 
that by writing. I shall, however, beseech our heavenly Father, 
that He would open your eyes yet more and more, that you may 
be able to contemplate what He has already in some measure 
bestowed upon you, giving you, besides, strength of endurance 
to follow the course which He points out to you. Finally, that 
He would direct you in everything and throughout all by his 
Holy Spirit, keeping you in His protection. Whereupon, I 
would commend me humbly to your kindly acceptance, without 
forgetting the good fellowship of the worthy Seigneurs who are 
along with you. 

Your servant, humble brother, and entire friend, 

CHARLES D ESPEVILLE. 

[Fr. orig. autogr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 104.] 

1 David de Busanton, Seigneur du Hainaut, in retirement at Geneva. 



1543. MADAME DE FALAIS. 375 

CXI. To MADAME DE FALAIS.* 

Christian counsel and exhortations. 

This Uth October [1543.] 

MADAME, AND WELL-BELOVED SISTER, I have no great mat 
ter to write you about at present, unless it be to let you know 
that I have received your letter, which affords me a suitable 
occasion to thank our Lord for the many graces He has bestowed 
upon you, and peculiarly on account of His having thus dis 
posed you to relinquish and renounce all, to devote yourself 
wholly to His service. It is, indeed, only what we ought all of 
us to do without murmur or gainsaying, and is even, as it were, 
the first lesson in the school of Christ. The greater number of 
scholars, however, acquit themselves very badly. On that ac 
count, therefore, I praise our Lord, for that He has made you 
feel how highly He prizes the glory of His name, to give it the 
preference above every other worldly consideration, and even so 
to experience what a happiness it is to serve Him with a quiet 
peaceful conscience, so that you may reckon that the greatest 
treasure you could happen upon. As it is, therefore, quite 
superfluous to exhort you very much, when I see that you have 
already made up your mind as it appears to me, all that re 
mains for me is to take pains to confirm you in that holy reso 
lution. Besides, I do earnestly hope, that our Lord has not 
kindled such a zealous desire in you, as not also to give you the 
grace to reach forward to the mark whereto He urges you for 
ward. And over and above all, He has already shewn by such 
considerable beginnings, that we ought to have confidence in 
Him, that He will perfect what He hath begun. 

1 On the back : " To Madame and good sister Madame Katerine Le Franc." 
lolande de Brederode, of the ancient and illustrious house of the Counts of Hol 
land, aunt of Henri de Brederode, who, in 1566, presented the request of the four 
hundred reformed nobles of the Netherlands to Margaret of Austria, and thus laid 
the foundation of the liberty of the United Provinces. Of a stoical and generous 
spirit, Madame de Falais partook the sentiments of her husband, and she shared 
the noble fellowship of the sacrifices which he made for the sake of liberty of con 
science. 



376 MADAME DE FALA1S. 1543. 

It is true also, that on your part you have great bars which 
lie in the way to obstruct your progress,, and also the gentleman 
on his side yet many more. But in putting on the strength of 
our Lord, you will not care a straw for them, and skip over 
them without difficulty., not, however, so far as the flesh is con 
cerned, but in suchwise that you shall acknowledge the truth to 
be fulfilled in you, according to what the prophet says, " The 
Lord maketh my feet like hinds feet/ Only, take care not to 
let the zeal which the Lord has bestowed upon you grow cool ; 
but rather to look upon it as though it were Himself who soli 
cits and importunes you to come away. And should there be 
some weakness of infirmity about you, first of all, entreat Him 
specially in prayer that He would correct it, while on your part 
you strive against that weakness to get the better of it. Secondly, 
beseech Him when He shall perceive that you corne on too 
slowly, that He would take you by the hand, and, as it were, 
deliver you in spite of yourself. There cannot be any doubt 
but that Sarah was a great solace to our father Abraham, when 
he had to set forth upon his journey. Follow you her footsteps 
like one of her daughters, for we see from the example of Lot s 
wife what is the consecuience of looking back. Howsoever that 
may be, I do entertain the assurance that you have not put a 
hand to the plough, meaning to look behind and turn back 
upon it. 

If this letter had been presented to you by a messenger who 
was altogether a stranger, I would have been possibly some 
what more lengthened in my address ; but when the mes 
senger can himself supply what is deficient in the letters, we 
must not cast such discredit upon him as to write all that we 
would have you to know, as if he had not a mouth to speak 
for himself. For this reason I shall conclude this letter, after 
having commended me affectionately to your kind favour, and 
having prayed our Lord that He would carry forward His work 
in you, leading you even by His Holy Spirit, both to the know 
ledge and the obedience of His good will, giving also strength 
and prudence to him who ought to be your guide, to go before, 
to urge you by his example, and also that He would be so gra 
cious to you as to make you a helpmate as He has ordained. I 



1543. MONSIEUR DE FALAIS. 377 

shall await the return of the kind gentleman, the present bearer., 
not without having a great desire to see you. 

Your servant, humble brother, and entire friend, 

CHARLES D ESPEVILLE. 

[Fr. orig. autogr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.] 



CXII. TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS. 1 

Further exhortation to decide him on quitting his country. 

GENEVA, [1543.] 

MONSIEUR, Although I rely with confidence in our gracious 
God, that as He has guided you hitherto, bestowing grace to 
overcome many difficulties, which might have turned you aside 
out of the straight road, He will also in time coming vouchsafe 
you strength to resist all the assaults which Satan can muster 
up against you, nevertheless, when I consider the danger wherein 
you now are, already harassed by so many temptations, as I see 
them arrayed and set in order, I could not refrain from remind 
ing you, that the benefits which God hath bestowed upon us, 
indeed require that we should prefer His honour to all the world 
besides, and that the hope of salvation which we have by His 
Evangel is so precious, that we ought readily to forego all 
meaner considerations, in so far as they hinder us from reaching 
forward to that hope, and that we ought to have such content 
ment in conforming ourselves to His will, that whensoever the 
question arises of our displeasing the whole world, that we may 
obey His pleasure, it is good for us. Not that He does not put 
you in mind of this without my warnings ; for I am well 
assured, that foreseeing the occurrence of temptations, you have 
taken good care to arm and furnish yourself beforehand by 
meditation upon these things. And can you not say as much, 
moreover, that you have that imprinted on the heart ? But well 
do I know how profitable it will be for you to hear a word or 

1 This letter is without date ; but Calvin might have written it shortly after 
the two which precede it, in order to overcome the last scruples of M. de Falais, 
then on the point of abandoning his fortune and his country. 



378 MONSIEUR DE FALAIS. 1543. 

two of exhortation from your friends, for that will serve very 
much to confirm you. I have sometimes experienced this my 
self. On the other hand, had this only been the point in con 
sideration, that in this manner I might express the anxiety 
which we entertain about you in this quarter, that of itself were 
quite a sufficient reason for me. That, besides, such as it is, 
ought to be an argument to persuade you of our desire to have 
good accounts of you, that we may have occasion to return 
thanks to God, having understood that you are spared, or 
rather that He shall so have tried you, that He will, notwith 
standing, have given you courage to overcome all the wiles of 
the devil. If you have to fight, and that should be the will 
of God, reckon that it is but a passing tempest, and that 
you can betake yourself to a covering shelter from the storm 
for we have no other retreat than that of our God let us 
then hide ourselves there, and we shall be in security. The 
hope of our being able to reform by the instrumentality of 
human means is very small. Wherefore, we must not repent 
of having come forward, nor of our on-waiting in following 
of God, even should the whole world pass on before us. And 
even now we must not draw back on that account ; for who 
soever shall do so will find himself deceived. Let us firmly 
hope that at length the Lord will take pity upon His Church. 
But let every one proceed just according as he is called, and 
let him who has more grace shew the way to others. This 
is what ought to make you bethink yourself, that is to say, 
that you are so much the more obliged to run quicker than 
many others, on account of our Lord having given you the power, 
and having also brought you to the spot, from whence it is not 
allowable for you to withdraw to the rear. And in fact, when 
a man has once withdrawn himself from that abyss of the spiri 
tual captivity, or rather, has been deli vered by the hand of God, 
should it so happen him to be engulfed anew, and to depart 
from the liberty which the Lord had vouchsafed for him, he is 
quite overwhelmed when he finds himself in a state of confusion, 
from whence it is not possible to come forth. 

I say this, not because I think it shall happen, or that I 
distrust you, for, as I have protested from the beginning, I feel 



1544. VJRET. 379 

well assured that nothing will shake your resolution ; but we 
must not be wanting in stirring up one another, however well 
disposed we may be ; and all the more that we have been deli 
berating with ourselves, we are the more glad when our friends 
hold out a helping hand to strengthen us. In short, I just do 
what I would desire you to do to me were I in your situation, 
and I never doubt but that you will take it with the same 
heart as that from which it proceeds. 

Wherefore, Monsieur, after my humble commendation to 
your kind favour and to that of Madame, I beseech the God 
of grace always to manifest Himself for your protection, and 
to defeat the wiles* of Satan, so that having full hope in 
Him you may not have any other motive but to glorify His 
name, and that He would so strengthen you in constancy 
that you may never be disturbed by the fear of man, nor 
stunned by the uproar wbich they shall make, but He would 
so sanctify you that Himself may be the place and palace of 
your sanctification. 

Your humble brother and servant always, 

CHARLES D ESPEVILLE. 

[Fr. orig. autogr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.] 



CXIIL- TO VlRET. 1 

The ministerial office refused to Castalio The marriage of Bonnivard, 
Abbot of St. Victor. 

llth February 1544. 

SEBASTIAN has set out with our letters to you. Would that 
either he might consider more advisedly what was best for himself, 

1 Regent in the College of Geneva, Sebastian Castalio sought also to have the 
title of minister, as we see from the Council Register, January 1544. " Sebastian 
Chatillon, regent. Calvin represents to the Council, that it is very right to em 
ploy the Regent, but not in that office of the ministry, on account of certain peculiar 
opinions wliicli lie entertains" 1 These opinions which were called in question, were 
his doubts on the doctrine of election, on the descent of Jesus Christ to hell, and on 
the authenticity of the Song of Solomon. Offended at not being able to obtain the 
office and functions of a minister, Castalio denuded himself of those of regent, and 
prepared to leave Geneva, provided with the most honourable attestations of the 
pastors of that town. 



380 VIRET. 1544. 

or that we might have fallen upon some method by which we 
could have contented him without disadvantage to the Church. 
When his old situation with us had heen kept open for him, 
he refused to stay unless we should add somewhat to his 
stipend. This could not be obtained from the Senate. To 
me it seemed better to say nothing whatever about the reason 
why he could not be admitted to the office of the ministry, or 
to hint merely, that somewhat of a hindrance lay in the way, 
and thus to prevent all unpleasant suspicions, so that the pub 
lic estimation in which he is held should suffer no diminution. 
My intention was, that I might spare him, which I would will 
ingly have managed, (although, perhaps, not without incurring 
displeasure,) if he would only have suffered me. The case, 
therefore, at his own request, was discussed in Council, but with 
out any difference of opinion. I am truly sorry on his own 
account, and all the more so, because I fear that he may not find 
in your quarter that which he desires. Do you look after him, 
and help him to the utmost of your power. What his opinion of 
me may happen to be, gives me no concern whatever. Kay- 
mond, assuredly, so far as he could, has lately torn me in pieces 
during my absence, by venting the most outrageous invectives. 
There is no need, however, of my annoying you by repeating 
them over. Depend upon it, however, there is nobody here so 
perversely saucy who would venture upon the half of what he 
said. I bear with it all, notwithstanding, and conceal my know 
ledge of it, except that among the brethren, I have complained 
that there were some who did not speak and feel kindly concern 
ing me. But let us not stop to consider such trifles. Do you 
know that the Abbot of Saint Victor, and the mother of 
Corne, by their unsuitable marriage, have afforded us plenty of 
sport in the way of joking? 1 Adieu, my dear brother; salute 



1 Francis de Bonnivard, prior of St. Victor, celebrated for his wise and prudent 
spirit, his talents, and above all, by his long captivity in the Castle of Chillon. 
Restored to liberty on the conquest of the Pays de Vaud by the Bernese, he returned 
to his own country, and was charged with the editing of the Chronicles of Geneva. 
Having been married previously to Catherine Baunigartner of Berne, he married, 
in 1544, Jeanne d Armeis, herself at that time widow of two husbands, and mother 
of the Syndic Amblard Corne. This marriage was nut a happy one, and the 



1544. BULLINGER. 381 

Celio, Bibitti, your family, and the rest of our friends. May 
the Lord preserve both you and them. Yours, 

JOHN CALVIN. 

[Lat. orig. autogr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.] 



CXIY. To BULLINGER, 

Conclusion of an arrangement between Berne and Geneva. 

GENEVA, 17th February 1544. 

I have never yet replied to your letter in which you admo 
nished me of the need there was that those disputes between 
the Bernese and our people which were then astir 1 might be 
settled by friendly arbitration, and wherein you also requested 
that so far as was allowable for me, I would constantly inter 
pose to prevent that useless quarrel on both sides from creep 
ing on any further at so unseasonable a time. Albeit, however, 
that you only spurred me on when running in that direction of 
my own accord, it has helped me forward not a little when I 
was almost exhausted in rolling this stone already, to be goaded 
forward by this new impulse, that I might not give in before 
the matter was finished. And besides, that you may be all the 
better aware of how much service your exhortation and those of 
others have been to me, I was very nearly ten times over begin- 



quarrels of the two spouses drew upon them more than once the censures of the 
Consistory. See Notice of Francis Bonnivard, Prieur of St. Victor, by Doctor 
Chaponniijre. Geneve, 1546. 

1 After five years of embroilments and continued struggles between Berne and 
Geneva on account of the disputed territories then in litigation, peace was at 
length re-established between the two towns by the definitive sentence of the depu 
ties of Basle, chosen as arbiters, (January 1544.) This decision, accepted equally 
by both parties, divided between them the jurisdiction of the lands belonging to 
Saint Victor, and the Charter granted to the Genevese fourteen cures or benefices 
out of the dependencies of the ancient bishopric, with power to place ministers ; 
discharged the Bernese from the oath which those of Geneva pretended to be due 
to them on account of the occupation of the bailliagcs of Gex and of Ternier ; and 
last of all, stipulated for the free return of the banished exiles of Geneva, after the 
troubles of 1540 See the Chronique de Eoset, 1. iv. c. 65 ; and Buchat, Hist, de 
la Kef. torn. v. pp. 240, 241. 



382 VIKET. 1544. 

ning to lose courage and to despond. It was not without great 
difficulty brought about, that the former judgment which had 
been passed at Basle was received here, and the second proved 
yet more troublesome to me, for more than ever had been 
yielded by it to the Bernese, and our people, because they now 
considered that they had fully discharged their duty, became 
all the more difficult to manage. Thereupon, it behoved me 
all the more to set my whole energies to work, and although 
my labour was not far from being thrown away to no purpose, 
when I was beginning almost to despair of a happy settle 
ment, the Lord, altogether unexpectedly, shone forth mar 
vellously upon us. At present, therefore, by the blessing of 
G-od, we enjoy not only peace, but also the most perfect agree 
ment, which I trust shall be firm. Adieu, most learned Sir, 
and my very dear brother in the Lord. Salute reverently D. 
Pellican, Theodore, Megander, Gualther, and the rest of the 
brethren. May the Lord ever direct you all by His own Spirit. 
Yours, 

JOHN CALVIN. 
My colleagues salute you all. 

[Lat. orig. autogr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.] 



CXV. To YIRET. 

Farther details of the arrangements with the Bernese recall of the refugees 
preparation of several works disagreements with Castalio. 

GENEVA, March 1544. 

When scarce a day passes in which some messenger does not 
set out hence direct for you to whom I could commit my letter, 
I shall not throw away time in excusing myself, that you may 
not believe it has happened through my neglect, that for so 
long I have never written you, when you would not only be de 
sirous to know somewhat of our affairs, but had also requested 
that I would do so. Howbeit, you must not impute it to neglect, 
that I have for a while delayed. For while the deputies were 
here, because nought had been settled, I was unwilling to write 



1544. VIRET. 383 

to no purpose. Lately, when Nicolas and William went away 
I had scarcely time to write a short letter to Germany. With 
the exception of these two, no one else presented an opportunity. 
I could have found one if I had made inquiry. In so far I 
confess that I was negligent. When, however, I was about 
to give the letter to Godfrey s son, in came Eibitti in the 
meantime, to whom I have briefly narrated the story of the 
agreement. 

It would be tiresome to enumerate all the details. Let it 
suffice that you have the sum and substance. 1 The winding-up 
of the whole business leads me to hope well for the future. 
For the Bernese deputies, having got the business brought to 
a settlement according to their own heart s desire, went away 
homeward rejoicing. And our own friends, although they 
have not obtained all they wished, are nevertheless very well 
satisfied. So far as I can forecast in my own judgment, it 
will be not only a sure and firm peace, but a lasting friendship. 
Lambert, the provost of the city, has married his step-daughter 
to the son of Amy Chapeaurouge. 2 Thus you have some 
prospect of an amnesty. 3 Ever since our exiles first heard 
that the magistrates are so ready to set open the gates, they 
also pant wishfully to return. There is now a stir made about 
Vanzy, and, so far as one may conjecture, he will obtain what he 
asks, for the prospect of money is pleasant and inviting : and the 
more headstrong spirits have already been tamed. One is re 
stored already, the son-in-law of Francis Favre, at the request 
of Amy Perrin, who wishes to entrust him with the manage 
ment of Melchior s tavern, which he holds at present as tutor or 
trustee. 

1 See the preceding Letter. 

2 One of the Genevese refugees at Berne, belonging to one of the most distin 
guished families of the republic. 

3 In the original : up.vvffTia;. During the period of Calvin s banishment to 
Strasbourg, several parties had arisen at Geneva. The most important was that of 
the Articulans, or of the ArticJiaud, whose chiefs, after having possessed supreme 
power for some time, were either put to death or banished, in consequence of a 
popular reaction. Several of the exiles retired to Berne, whence, after matters in 
dispute had been arranged between the two cities, they were permitted to return 
to Geneva. Spori, Hist, de Geneve, torn. i. pp. 281, 282, Note 0. 



384 VIRET. 1544. 

I have spoken to the deputies about you ; for I wished to 
sound them whether we could draw you thence to ourselves. 
They refused, however, but in such a way that it did not look 
as if they would be stubborn, if our people were some time to 
push the matter. I have offered my service to Girard, if there 
should be occasion for it. That the work should be dedicated to 
the Bernese, would not be according to my mind, 1 unless you 
shall have ascertained beforehand from the secretary, that such a 
mark of respect would neither be displeasing to them nor hurt 
ful to you. I had heard that you were meditating somewhat 
against the Sorbonne articles, 2 which I earnestly would desire 
may be true ; but Ribitti replied, that he had heard nothing of 
it. I wish therefore you would do so, and that you would write 
me back word that it is done. There are very many indeed in 
France who desire to see it. I have been requested by some of 
them. You can, if you will, relieve me of this undertaking. 
Those of Neuchatel tease me incessantly for another book 
against a certain work of the Anabaptists. 3 

Ribitti also in an off hand way dealt some what with me about 
Sebastian, 4 and seemed to press home, that he ought not to be 
passed over by us. When he often repeated the expression, 
What would I wish him to do ? I replied, somewhat roused, that 
I would willingly give way, but that I ought not to be so hard 
pressed to admit him against the voice of conscience. He obj ected 
to that, that he had been in the office of the ministry. I denied 

1 Without doubt the Dialogues of Viret, Dialogi de Confusione Mundi, published 
in Latin and French. Geneva, 1545. 

2 " It was," says Th. de Beze, " in this year (1543) that those of Sorbonne, 
with the connivance of the bishops, usurped the authority of making articles of 
faith on the controverted questions of our time in the matter of religion." 
Hist. Eccl. torn. i. p. 33. It was not Viret who replied to that strange preten 
sion of the Sorbonne, but Calvin. The answer of the Reformer, a model of pith 
and irony, appeared in 1544, under the title, Les Articles de la Sacree Faculte 
de Theologie de Paris, avec le Remede contre le Poison. Eecueil des Opuscules, 
p. 71. 

3 Brieve Instruction pour armer tout bon Fidele contre les Erreurs de la Secte 
Commune des Anal&gt;aptistes : Geneva, 1544. Inserted in the Recueil des Opus 
cules, with a preface by Calvin to the Ministers of the Churches of the county of 
Neuchatel, 1st June 1544. 

4 Sebastian Castalio. 



1544. VIRET. 385 

that; and added, that he had been sent to preach without any pre 
vious examination while I was absent, and without my know 
ledge ; it was not fair, therefore, to charge that upon me. I could 
not rightly understand whether he was in jest or in earnest when 
we came upon the mention of Canticles ; but his opinion seemed 
to me not to differ greatly from that of Sebastian. Concerning 
the descent of Christ to hell, we exchanged not more than three 
words ; for our conversation was broken off by the entrance of 
some visitors. 

What Sebastian would be at I know not, in boasting that my 
friends are surprised and laugh at the thought of my adducing 
the forty-fifth psalm for the defence of the Song of Solomon, 
and since the descent of Christ to hell in the Creed is sub 
joined to the burial, bringing forward for the confirmation of 
my own interpretation, that expression which he uttered while 
hanging on the cross My God, &c. But I can bear his 
mockery, as well as that of others, patiently and willingly. 
I am not at all alarmed at the conceit of their being able 
to overcome me by reasonable argument. This only I would 
beseech of you, that you do not interfere with me about 
Sebastian. So far as I have been able to collect from his 
discourse in conversation, he entertains such an opinion of 
me, that it is almost impossible we can ever agree together. 
I express myself to you in a way that I would not write to 
others. Nor indeed have I any reason to complain of } T our 
having hitherto given me any trouble on that score. 

A little while after his return, I wished to know what those 
particular acts were in regard to which he deemed that it would 
be of advantage to myself and to the Church that I should be 
admonished. I have only been able to extort two. That there 
was a certain native of Berne who had been informed by my 
self what it was about the Canticle that I so much disapproved 
in him. I refuted this calumny. The other offence was, that 
my colleagues flattered me. I answered him with a suitable 
response. He had nothing more to say. I was sorry for him. 
I could wish, that without offence provision were made for him 
somewhere ; and willingly to the best of my ability would I 
exert myself for that purpose. His learning and genius I highly 

VOL. i. 2 B 



386 THE MINISTERS OF NEUCHATEL. 1544. 

esteem. Only I could wish that it were allied to a better judg 
ment the judgment regulated by prudence, and that overween 
ing confidence which he has conceived from a false persuasion 
that he has discovered a more excellent [i.e., moderate] way, 
were entirely uprooted out of his mind. 

Adieu, my very dear brother and sound friend ; kind salu 
tation to the brethren, your wife, and your aunt. The Lord 
preserve you all. My wife dutifully salutes you and your 
family. Yours, 

JOHN CALVIN. 

[Lett. orii/. autogr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.] 



CXVI. To THE MINISTERS OF N 

Controversy with Chaponneau regarding the Divinity of Christ. 

GENEVA, 28/7* May [1544.] 

It has much grieved me, my very dear brethren in the Lord, 
that your letter was not sooner delivered, for had I received it 
in time your wish would have been complied with, if not to 
the full extent, yet, at all events, partially. That I did not, 
therefore, come to Neuchatel on the day appointed, nor send an 
answer, arose from no neglect, but only because John Roger, 
the chirurgeon, upon the sixth day after his arrival here, at 
length presented your said letter, along with those pretty 
articles of Courtois. 2 Because, however, the time had gone by, 
I did not think that there was any need to be in greater haste, 
until an occasion for writing should offer itself. Our brother 
Michael now presents himself, who will faithfully bring you 
my reply. 

1 The Doctor John Chaponneau, ancien moine of the ALbaye of Saint Amboise, 
at Bourges, become minister of the Church of Neuchatcl, had attacked in some 
points the doctrine of the book of the " Institution Ckretienne." Calvin answered 
his observations in few words. Chaponneau did not feel satisfied, and repeated 
his attacks with extreme violence. The subject of debate was the Divinity of 
Christ, seriously altered by the rash interpretations of Chaponneau. The reply of 
the Reformer, written at the request of Farel, was addressed to the pastors of the 
Church of Neuchatel. 

2 Son-in-law of the minister Chaponneau, whose opinions he no doubt shared. 



1544. THE MINISTERS OF NEUCHATEL. 387 

As for Chaponneau, one may well wonder what would induce 
him to disturb the Church, if I had not known, long ago, 
the nature and disposition of the man. There is, however, 
this peculiarity about it, which I cannot but wonder at. I 
mean, what can be the cause or pretext why he wishes to dis 
pute with me ? If he had done so on provocation, even 
then the excuse would not have been sufficient to justify him. 
Neither are we called to the office of the ministry in order that 
we may contend among ourselves, but that with cordial una 
nimity, and by common consent, we may wage .war under the 
banner of Christ. But at this present time, when there is 
nothing whatever, so far as I am aware, either of rancour or of 
controversy astir among us, the man must be utterly without 
brains who sounds the war-trumpet so rashly in the midst of 
peace. Moreover, how very senseless is it, on his part, who 
has never been well taught the elements of grammar, to put 
himself forward and boast of all sorts of learning, although 
this is not the first time he has begun to wax insolent with 
his empty vapouring ! I remember that when Alciat 1 had 
upon some occasion reproved the theologasters of Louvaine, 
because they had endeavoured to prevent the institution of a 
college of the three languages in that city, Chaponneau, in a 
noisy and intemperate oration, declaimed against the study of 
languages and the civil law. Alciat, offended at such dis 
tempered folly, but, at the same time, conceiving it to be 
inconsistent with the dignity of his station to enter into a dis 
pute with such a person, merely gave intimation to the magis 
trate, and requested that he would restrain his disorderly 
impertinence, which was done accordingly, and not without 
disgrace to the offender. Now-a-days, the place of his abode, 
and the office which he fills, ought to make him more moder 
ate ; but because he is so injudicious, so borne along by a 
blind and unbridled impulse, I shall consider not so much 
what his effrontery deserves as wliat is becoming and proper 

1 The celebrated jurisconsult, Andrew Alciat, from Milan, whose instruction 
Calvin had received at the University of Bourses. He lectured upon Law alter 
nately in the schools of France and Italy, and died in 1546, leaving numerous dis 
ciples in the various countries of Europe. 



388 THE MINISTERS OF NEUCHATEL. 1544. 

on my part. Certainly I shall not so far yield to him the ad 
vantage as to enable him to boast that I was drawn into 
strife upon his provocation. Would that he might only be 
quiet in time, and allow others also to be quiet ; but, if other 
wise, it clearly belongs to you, of your own authority, by law 
ful process of the Church and of the magistrate, to repress 
his violence. It is not without reason that Paul has written, 
that he who would be considered as belonging to the kingdom 
of Christ must be a new creature ; and yet I think there did 
not then exist men of this sort among them disturbers of 
the peace, and without any due regard either of place or per 
son, who would be ever prompt and ready, for no cause what 
ever, not merely to enter upon a brawl or quarrel, but even to 
come to blows. the wretchedness of these our times ! Is it 
possible that even in the remotest corner of the Church, there 
can be found a place for one who dares openly to boast, as if it 
were a noble deed, that he had almost laid violent hands upon 
his own colleague, who unless compelled by the authority of 
the civil magistrate, refuses a willing obedience to the Presby 
tery, who makes his house a very hot-bed and nursery of sedi 
tion, who takes counsel apart from all the rest ? to say 
nothing about other matters, which it is of no use, and can 
answer no good purpose at present to commemorate. 

As for those conclusions, which, as you suspect, he has sug, 
gestcd to Courtois, his son-in-law, I know not why you sup 
pose that the greater part refer to me. There is one passage, 
indeed, in which he plainly approaches near enough to touch 
me. I see nought besides which suits me in the application. 
In so far as relates to that passage, wherein, as if from the 
tripod, he pronounces, oracularly, those persons to be heretics 
who say that Christ, inasmuch as He is God, is self-existent, 
the reply is easy. First of all let him answer me, whether 
Christ is true and perfect God ? Except he would have the 
essence of God to be divided, be will be forced to acknowledge 
that that exists entire in Christ. And the words of Paul are 
express, " that in Him dwelleth all the fulness of the Godhead." 
Again, I ask, has He that fulness of Deity in or of Himself, or 
has He derived it from elsewhere ? But he objects, that the 



1544. THE MINISTERS OF NEUCHATEL. 389 

Son is of or from the Father. Now, I have not only always 
willingly acknowledged that, but, indeed, have also preached 
the same doctrine. The point is this, however, wherein these 
asses are mistaken; they do not consider that the name of 
Son is spoken concerning the Person, and therefore is con 
tained in the terms employed in defining the relation, which 
relation is not brought in question where the Divinity of Christ 
is simply treated of; on which subject, Augustine treats elegantly 
upon the 68th Psalm, which writer these same persons make a 
boast of, when, notwithstanding, they have never read anything 
of his except some rhapsodies or other. The words are If 
any one asks tvhether the Father may be said to be the same as 
the Son ? Reply, As regards the substance, He is the same ; 
not relatively, in so far as it is spoken of anything else. Of 
Himself, He is called God. In relation to the Father, He is 
called the Sen ; and again, on the other hand, the Father, in 
reference to Himself, is called God; in reference to the Son, 
He is called Father. When ivhat is spoken relates to the 
Son, the Father is not the Son. When He is spoken of as the 
Son in His relation to the Father, He is not the Father. When 
tvhat is spoken relates to the Father and the Son as self- 
existent, this is the Father and the Son, the same God. So far 
Augustine. Now, that distinction being employed, what further 
ambiguity, I beseech you, remains about the matter in question ? 
Wherefore, the same holy man, in the 39th homily on John, 
after he moved this question, In what manner the Father and 
the Son are the Beginning? [Principium,] he makes use of 
this solution, that mention is here made of number, in so far as 
they have relation to each other, not, however, as regards the 
essence. Also, on the 109th Psalm : If the Father is the Be 
ginning, he says, are there not two Beginnings ? By no means ; 
for as the Father is God, and the Son God, so each is the 
Beginning. Neither are there tivo, but one Beginning. Now, 
let your little masterling go his way, arid, with a bold front, 
flout at us. The 38th homily also, concerning time, which has 
for title, " Concerning the Trinity and the Dove," treats copi 
ously of how much importance it is to make a distinction 
according as we consider the relations or the essence of the 



390 THE MINISTERS OF NEUCHATEL. 1544. 

Godhead. Should, however, his obstinacy not yet be tarned or 
broken in, I do not refuse to be called a heretic by such a 
wild beast, provided only that I may have Cyril for my com 
panion, who makes use of the same expressions more than once. 
But how monstrous it is to declare that to be heresy which has 
so many illustrious testimonies, both in the Sacred Oracles and 
in the writings of the ancient Fathers ! 

This small particular excepted, I observe nought else that he 
could apply to me, although this does not touch me alone, but 
applies to every one of you who have made a profession along 
with us, which contains that same doctrine. It is, therefore, 
your duty, and common to you all, to follow up this reproach 
which is cast upon you and on the truth itself. Which unless 
you do, I have determined for my own part never to yield ; 
I mean, if there is any one there who confesses himself to 
be the author of these fine conclusions. Why should I weary 
you, and myself at the same time, all to no purpose in discus 
sing the others ? 

He preaches a great deal about charity, and frets and fumes 
grievously that it has not been well observed among us. I 
would like, however, to know what sort of charity that is, to 
cut off from the Church those who, agreeing entirely in the 
doctrinal sense with all the godly, merely reject certain forms 
of expression : " For what can be more contentious," says 
Augustine, writing to Pascentius, Epistle cxxiv., " than 
where one is agreed upon the doctrine in dispute, to contend 
about the person ?" If even yet he must hold us suspect, 
I might allow him to do so, but in such an excessive rigour 
I cannot discover the meekness of charity. 

As regards the essence of the Godhead, how puerile to say 
that the Fathers did not see it before the coming of Christ ! 
I ask, indeed, with what kind of eyes the essence of God can 
now be seen by the souls of the dead ? Does he suppose 
that the glory of God, infinite as it is, can be seen or com 
prehended by them ? He will say, that He is to be seen, not 
as He is, but in suchwise as the weakness of our perception 
admits of. I then reply, that it was visible, in some degree, even 
before the advent of Christ, that now at length He is revealed 



1544. THE MINISTERS OF NEUCHATEL. 391 

in greater fulness, and that we shall see Him perfectly, when we 
shall have been made like unto Him. He objects, however, that 
the whole choir of the saints cry out against this. But where 
has lie heard that heavenly choir intoning this complaint ? He 
opposes my arguments, but on what ground ? Boastingly he 
vaunts, that it can very easily be proven: let him, however, 
make this easiness of proof quite evident by demonstration. 

So far have I deigned to trifle, and to answer him accord 
ing to his folly. I may now address you seriously. Consider 
well, I beseech you, whitherward these speculations tend. Are 
they not of that sort which Paul so highly disapproves ? That 
the Spirit was not united to the Dove, so as to be consti 
tuted one person as there is one person in Christ, I consider to 
be beyond all dispute. That he takes away the perfection of 
faith from Joseph and Nicodeinus, I am not inclined to ques 
tion, provided he does not bestow it on any other. That the 
spirit of prophecy has not always continued steadfast even in 
the prophets, Saul presents a striking example, I do acknow 
ledge. But perhaps he takes another view of it, which I could 
not admit. Concerning Ananias and Sapphira, he must 
shew that some other crime beyond lying and falsehood was 
punished in their case, if he wishes any reliance to be placed on 
his comment. It is no way surprising that in such an ani 
mated style he defends the Allegories ; for those who have not 
an atom of understanding, unless to trifle with frigid and in 
sipid allegories, very naturally contend for them as if they were 
contending for their family altars and their own firesides. 
But I am growing more tedious than I had resolved to be ; 
I therefore make an end. Adieu, my very dear brethren 
in the Lord. May the Lord increase you more and more 
both in wisdom and strength, that you may go forward in 
the upbuilding of His Church as you had begun. Amen. 
Your own, 

JOHN CALVIN. 

[Lat. copy Library of Geneva. Vol. 111.] 



392 FAREL. 1544. 



CXVIL TO FAREL. 1 

Struggles and difficulties of Calvin at Geneva quarrels of tlie ministers violent 
attacks of Castalio dissatisfaction of the deputies from Berne reappearance of 
the plague dangers of the Church. 

GENEVA, 30tf* May 1544. 

For the second time, I now begin to learn what it is to 
dwell at Geneva. I am, indeed, beset with thousand briars. 
These two months bypast we have had serious wranglings 
among my colleagues, and they have even gone so far, that out 
of four it is quite evident that two have perjured themselves. 
Of which crime, if they who were accused had been given up to 
justice, a crying scandal would have arisen. The cases, indeed, 
were diverse, also happened at different times, so that the one 
party threw back the accusation upon the other. When the 
truth could not be got at, either by oral testimony or by home 
arguments, I was obliged to commend the cases to the special 
judgment of God, and having done so, have settled the dispute 
on both sides. For what else could I have done ? Had both 
of them been cast out, the innocent party must have suffered 
wrongfully, and the example instead of doing good would be of 
evil consequence. I was besides afraid lest should the affair 
come to be generally talked about, it might be said they were 
cast out upon an uncertainty. The infamy in the meantime, 

1 The Church of Geneva, set up as a butt for the attacks and blackening defama 
tion of her maligners who were unwilling to submit to the authority of her dis 
cipline, had also to lament the scandales occasioned by the conduct of many of her 
pastors. Two of Calvin s colleagues, Henry de la Mare and Champereau, were not 
ashamed to frequent the taverns and cabarets, and so to expose the office of the 
ministry to the mockeries of insolent raillery, and those who took a pleasure in 
repeating that the ministers wished to make Canons of them. Chronique de 
Roset, lib. v. c. 2 et 3. Grieved on account of these scandals, but without the 
power of repressing them, Calvin found vent to his sorrow in the intimacy of his 
correspondence with Farel and Viret. 



1544. % FAREL. 393 

however, would settle down upon our order. Somehow or other it 
fell out crosswise, that one who had also been a rnonk, a boon com 
panion and crony of some of them, and has scarcely ever been here 
among the brotherhood, has so traduced their manner of life, 
and of certain others, both in writing and in conversation, that 
none could be more vile than we if the discreditable impeach 
ment should spread any wider. I called together my colleagues ; 
complained bitterly of them all, for that the whole of this affair 
was to be imputed entirely to them. I said, that indeed I was 
quite well aware that that frantic blockhead had been furnished 
with the weapons of his annoyance by themselves ; but that 
however that might be, they must now combine their wits to 
gether for the purpose of extinguishing, as it were, a common 
conflagration. I told them besides, that the hand of the Lord 
pressed heavily upon us, and that He would avenge the per 
juries which attached to us. It would not be at all wonder 
ful, if, on account of so much wickedness and cursing, 
the wrath of the Lord should begin to wax hot against us, 
which of old, because of the sinful conduct of only one indi 
vidual, had raged so fiercely against the whole Israelitish 
people. I took care also to let them know, that this would 
never cease nor come to an end until our presbytery should 
be cleansed from those crimes by which it had been denied. 
And in conclusion I exhorted them, each to examine himself 
and to look within, in such wise as to confess that he was 
punished deservedly. Yet, forsooth, so far were they from 
giving heed to what I said, that forthwith they thought of 
nothing else than how they might have their revenge, at 
least some of them. That same monk I have mentioned was 
employed by these two brethren, of whom there was a strong 
suspicion that they had been cognizant, yea, even aiders and 
abettors of the accusation. Certain persons reported under 
hand of one of them, that he had said many insolent things 
against the magistracy, and that a large proportion of the 
senators had been sorely wounded by slanderous insinua 
tions. Now, you know well enough by experience how sen 
sitive and irritable our senate is whenever it is touched. As 



394 FAREL. 1544. 

soon as I was informed of this, I called all my colleagues 
together, told them beforehand what would happen, and also 
threatened, that in the event of anything more serious occurring, 
I was not going to wait patiently to be involved in such troubles 
along with them ; and that when I was gone away, they would 
feel whether their own shoulders were broad enough to bear up 
under such a burden. Meanwhile, the nobleman I referred to, 
has been cast into prison ; to clear himself, he flings back an 
accusation upon our colleague Louis, 1 which can scarcely have 
other issue than in a sentence of death or banishment. The 
former has several witnesses who can prove that this latter 
person had said, that the Syndics of the former year had been 
elected, with the clear understanding, that in the event of their 
committing misdemeanours, they should be punished capitally, 
and many things to the same purpose. On the other hand, our 
friend Sebastian has been raging against us with the utmost 
violence. There were about sixty persons present yesterday 
when the Scripture was being expounded. The passage under 
consideration was : " Approving themselves as the ministers of 
God in all long-suffering," &c. He shrouded his attack under 
cover of a perpetual antithesis, in such a way as to shew that we 
were in all respects the very opposite of what the ministers 
of Christ ought to be. It was much after this fashion that he 
played with the subject : That Paul had been the servant of 
God, we served ourselves ; that he had been one of the most 
patient of men, we the most impatient ; that he had been a 
night-watcher in order to lay himself out for the edification of 
the Church, but that we kept watch by playing ourselves ; that 
Paul was sober, we were drunken ; that he and the Christians 
of his time had been harassed and vexed on account of sedi 
tions, while we "made it our business to set them astir ; that he 
was chaste, while we had been whoremongers ; that the apostle 
had himself been shut up in prison, but we got people cooped up 
even for an offensive word ; that he used only the power of God, 
while we had recourse to that of the magistrate ; that he had 

1 The minister Louis de Geniston. 



1544. FAREL. 395 

suffered from tlie attack of others, we made it our study to 
persecute the innocent. What more need I say ? It was cer 
tainly altogether a bloody oration. At the . time, I was quite 
mute, lest some greater strife might be kindled in the presence 
of so many strangers, but I laid a complaint before the Syndics. 
These were the ominous intimation of the commencement of all 
sorts of schism. It was not so much the perverse manner of 
his setting about the attack, and the wrong-headed obstinacy of 
his ill-minded malediction that has moved me to undertake the 
repression of the man s restless and froward temper, as because 
he had slandered us by the falsest calumnies. You must now 
perceive the kind of straits and difficulties which so downweigh 
me. And that nought might be wanting to my misery, or 
rather to fill the cup of my miseries, the deputies of Berne, 
JSTegueli and d Erlach the elder, have lately departed hence in 
high dudgeon because they could not arrive at any reasonable 
settlement with our authorities here, about the boundaries, which 
is all the more ungracious, inasmuch as they were contending 
about just nothing at all. And indeed, as I hear, there are 
certain busybodies, in the places of public resort, who appeal 
to me as if I were in my own person the sponsor and arbiter 
of peace, when, themselves, by reason of their obstinacy and 
insane pride, as much as in them lies, do break away from all 
peaceable agreement. 

I now come to your letter : Marcourt 1 I had so far excused, 
that you might not suppose that he had come here upon any 
previous arrangement. Indeed, I was aware that his journey 
was quite upon another design. There is, however, no denying 
that he was delighted on account of the disturbances, and had 
done his utmost to increase them. I am no way surprised 
that your colleague is somewhat stirred against me ; for I 
have discharged freely enough my own bile both on Mar- 
court and the others. The arrangement had been gone into as 
to Viret, without my being made aware of it, notwithstanding 
that I had taken care long ago to point out that what has been 

1 Maroonrt, senior minister of the Church of Geneva. 



396 FAREL. 1544. 

done was what should be done. When our deputies, however, 
had returned from Berne, all of a sudden and beyond my expec 
tation, I have heard that Viret is coming hither to be our col 
league for six months. I returned thanks to the Bernese depu 
ties because they openly announced that it had been so arranged 
at my request. It now remains for the brethren to give their 
assent, which, as I expect, will not be very difficult to be had. 
The book 1 would have been thrown off ere now had not the 
press been occupied with the Dialogues of Viret. I was un 
willing that the printers should be called away from that job, 
that I might not appear to set a higher value on my own work 
than was befitting. In a short time, however, it will make its 
appearance. Bernard, Geniston, and the rest salute you most 
kindly indeed, and in truth, oar own family over and over 
again, Textor, also, who was called up hither by Baudry, 
who has fallen into a speechless state. The disease, so far as 
I can understand, will prove incurable. Textor apprehends 
danger from suffocation ; but should he escape that evil he is 
still liable to be consumed and wasted by atrophy. The pes 
tilence again alarms us, and seems to be on the increase. My 
little daughter labours under a continual fever. 2 A rumour 
has lately been brought hither of the dissolution of the Imperial 
diet. 3 They said that the Emperor thought of going to Stras 
bourg ; now it is reported that he is bound for Metz, but we 
have no certain intelligence. In Italy the French have hitherto 
carried all before them. 4 But whichever shall gain the upper 
hand, either way it must prove calamitous and very disastrous 
for the Christian world. May the Lord look in mercy upon us. 

1 This was the Reply to the Sorhonne Articles. See the note, p. 384. 

2 Calvin had already lost a son in the month of August 1542. See note 3, p. 320. 
He had afterwards another child hy Idelette de Bure, which does not appear to 
have long survived. 

3 The imperial assembly of Spire dissolved in the month of May 1544. Charles 
the Fifth had then obtained considerable subsidies from the Protestant princes in 
return for the important concessions which he had made to them in the great con 
cern of religion Hist. Charles V., lib. vii. 

4 The French had gained a brilliant victory at Consoles, 14th April 1544, over 
the Marquis of Guasta, the Imperial General. 



1544. OSWALD MYCONIUS. 397 

Again, my very dear brother, adieu. Salute all the brethren 
and your own household. The Lord preserve you all. 
Yours, 

JOHN CALVIN. 

[Lat. orig. autogr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.] 



CXVIIL - To OSWALD MycoNius. 1 

Political and military intelligence fn.m France and Germany. 

GENEVA, 24*7* June 1544. 

Already by this time, you must be caring much less about 
the request you made me, that I would inform you more cer 
tainly as to the preparations of the French King. For even 
the Swiss, you see, are astir ; nor do I entertain any doubt 
that even there where you arc, the intelligence about his 
plans has been spread far and wide. There is a town in 
Champagne, which they call Chatillon ; thither he concentrates 
all his forces, there to await the approach of the Emperor ; 
in the meantime, he has strong enough garrisons in the towns 
which are in any degree fortified. If we take into account the 
relative strength of the parties on both sides, the kingdom 
of France seems at present to be in great jeopardy. The up 
shot, however, is in the hand of God. As the world goes at 
present, every one in his senses ought to be desirous that the 
overbearing arrogance of the Emperor may receive an effectual 
check ; for if France should suffer too severely, that must 
react upon us. If France shall be discomfited and subdued, 
it is cjuite certain that his victorious arms will then be turned 
against ourselves. Were they even to come to some sort of 
agreement, I fear lest the King, in order to avenge the injury 



1 Gifted with a remarkable genius for politics, which had been formed in the 
school of Zuinglc, and called more than once, on this account, to enlighten by his 
experience the counsels of the republic of Basle, Oswald Myconius maintained a 
correspondence with Calvin, which had not merely the interests of the Church 
in view, but those of the whole of Europe, kept at that time in suspense by the last 
act of the struggle between Francis I. and Charles V. 



398 MONSIEUR DE FALATS. 1544. 

done to himself, may abandon Germany as a prey to the fury 
of the Emperor. And should it so happen, who can deny it 
would only be according to our deserts? 1 And truly, at that 
time, God blinded the understanding of our friends so as 
to let them rush upon their own destruction, in allying them 
selves to the Emperor for the purpose of ruining France, 
which has been hitherto both the fortress and defence of 
our liberty and safety. Therefore, as though we were in the 
lowest depths of despair, let us learn to look upward to the 
Lord. As that you would not willingly be without my book, 
I send you one copy. Adieu, excellent sir, and right trusty 
brother ; may the Lord preserve you with the Church and 
our brethren of the ministry, whom you will please salute in 
my own and in the name of all our friends. Yours, 

JOHN CALVIN. 

\Lat. orig. minute Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.] 



CXIX. To MONSIEUR DE FALAis. 2 

Arrival of Monsieur de Falais at Cologne the sending of a minister 
pious counsels. 

This 2th June 1544. 

MONSIEUR, I shall begin by making our excuses for having 
so long delayed to let you hear from us the news, I do assure 

1 The Protestant princes of Germany, the steady allies of France against the 
House of Austria, abandoned their usual policy on this occasion, and joined the 
Emperor against Francis I. They alleged as their motive for this change, the 
impious alliance of that monarch with the Turks, whose arms threatened equally 
France and Italy, and they wrote to the Protestant Cantons of Switzerland, inviting 
them to follow their example, by refusing their assistance to Francis I. See 
Sleidan, lib. xv. p. 441-446. 

2 M. de Falais afterwards left Brabant and went to Cologne with his family, as 
we see by his request addressed to Charles the Fifth : " I went indeed first of all 
to reside in your city of Cologne, where I abode so inoffensively and beyond the 
reach of blame from any one, that no person could justly complain of me." . . . 
Immediately on his arrival at Cologne, he had requested Calvin to send him a mi 
nister. The war which then wasted the Netherlands, and rendered communication 
difficult, had not allowed the reformer at once to meet his wishes. 



1544. MONSIEUR DE FALAIS. 399 

you, that if the time has seemed long to you, it has not been 
otherwise than wearisome to us, by reason that we could not 
discharge ourselves of duty towards you according to your de 
sire. Had the communications been open, we would not have 
found any difficulty, but we need not tell you what has been 
the time elapsed since the return of good Seigneur David. To 
send a countryman of your own to you, while matters were in 
such turmoil, we did not think was very suitable. On that ac 
count we thought best to send to inquire about a person who 
resides at Strasbourg, who was your neighbour, considering also 
that he would be a more fit person than another by reason of 
his country. But having gone upon a journey, we could not 
have a prompt reply from him. In writing to us since, he re 
fers us to the return of Bucer, who was still at that time at 
Spire. 1 

In this way the time has glided away to our great regret, 
forasmuch as it was not in our power to meet your wish. How, 
moreover, it has happened that our expectation hath been 
hitherto frustrated as concerning that matter, you can perceive 
by the letters, and by an extract from Bucer s letter which I 
send you. 

The present bearer has been sent instead of the other person, 
against our mind. Not that we are offended on that account ; 
for we hope verily, Sire David and myself, that there will be 
no loss by the exchange. He is sound and stedfast in the doc 
trine which is profitable for edifying ; for besides that he is 
pure and sound, he is well exercised in ready reply to objections. 
Upon the whole, he is modest, so as not to stir beyond his 
depth. Moreover, he is not addicted to vain glory, nor to the 
desire of shewing off, which is the besetting sin in many. He 
manifests zeal for advancing the reign of our Lord Jesus, such 
as ought to be set forth in His ministers. He has altogether a 
life which approves his doctrine ; as regards his manner of life, 
you will find him tractable. Then, that besides I may let you 
know what may be defective in him, it is true that he is not 

1 Buccr had gone to the Diet which was held in that town in 1544. The Em 
peror, pressed by two enemies at the same time, Soliman and Francis I., made 
important concessions on that occasion to the Protestant side. 



400 MONSIEUR DE FALAIS. 1544. 

deeply versed in the knowledge of human affairs, and is not 
furnished with skill in languages ; even in the Latin language 
he is not the most eloquent, although, he is so far instructed 
as he needs in the circumstances, which is sufficient. His 
mother-tongue possibly shall not be very pleasant to you at 
first, but I feel assured that this circumstance will not pre 
vent you taking pleasure in his preaching, the more so as the 
substance will quite make up for that defect. He feared that 
he might not be sufficiently polished in manner and beha 
viour, but we have told him that you would not consider that 
to be a mortal crime. He has this good quality that you can 
admonish him privately as to whatever shall occur to you, with 
out any dread of his taking offence, and I hope that he will be 
compliant and guidable. In short, he will much deceive us or 
he will so carry himself, that we shall have no occasion to re 
pent ourselves of having sent him, and that we shall have no 
complaint from you. 

As for his entertainment, we have said nothing about it to 
him, being well aware that it is not a matter for which he has 
much care ; and besides, even should he provide himself, he 
would not better himself much by doing so. There is no fear 
of discontentment on his part ; and on yours, I feel more than 
certain, that you will give him no occasion. Only, I pray 
you, Sir, to receive him as the servant of God, to serve you 
in whatever the Lord has bestowed upon him for the good 
of your household, so that his ministry may not be unpro 
fitable. 

Concerning the form and order of procedure in preaching and 
in the administration of the sacraments, we have consulted 
thereanent, but it will be for yourselves to determine together 
upon the spot. He will however declare to you, what has been 
thought good and desirable by us, in order that you may take 
counsel on that matter together. In regard to this we have 
our infallible rule, that everything ought to tend to edification. 
Moreover, to discern what is suitable for edification, the Lord it 
is who must give us wisdom, to whom you will have recourse. 

And now, sir, in reply to your letter, I give thanks to our 
Lord, that He has strengthened you in constancy, enabling you 



1544. MONSIEUR DE F ALA IS. 401 

to overcome all the temptations which might prove a hindrance to 
you, and hinder you from coming to the place where you could 
be able to worship purely., and has not permittee^ that with the 
most part of those whom He hath enlightened in the knowledge 
of His name, you have preferred the world instead of honouring 
Him, lying asleep in the mire, which must entirely have choked 
you at last. Besides, if that quality of self-forgetfulness, and of 
turning away your thoughts from things around you, and serv 
ing those ties which have held you bound, has been a special 
grace of our heavenly Father, since He has begun the work of 
His mercy towards you, in so far, He will follow it out and 
perfect it, putting it into your heart to understand, that it was 
not enough for you to be drawn forth out of the defilements in 
which you were, but that you should daily have His word to 
strengthen you in perseverance, and to urge you always to ad 
vance farther forward. 

We feel by experience our weakness to be such, that if we 
were not urged forward from time to time, our zeal would 
forthwith cool down. And that is the reason why there are so 
many, who, like the crabs, walk backward, because being de 
ceived by that false idea, that it is quite enough merely to have 
once understood the truth, they slight and neglect it, despising 
the daily exercise which is so needful for us all. So that, being 
thus instructed and prepared, as well by their example as by 
our own experience, how much need have we of holy exhortation 
from the word of our God, as a spur to goad us onward, let us 
take good heed that we draw not back. 

We see how David, when he was among the Philistines, albeit 
he did not contaminate himself with idolatry, laments that he 
could not have access to the temple in Jerusalem, that he might 
receive instruction as well from the preaching of the law and 
the holy ordinances of God, as these are confirmations to help 
and serve as props to sustain our weakness. I pray then the Lord 
to uphold you always in this resolution, so that you may be fully 
conformed to our father Abraham, who not only forsook the 
country of his birth to follow God, but on his arrival in the 
land of Canaan, forthwith raised an altar, that he might exercise 
himself in the service and worship of God. 

VOL. j. 2 c 



402 MONSIEUR DE FALAIfx 1544. 

As for your being afraid that I would think it strange, your 
change of purpose, 1 I would be too unkind, did I not grant you 
the free use of such and so good a means of grace, seeing that 
our Lord has offered it you there, beyond your expectation. 
Not that I would not have wished to see you, to enjoy the com 
fort and delight which I might look for from your presence, or 
that I am not sorry to be deprived of such a benefit. But, on 
the other hand, I consider, that you would be ungrateful to God 
in not availing yourself of the advantage which the Lord pre 
sents to you rather than men. 

For the rest, I do give you my assurance, that were I at 
liberty, and that the Lord had not settled me here, or that he 
had given me leave of absence for a season, that I would not 
fail to come and visit you, to satisfy both your own wish and 
mine. As for seeing you, I have not, even now, lost the hope 
of that, not that I perceive any great convenience of opportunity 
on my part, but because I trust that our Lord will open up 
some way. Howsoever that may be, the chief point is, that we 
may be always conjoined together in Him who is the Father of 
all unity, as I feel myself assured, and not merely for the two or 
three days which we have to live in the world, but eternally in 
His kingdom. 

To conclude, Monsieur, after having humbly commended me 
to your kind favour, I pray the God of goodness to have you 
always in His protection, together with your family, increasing 
the gifts which He has put upon you, until He has brought you 
to the utmost perfection of His children. 

Your servant, humble brother, and ever assured friend, 

CHARLES D ESPEVILLE. 

\_Fr. orig. aiitogr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.] 

1 M. de Falais had intended at first to retire to Geneva. He had afterwards de 
cided to fix his residence at Strasbourg, where he indeed established himself the 
following year. 



1544. MADAME DE FALAIS. 403 



CXX. To MADAME DE FALAIS. 

Christian congratulations liope of a speedy meeting. 

24th June [1544.J 

MADAME AND WELL-BELOVED SISTER, Although I have had a 
singular desire to see you, and that I am sorry to be disappointed 
in the expectation of seeing you, which I had entertained, not 
withstanding I am thankful to our Lord for the opening which 
He has made for you, that without going to a greater distance 
He has allowed you to worship with a pure conscience, and free 
from the idolatrous pollutions in which you had been led cap 
tive. It is another blessing that you can set up the form of a 
Church, to worship in the Christian assembly, to be comforted 
by His Word, and to receive the Holy Supper in pledge of His 
goodness, making thereby the protestation of your faith. The 
less expectation you had of being admitted to the enjoyment of 
such a privilege, the more you have occasion to rejoice when it 
is presented to you. 

I hope that the individual whom we have sent you, the 
Seigneur David and myself, shall be according to your mind, 
for, as well in doctrine as in morals, he has a true Christian 
simplicity. Notwithstanding, however, my desire some time 
to enjoy your presence will still continue to linger about 
me, and I shall not lose hope. But this, at least, is well, that 
although absent the one from the other, we shall not leave off 
to converse in spirit, being united in Him who brings together 
things that are far asunder. Inasmuch as the messenger will, 
to some extent, supply the place of a letter, I will not trouble 
you with any further details ; and therefore, Madame, and 
dearly beloved sister, after my humble commendation to your 
kind remembrance in prayer, I beseech the Father of mercies 
to open His hand more and more, and to impart His grace to 
you, continuing to uphold you as a chosen instrument of His 
glory, even unto the end. 



404 FAREL. 1544. 

I do not know what company you have at present with you, 
but if those whom the Seigneur David left there, with him 
whom they expected, should be there, I desire to be kindly 
remembered, as affectionately as possible. Not that I would 
wish to give you that trouble, but themselves can well receive 
and take in good part the recommendations which I wish to be 
presented to them. Again, I pray our Lord to guide you 
always, as He has done hitherto. 

Your servant and humble brother ever, 

CHARLES D ESPEVILLE. 

[Fr. orig. autogr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.] 



CXXI TO FAREL. 1 

Renewal of the controversy regarding the Sacraments between the German 
and Swiss Churches. 

[10th October 1544.] 

What you have been advising of late, I mean, for me to go 
to Zurich to admonish the brethren, I do not see what good 
that would do. In the first place, I am not aware wherein they 
have sinned, seeing that I have never read any either of their 
letters or books which have so much enkindled the rage of 
Luther. Already I fear the sort of answer they may return. 
They will not fail to dwell upon the marvellous patience where- 

1 The sacramentary truce which was brought about in 1538, with so much labour, 
between Lutheranism and the Eeformed, was afterwards broken, notwithstanding 
the efforts of Bucer, of Melan.crj.thon, and of Calvin. Full of ill-humour against the- 
memory of Zuirigli, Luther allowed no opportunity of invective to pass, in his writ 
ings, against the doctrines of the Swiss Reformer and the Church of Zurich, which 
he likened to the heresies of Munzer and the Anabaptists. Desirous of maintain 
ing peace among the Churches, the ministers of Zurich at first abstained from all 
reply, in the hope of soothing him by their silence, and avoiding direct collision 
with the vehement spirit of Luther. But Luther having on many occasions re 
newed his attacks, they considered it their duty to answer him in an indirect way 
by publishing the works of Zuingli, with an apology for his doctrine prefixed. 
See Hospinian, Histories Sacramentaria, Geneve, 1681, torn. ii. pp. 318, 322. 
Ann. 1544. 



1544. BVLLINGER. 405 

with they have hitherto endeavoured to smooth him down. For 
even Bullinger himself, when he was complaining to me some 
months ago, in a letter, about Luther s unkindness, highly com 
mended his own forbearance and that of his friends. Besides, 
if even I should come thither thoroughly well informed as to all 
the particulars of the case, and that I should be able to keep them 
within bounds, so as not to give rise to any future controversy, 
I should still come but little speed in this business. For at 
present the danger arises not so much from them as from 
Luther. He must be pacified. Will this be screwed out of 
the Zurichers, that they be brought meekly to entreat Luther ? 
It ought to have been looked to long ago that they should 
not stir that filthy puddle. But who among ourselves had 
foresight enough for that ? Let us, therefore, make known 
our request unto the Lord, who only can apply the healing 
remedy to this disease. It will certainly occasion a serious and 
ruinous conflagration, but let us await the issue. 

You will read what I have written to Scrifrius ; and you will 
write to Toussain, unless you judge it advisable rather to send 
my letter. Adieu, my brother; may the Lord preserve you. 
Salute all friends. Yours, 

JOHN CALVIN. 

[Lat. orig. autogr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.] 



CXXIL To BULLINGER. 

New appeal to the Seigneurs of Zurich, in favour of the Waldenses of Pro 
vence Luther s invectives against the Swiss Keformer remarkable 
judgment in regard to his character his injustice pardoned in considera 
tion of the eminent services rendered by him to the cause of Christ. 

GENEVA, 2oth November 1544. 

You will receive from this brother who has delivered to you 
my letter, a crown-piece and two silver testons ; for this, if I 
remember correctly, was the amount that remained. Excuse 



406 BULLINGER. 1544. 

me, I pray you, for not having sent it sooner. As for the 
reason why this brother has been sent to you, by those of 
Neuchatel, he will himself tell you. There is, in my opinion, 
no difficulty, or very little, indeed, if any, in the case. But 
the perverseness and importunity of one individual, compels 
them to be troublesome both to you and to ourselves. They 
have in their meeting a man belonging to that class of doctors, 
from which, hitherto, not a single good man has ever yet 
come forth, one who has never ceased from time to time to 
pester them with some troublesome affair or another. There 
are two causes which urge him on in this course. For he seems 
born to contradict, and because he is not so very highly 
esteemed by others as he rates himself, it is after this fashion 
that he takes his revenge. Had he been in our Church, he 
would easily have been restrained. For we had a means of 
breaking him in quite ready at hand. But where he is, he 
has the Prince s deputy by whom he is countenanced. For it 
is thus, that men of this sort of pretension secure and fortify 
themselves with defences, so as to work mischief with impunity. 
That you would, all of you, do of your own accord what I am 
now about to ask, I am well aware. Nevertheless, I would 
entreat of you, that in so sacred a cause you may reach forth a 
helping hand to the brethren ; that is, that you would support 
them by your authority, and train them by a right method 
that they may bridle up that Ishmael. This much have I 
written, not because it might be supposed to be needful, but 
rather to please our brother. 

There is another affair, besides, in which I wish very speci 
ally to implore your aid. There are brethren in Provence, for 
whom you are aware, that we have always taken much pains. 1 
Nor were they any way undeserving that we should do so ; for 
they are a people so harmless, and withal so piously disposed, 
that their peace and safety ought to be the peculiar care of all 

1 See pp. 163, 204, 246, 249, 259, 284. Suspended by Letters-patent of the 
King, and by the humanity of the President Chassanec, the execution of the 
sentence of the Parliament of Aix was furiously demanded by the new President 
of that Court, Jean Merrier, Baron d Oppede, supported at Court by the Cardinal 
de Tournon. 



1544. BULLINGEK. 407 

good men. It is now three years bypast, since they were so far 
advanced as to have presented to the Parliament of Aix a confes 
sion of faith, pure and simple as we could have set it forth our- 
selves. And besides, that you may not suppose that sucli a step 
was taken from some sudden impulse, which might immediately 
have evaporated, whenever they have been called to account 
concerning it they have constantly stood firm to their profes 
sion. In the meantime, however, they were cruelly harassed. 
After they had been exposed for some time to the savage 
tyranny of their enemies, they obtained at length of the King 
that he would appoint a commission, who might hear evidence 
and report truly upon the whole case. The King commissioned 
two persons, whose duty was to make inquiry ; he wished to 
take the entire cognizance of the cause to himself, and so to pro 
nounce an award. The tenor of the commission was, that the 
persons who were to be sent were to inquire particularly, and 
take special knowledge concerning their doctrine and morals, 
both in public and private. This the brethren have no dread 
or anxiety about. For they have so conducted themselves to 
ward all around them as to have an unexceptionable testimony 
to their sterling worth, even from their adversaries. 1 As for 
their doctrine, they are about to present their confession of faith, 
clear and sincere, to the King as he has required, which docu 
ment comprises, and that distinctly, far more points than can 
be alleged against them. At this present time, both the bishops, 
the royal officers, and even the parliament itself, are striving 
with all their might to set aside the royal commission ; 
if it be quashed, they will then be exposed to the fury of 
lions and wolves, that they may spend their rage upon them. 

1 William du Bcllay, in his quality of lieutenant of the King at Turin, 
charged with the duty of making a report to Francis I., renders a very striking 
homage to the piety and purity of the Vaudois. De Thou, Hist., lib. vi. They 
obtained the same testimony from the pious Bishop Sadolet, who took them under 
his protection, and pleaded in vain their cause at the Court of Rome. De Thou, 
ibidem. Hist, des Martyrs, lib. iii. p. 140. A doctor of the Sorbonne, having 
put some questions to some of the children in one of their villages, upon the 
Catechism, was so struck by their answers, that he acknowledged, says Beza, 
" never to have derived so much benefit in all the disputations lie had been en 
gaged in, as he had learned from these little children." Hist. Ecd. torn. i. p. 42. 



403 BULLINGEK. 1544. 

Indeed, their adversaries are mainly desirous that they may 
have full license to discharge all their fury upon these wretched 
people. If the commission be received and acted upon, even 
in that event they will not have escaped the danger. For in 
three small towns., 1 and in very many of the villages, they 
profess the pure doctrine of the Evangel. In one little town 
they have thoroughly cleansed the parish church from all its 
defilements, and there they celebrate the Supper and Baptism in 
the same manner as we do. The more immediately the danger is 
impending over them on either side, they are all the more on that 
account to be succoured by us ; in this their wonderful sted- 
fastness, especially, to which should we be found wanting, we 
would be chargeable with the basest cowardice. You must 
also take into account that it is not their cause alone which is 
here concerned ; but either a way will be opened by their de 
struction to the cruel persecution of the godly throughout the 
whole kingdom, or, according to this method, he will assault 
and break up the Evangel. What can we do, therefore, but 
strain every nerve that these godly brethren may not, through 
our short-coming in duty, become the victims of such cruelty, 
and that the door may not for a long time be shut against Christ ? 
I have desired beforehand to warn you of the likelihood of this 
coming to pass, that if sooner or later they fly to you, you may 
have inclined the hearts of all your friends to render them all 
the help they can. One or other of these two things will have 
to be done, either the King must be sought unto, that he may 
allow them to enjoy the benefit which has been already granted, 
or his anger must be appeased, if it shall have begun to wax 
hot against them. 

I hear that Luther has at length broken forth in fierce 
invective, not so much against you as against the whole of 
us. 2 On the present occasion, I dare scarce venture to ask 

1 Cabrieres, Merindol, et Lonrmarin, in the present department of Vaucluse. 

2 In a recent publication, entitled, " Short Confession concerning the Supper," 
(Kurzes Bekenntniss vom Abendmahl,) Luther, renewing his invectives against the 
adversaries of the Sacrament, had insulted the memory of Zuingli, and had not even 
respected that of the learned and pious (Ecolampadius. Hospinian, Hist. Sacrament. 
torn. ii. pp. 326-331. Grievously annoyed by these violences, Melanchthon would 
have fled into retirement to get rid of the sad spectacle of the disorders which rent 



1544. BULLINGER. 409 

you to keep silence, because it is neither just that innocent per 
sons should thus be harassed, nor that they should be denied the 
opportunity of clearing themselves ; neither, on the other hand, 
is it easy to determine whether it would be prudent for them to 
do so. But of this I do earnestly desire to put you in mind, in 
the first place, that you would consider how eminent a man 
Luther is, and the excellent endowments wherewith he is gifted, 
with what strength of mind and resolute constancy, with how 
great skill, with what efficiency and power of doctrinal state 
ment, he hath hitherto devoted his whole energy to overthrow 
the reign of Antichrist, and at the same time to diffuse far 
and near the doctrine of salvation. Often have I been wont 
to declare, that even although he were to call me a devil, 
I should still not the less hold him in such honour that I 
must acknowledge him to be an illustrious servant of God. 
But while he is endued with rare and excellent virtues, he 
labours at the same time under serious faults. Would that 
he had rather studied to curb this restless, uneasy temperament 
which is so apt to boil over in every direction. I wish, moreover, 
that he had always bestowed the fruits of that vehemence of 
natural temperament upon the enemies of the truth, and that he 
had not flashed his lightning sometimes also upon the servants of 
the Lord. Would that he had been more observant and care 
ful in the acknowledgment of his own vices. Flatterers have 
done him much mischief, since he is naturally too prone to be 
over-indulgent to himself. It is our part, however, so to re 
prove whatsoever evil qualities may beset him as that we may 
make some allowance for him at the same time on the score of 
these remarkable endowments with which he has been gifted. 
This, therefore, I would beseech you to consider first of all, 
along with your colleagues, that you have to do with a most 
distinguished servant of Christ, to whom we are all of us largely 



in pieces the Eeformed Churches. He wrote to Bucer, the 28th August 1544, " I 
have written to you ahout our Pericles, who has again begun to thunder most vehe 
mently on the subject of the Lord s-supper, and has written a fierce attack, in which 
you and I are beaten black and blue. I "am a quiet peaceable bird, nor would be 
unwilling if I may depart out of this prison-house, if our disturber shall constrain 
me." Ph. Melanchthonis Opera, edit, of Breitschncider, torn. v. p. 464. 



410 MELANCHTHON. 1545. 

indebted. That, besides, you will do yourselves no good by 
quarrelling, except that you may afford some sport to the wicked, 
so that they may triumph not so much over us as over the 
Evangel. If they see us rending each other asunder, they then 
give full credit to what we say, but when with one consent and 
with one voice we preach Christ, they avail themselves unwar 
rantably of our inherent weakness to cast reproach upon our 
faith. I wish, therefore, that you would consider and reflect on 
these things rather than on what Luther has deserved by his 
violence ; lest that may happen to you which Paul threatens, 
that by biting and devouring one another, ye be consumed 
one of another. Even should he have provoked us, we ought 
rather to decline the contest than to increase the wound by the 
general shipwreck of the Church. Adieu, my much honoured 
brother in the Lord, and my very dear friend. Salute reverently 
in my name all the brethren in the ministry. May the Lord 
preserve you, and more and more increase His own gifts in you. 
My colleagues very kindly salute you. 

[Calvirfs~ a Lat. Corresp Opera, torn. ix. pp. 239, 240.] 



CXXIIL TO MELANCHTHON. 1 

Explanations relative to the publication of the hook " Against the Nicodemites" 
appeal to the authority of Melanchthon and Luther troubles arising from 
ecclesiastical discords announcement of the Council of Trent policy of 
Charles V. and of Francis I. convocation of a Synod at Melun. 

21st January 1545. 

In few words I will explain the reason why this young and 
pious nobleman 2 has, at my request, undertaken this journey 



1 See the two preceding letters. Roused by the Lutheran intolerance, kept up 
by a hot controversy, the quarrel about the sacraments disturbed the reformed 
Churches, and furnished weapons to their adversaries. While Calvin deplored these 
excesses, addressing himself by turns to Bullinger, to Melanchthon, to Luther him 
self, he made vain efforts to bring about an accommodation between the parties. 

2 Claude de Senarclens, of a noble Savoyard family, which had settled in the 
Pays de Vaud, after having embraced the Reformation. 



1545. MELANCHTHON. 411 

to you. I had published a little treatise in the French lan 
guage, wherein the dissimulation of those persons was reproved, 
who, notwithstanding they have been privileged in having the 
light of the Evangel, yet nevertheless do not abstain from any of 
the Popish rites which they know to be accursed and full of 
sacrilege. 1 You would perhaps rather prefer that I remitted 
somewhat of that too precise severity. But you will recognise 
the justice of my treatment of the point when you shall have 
well weighed and considered the question. When I heard that 
many persons complained about my strictness, and especially 
persons of that class, who consider it a proof of superior wisdom 
to care for their personal safety, I wrote an Apology, 2 which 
has made their ears tingle even more severely than did the 
former book. Many other persons, with whom religion serves 
instead of philosophy, look down with serene contempt upon 
the whole of this. Such others, however, who are earnest God 
fearing persons, are at least so far advanced, that they begin to 
feel dissatisfied with themselves. But since the question seems 
to them to be perplexed, they remain somewhat in doubt as to 
this point, until they shall be confirmed by your authority 
and that of Dr. Luther. And indeed I am rather afraid that 
they consult you on this account, because they expect that you 
will be more indulgent to them than I. 3 Whatsoever may be 
their motive for doing so, because I feel thoroughly persuaded 
that you will give them faithful and wholesome counsel accord 
ing to your sincerity, and in conformity with your singular 
prudence, I willingly undertook to do what they asked me, 
which was, that I would take the trouble to send a fit person to 
you. Because, moreover, I concluded, that it would be of great 
importance that you should know accurately what my views are, 
but also, that the reasons which have induced me to come to 

1 This is the Traite de fuir les Superstitions. Geneva, 1544. Inserted in the 
Recueil des Opuscules, p. 758. 

2 Excuse aux Faux Nicodemites. Geneve, 1544. Becueil des Opuscules, 
p. 789. 

3 The German theologians were indeed less strict. However, says Beze, they 
admitted, with Calvin, that it is impossible to serve two masters, and therein con 
demned those who were called Nicodemites, Hist. Eccl., torn. i. p. 49. 



412 MELANCHTHON. 1545. 

these conclusions might not be unknown to you, I have taken 
care to have the treatises turned into Latin. 1 And although 
it may have been somewhat forward in me to set about this, 
yet, notwithstanding, I would request you as a friend, that you 
do not refuse to submit to the trouble of perusing them. So 
highly do I esteem your judgment, as indeed is proper, that to 
me it would be very disagreeable to set about anything which 
you would not be likely to approve. I know, indeed, that with 
your benign courtesy, you allow of many things in the prac 
tice of others which you do not permit to yourself, but we 
must look well to it, that what we do is lawful, and that we 
do not set loose where the Lord has bound. Neither, truly, 
do I ask you to agree with me in all things, which would 
certainly be impertinent ; or that on my account you should 
turn aside from the free and simple statement of your own 
opinion, but merely that you would not refuse the trouble of 
a perusal. Certainly I do desire that we were so entirely 
agreed, that not even in the most trifling expression there 
may seem to be any disagreement. But to you it rather be 
longs to lead the way, than to have respect to what maybe 
pleasing to me. You see how unceremoniously I treat you ; 
nor indeed am I under any apprehension that I may exceed 
the bounds of due respect ; for by the experience I have had of 
your special kindness and good-will toward me, I know how 
far I may go. 

With regard to Dr. Martin there will be somewhat more 
of difficulty. 2 For so far as I could understand by report, 
and by letters from different persons, the scarcely pacified 
temper of the man might, on very slight occasion, break out 
into a sore. 3 On that account, therefore, the messenger will 

1 This is the title : De vitandis superstitionibus quae cum sincera fidei con- 
fessione pugnant, una cum J. Calvini excusatione ad Pseudo-Nicodemos, cum 
duabus epistolis ad ministros Ecclesiae Tigurinae. Geneva, 1545. The second 
edition of this work appeared in 1549, enhanced by the approbations of Melanch- 
thon, of Bucer, and of Peter Martyr. Calv. Opera Omnia, torn. viii. 

2 See note 2, p. 408. 

3 In a letter written at this period, Bucer made a humble remonstrance to 
Luther, representing to him, that if the theologians of Zurich had somehow in 
curred his indignation, he ought, however, to have had some consideration for the 



1545, MELANCHTHOX. 413 

shew you the letter which I have written to him, that on exa 
mination of the contents, you may proceed as you think 
advisable, that nothing may be attempted therein either rashly 
or unadvisedly, which may hereafter produce unpleasant con 
sequences. I am aware that you will do all that you can 
worthily accomplish to the utmost of your power, in every 
thing seemly and befitting. But what may have been the 
contentions which have exercised you there, and what may 
have been the result of them, I have never been able to 
learn with certainty, except that I hear an atrocious libel 
hath gone forth, which would prove like a lighted torch to 
kindle a new conflagration, unless, on the other hand, the 
Lord restrain within bounds the resentment of certain par 
ties, who would otherwise be more fierce and fuffy than they 
ought to be, as you well know. But what else can we 
expect, when they are provoked to such a degree ? When I 
reflect how much, at so unseasonable a time, these intestine 
quarrels divide and tear us asunder, I almost entirely lose 
courage. A merchant of Nuremberg, who was travelling 
this way, shewed me lately a certain apology of Osiander, 1 
of which, on his own account, I felt greatly ashamed. For 
what good purpose could it serve to assault the Zuinglians 
every third line, and to attack Zuingli himself in such an 
unmannerly style ? and not even to spare CEcolampadius, 
that holy servant of God, whom I wish that he resembled, 
even in being half as good, in which case he would cer 
tainly stand far higher in my esteem, than he does. I do 
not demand that he should allow his name to be defamed 
with impunity in silence ; but I would like that he might 
abstain from contemptuous reproaches of those men whose 

imperial towns of Upper Germany, and the cantons of Borne and Basle, who 
had given him no ground of complaint, and who had always remained faithful 
to the thought of a Christian alliance. Hospinian, Hist. Sacramentar. torn. ii. p. 
331. 

1 Andrew Osiander, professor of theology at the University of Kunigsberg, was of 
a presumptuous and violent spirit ; he put forth rash doctrines on the nature of 
Christ, on justification, and exaggerated, in the Eoman Catholic sense, the Lutheran 
dogma of the Supper. He died in 1552.- Melchior Adam, Vitce Tlieolog. Germ., 
pp. 226 240. 



414 MELANCHTHON. 1545. 

memory ought to be held in honourable esteem by all the godly. 
Therefore, for the same reason for which I blame the impudence 
of that fellow by whose verses he complains that he has been 
slandered, therefore, also, I desire to see in himself some 
moderation and prudence, or rather a more sound and correct 
judgment. God of grace, what pleasant sport and pastime 
do we afford to the Papists, as if we had hired ourselves to 
do their work ! But I make myself disagreeable by recount 
ing these evils to you, and increase your sorrow when you 
are not able to get them healed. Let us, notwithstanding, 
mourn together, since it well becomes us to take earnestly to 
heart the misfortunes of the Church. In the meantime, let us 
cheer up our spirits with this hope, that to whatsoever extent 
we may be oppressed and harassed, we cannot be utterly over 
whelmed among the great sea billows. 

Everywhere throughout France the minds of men are raised 
to great expectation from the talk of a Council, 1 nor is there 
any doubt that the King himself entertained at first some 
hope, and some intention of assembling a Council. For the 
Cardinal de Tournon, 2 on his return from the Emperor, had 
persuaded the King that the Emperor had so intended. Mean 
while he recommended, in the name of the Emperor, that the 
King should call to him two or three theologians of your number, 
and that separately, so as thereby to draw somewhat out of each 
of them by his cajoleries, or that he might somehow or other 
squeeze out of each what he could never be able to obtain from 
the whole of them in a body. The Emperor promised that he, 
on his side, would do the same. The aim of all this was, that 
fettered, as it were, by these flattering preliminaries, you should 
have less power whenever you should get the length of a serious 
discussion of the question. For because they cannot succeed in 
discouraging or defeating us by a direct, straightforward, and 

1 Transferred successively from Vicenza to Mantua, and from Mantua to Trent, 
the Council opened in that latter town the 13th December 1545. 

2 Francis de Tournon, Archbishop of Lyons, and a Cardinal, one of the fiercest 
persecutors of the Reformed under the reigns of Francis I., of Henry II., and of 
Francis II. He introduced the order of the Jesuits into France, set himself steadily 
in opposition to the establishment of religious liberty, and died in 1562. 



MELANCHTHON. 415 

simple dealing with the case, they see no more summary method 
of going about it, than to have the princes at their mercy, and 
that they may hold their liberty captive and dependent upon 
them. As this advice was well liked by the King, Chatelain 1 
declared that it would not do to send French theologians to at 
tend the disputation, unless they were well disciplined and trained 
beforehand ; that you were men thoroughly acquainted with the 
subject and used to this warfare, nor could you be made, so easily 
as they supposed, to waste your strength to no purpose ; that by 
betraying the ignorance of his theologians, the King ought to be 
upon his guard lest he should expose the whole kingdom to de 
rision. The vain-glory of the King gave the preference to this 
opinion. Twelve French theologues have been commissioned 
to dispute at Melun on the controverted points, and to report at 
length to the King what they shall have concluded upon. They 
have bound themselves by oath to secrecy. But all their 
silence notwithstanding, I am thoroughly well assured, that 
every thought will be directed to the oppression of the truth. 2 
Though they may pretend to seek some sort of reformation, 
nothing is more certain than that they have only this one 
object in view, how to bury the light of sound doctrine, that 
they may establish their own tyranny. It is my belief, 
that God defeated the counsel of the Cardinal de Tournon, 
that they might not ensnare a single man of us, even when 
we had not the slightest suspicion of such a thing. You 
can remember having yourself been tempted by the same 
artful policy on the part of Langey. If, however, we look 
to the Lord, they shall in vain assault us with all their con 
trivances. 



1 Chatelain, Bishop of Macon, Reader to the King, Francis I., who partook of 
his taste and disposition. Favourable to the Reformation, which, however, he 
dared not to profess openly, this prelate, at a later period, betrayed the hopes of the 
Reformed by taking up his position among the persecutors of the Gospel. See 
Beza, Hist. JEccl. torn. i. pp. 79, 80. 

2 These theologians actually did assemble at Melun : " but there was," says Beza, 
" such division among them, that they only exchanged words and abuse, and 
were on the point of coming sometimes even to blows ; the more ignorant who had 
been mixed up with the others not being willing to suffer those who were more 
learned to touch upon the abuses, however gently." Hist. Eccl. torn. i. p. 48. 



416 LUTHER. 1545. 

Adieu, most excellent sir, and my ever to be respected friend ; 
may the Lord be ever present to you and long preserve you 
safe and sound for the good of His own Church. Yours, 

JOHN CALVIN. 

[Lat. Copy Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.] 



CXXIV. TO LUTHER. 1 

Calvin submits to Luther several of his writings, of which he desires to 
obtain his approbation. 

January 21, 1545. 

To the very excellent pastor of the Christian Church, Dr. M. 
Luther, my much respected father, 

When I saw that my French fellow-countrymen, as many 
of them had been brought out from the darkness of the Papacy 
to soundness of the faith, had altered nothing as to their pub 
lic profession, and that they continued to defile themselves 
with the sacrilegious worship of the Papists, as if they had 
never tasted the savour of true doctrine, I was altogether un 
able to restrain myself from reproving so great sloth and negli 
gence, in the way that I thought it deserved. How, indeed, 
can this faith, which lies buried in the heart within, do other 
wise than break forth in the confession of the faith ? What 



1 A peculiar interest attaches to this letter, the only one which the French 
Reformer had written to the German Keformer. Inspired by the deep conviction 
of the unity of the reformed clmrches, written with as much moderation as respect, 
the message of conciliation was not even listened to. Soured by the quarrel about 
the sacraments, in which he took too great a share during the latter years of his 
life, Luther evinced daily more and more irritation against the theologians of 
Switzerland, and Melanchthon did not even venture to present the letter of Calvin, 
to whom he wrote in sadness : "I have not shewn your letter to Dr. Martin, for 
he takes up many things suspiciously, and does not like his replies to questions of 
the kind you have proposed to him, to be carried round and handed from one to 
another. ... At present I am looking forward to exile and other sorrows. 
Farewell. On the day upon which, 3846 years ago, Noah entered into the ark, by 
which God gave testimony of His purpose never to forsake His Church even when 
she quivers under the shock of the great sea billows." Melanchthon to Calvin, 
MSS. of Geneva, vol. 106. 



1545. LUTHER. 417 

kind of religion can that be, which lies submerged under 
seeming idolatry ? I do not undertake, however, to handle 
the argument here, because I have done so at large already 
in two little tractates, wherein, if it shall not be troublesome 
to you to glance over them, you will more clearly perceive 
both what I think, and the reasons which have compelled me 
to form that opinion. By the reading of them, indeed, some 
of our people, while hitherto they were fast asleep in a false 
security, having been awakened, have begun to consider what 
they ought to do. But because it is difficult either cast 
ing aside all consideration of self to expose their lives to 
danger, or having roused the displeasure of mankind to en 
counter the hatred of the world, or having abandoned their 
prospects at home in their native land, to enter upon a life of 
voluntary exile, they are withheld or kept back by these difficul 
ties from corning to a settled determination. They put forth 
other reasons, however, and those somewhat specious, whereby 
one may perceive that they only seek to find some sort of pre 
text or other. In these circumstances, because they hang 
somehow in suspense, they are desirous to hear your opinion, 
which as they do deservedly hold in reverence, so it shall serve 
greatly to confirm them. They have therefore requested me, 
that I would undertake to send a trusty messenger to you, who 
might report your answer to us upon this question. And 
because I thought it was of very great consequence for them 
to have the benefit of your authority, that they might not 
fluctuate thus continually, and I myself stood besides in need 
of it, I was unwilling to refuse what they required. Now, 
therefore, much respected father in the Lord, I beseech you by 
Christ, that you will not grudge to take the trouble for their 
sake and mine, first, that you would peruse the epistle written 
in their name, and my little books, cursorily and at leisure 
hours, or that you would request some one to take the trouble 
of reading, and report the substance of them to you. Lastly, 
that you would write back your opinion in a few words. In 
deed, I am unwilling to give you this trouble in the midst of 
so many weighty and various employments ; but such is your 
sense of justice, that you cannot suppose me to have done this 
VOL. T. 2 D 



418 AN UNKNOWN PERSONAGE. 1545. 

unless compelled by the necessity of the case ; I therefore trust 
that you will pardon me. Would that I could fly to you, that I 
might even for a few hours enjoy the happiness of your society ; 
for I would prefer, and it would be far better, not only upon this 
question, but also about others, to converse personally with 
yourself ; but seeing that it is not granted to us on earth, I hope 
that shortly it will come to pass in the kingdom of God. Adieu, 
most renowned sir, most distinguished minister of Christ, and my 
ever-honoured father. The Lord himself rule and direct you by 
His own Spirit, that you may persevere even unto the end, for 
the common benefit and good of His own Church. Yours, 

JOHN CALVIN. 

\Lat. orig. autogr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 196.) 



CXXV; To AN UNKNOWN PERSONAGE. 1 

Difficulties in the way of a reunion, and doubts of the efficacy of a General 
Council under present circumstances deplorable state of the Church 
motives which prevented him from going to confer in person with the 
German Reformers his proposals to them. 

January 1545. 

And so, just as if the day for holding the Council had been 
appointed for the next month, you make already arrangements 
for your departure. 2 This, however, is of itself a proof how 
rashly and at haphazard everything is done among you, and 

1 A Letter without address and without date, probably written to one of the friends 
of the Reformer in France, perhaps Louis du Chemin, or Francis Daniel, who, 
while sincerely adhering to the doctrine of the Reformed, kept up in appearance their 
connexion with the Roman Catholic Church. It is to this enlightened but timid 
class of men that two writings, submitted by Calvin to the approbation of Luther, 
were specially addressed. See two preceding Letters. " These writings," says 
Beza, " were the cause of a great blessing, several persons having resolved to devote 
themselves to God s service, who had formerly been asleep in their uncleanness." 
ITist. Eccl., torn. i. p. 49. But we know not who is the individual to whom Calvin 
addresses warnings against the seductions of the Court of Rome, and in the absence 
of certain knowledge, we are only left to conjecture. 

2 See note 1, p. 414. 



1545. AN UNKNOWN PERSONAGE. 419 

nothing set about prudently or after deliberation, that when the 
most able persons in the whole kingdom should be selected, the 
matter has been entrusted to such incapables ; except, per 
chance, that while on other occasions they are the most slug 
gish of all, they are not the less on all occasions but too well 
prepared for mischief. Besides, I have an opinion that the 
expectation of a council, which is said to be at its height 
among you, will prove to have been unfounded. The Diet of 
the Empire will meet in February. No serious deliberation, 
however, will begin before March. I know by experience the 
German method of doing business. Of this I can as cer 
tainly assure you, as if I had been actually present. Our 
friends will insist from the first that, excluding Antichrist, 
they may at length establish somewhat of order among them 
selves. On the other hand, those who are enchained in willing 
bondage to their Romish idol, will deny that this is lawful or 
allowable for them to do. The Emperor, that he may in part 
give some sort of satisfaction to our side, will promise fair, 
that he is ready to do everything, and may, perhaps, make 
a show of doing somewhat ; but as soon as possible after 
having made a beginning, upon some pretence or other, which 
is never wanting to men of that sort, he will break away alto 
gether. This will certainly be the final deliverance, that it is 
not lawful to determine anything in the matter of religion ex 
cept by authority of the Pope. As for the calling of a Synod, 
when that shall have begun to be mooted, by and by our side 
will begin to remonstrate, that it is disgraceful that the settle 
ment of religion should be entrusted to the professed enemies 
of God. They will cite Antichrist as a criminal and defendant : 
certainly, they will never permit him to be the judge. But 
by what means do you think they can be induced to come to 
Trent ? If even there were to be no let or hindrance on our 
side, since there is nothing that would be more agreeable to 
the Emperor, than, having turned the attention of every one 
to the Turkish war, to leave the state of the Church for a while 
in suspense, will he not then, in this matter which accords so 
perfectly with his own views, be only too well inclined to make 
concessions which will gratify the Pope ? Even were we "to 



420 AN UNKNOWN PERSONAGE. 1545. 

suppose, for instance, that a council has been summoned, that 
already every thing is in readiness and all prepared, do we 
reckon that the idol l will be any way at a loss for some artifice 
or other, whereby he may interrupt and throw all into disorder ? 
What will then become of religion, torn and rent asunder and 
laid waste ; what will become of the wretched Church rushing 
forward apparently to destruction; what will become of the 
Christian name ; what will become of the glory of God ? As 
suredly, we must ask of Him, that himself alone would take 
the entire charge of all things, and uphold the Church. Our 
friends are drowsy, nor is there any hope of their more vigorous 
and cordial action, unless the Lord awaken them from some 
quarter or another. Howbeit, the ungodly give them occasion 
enough of beginning to think of taking some heed to them 
selves. The canons of Cologne, with the whole rabble of the 
clergy, have done their utmost to get their Archbishop de 
graded 2 from his station. They have called meetings of 
the States, that they might have their allowance to substi 
tute another in his place. This has been refused. They 
made the same application to the Emperor ; his answer was 
that he would not be found wanting on occasion, provided they 
themselves did their duty. He was unwilling to grant their re 
quest openly. However, one may easily prognosticate from these 
roundabout proceedings, that he would not be at all unwilling 
that they should make some disturbance about it, and should they 
proceed to any greater length, war is certain, in which the whole 
of Germany throughout, will be much weakened and shaken to 
the foundations ; for this also, the Lord will provide and see to. 
This to my mind is the only consolation., that death can never 

1 It is the same thought confirmed by the events which the Reformer expressed 
six years later, in the preface of the Commentary on the Canonical Epistles, dedi 
cated to the King of England. " But although the venerable fathers had begun to 
dazzle the eyes of the simple with some Will-o -the-AVisp stories about the sitting 
of a Council, all this shining deceptions appearance having been dissipated by a 
secret whisper suddenly mooted by the See of Eome, vanished in smoke, except, 
that in order to keep up the excitement, a little cloud hovered for a season over 
Bologna." Dedication to King Edward VI., 2Mh January 1551, edit, de Geneve, 
1502. 

2 See Sleidan, lib. xvi., pp. 455. 45(3. 



1545. AN UNKNOWN PERSONAGE. 421 

be a misfortune to a Christian man. In the meanwhile, I 
will lament as I ought for the calamities of the Church, 
and make myself wretched when I think of the condition 
of the godly ; only, however, in so far as not to be in despair. 
Were we only well agreed among ourselves, I would be much 
less anxious ; but in the midst of those hostile preparations on 
the other side, that certain persons should find leisure enough for 
senseless quarrelling with one another, looks rather portentous. 
Upon the other hand, too, some one or other, in an elegy, 
has attacked Osiander, 1 a person who is himself rather want 
ing in good sense. In desiring to clear himself, he has so 
besprinkled his book with rancour, that for myself I was 
mightily ashamed of him ; but nothing has given me more 
vexation, than that he insults the Zuinglians in every third line. 
It is even after such a sort as this that we seem to have hired 
ourselves, both hand and tongue, to the ungodly, that we may 
afford them sport and pastime by tearing one another to pieces. 
Who is there that would not lose heart entirely where so many 
sturnblingblocks are thrown in the way ? I do most readily 
acknowledge, that there is no one so iron-hearted who would 
not be utterly cast down, unless he look continually unto the 
Lord. And, therefore, I so read the meaning of all this, that 
it appears to be the Lord s will, by every possible means, to try 
us whether our dependence is placed on men ; and, for my own 
part, it is so far from overwhelming me, that, on the contrary, 
no slender confirmation thence arises of my faith. For while 
I see the Church marvellously steered by the Lord in the 
midst of those mighty waves, so that it cannot be overwhelmed ; 
while these very tempests are at their height, until everything 
would seem as if about to mingle in wild disorder, yet I see 
that the noise of the waves is stilled, and in a moment they are 
calm ; wherefore, then, may I not thence conceive good hope of 
the future ? Let us therefore haste forward in the race of our 
calling, leaning upon this confidence, that the Church, which has 
God for the perpetual Guardian of her safety, will at length 
surmount these perils ; but because every one has not the same 
strength of mind, the more familiarly I repose these matters in 

1 See the note 1, p. 413. 



422 AN UNKNOWN PERSONAGE. 1545. 

your confidence, all the more on that account you will be care 
ful as to the few to whom you may communicate them. 

With regard to what you asked in your last letter, I felt some 
sort of hesitation whether I ought to undertake the matter ; 
for the journey is long, rugged, and toilsome. The post on 
horseback does not reach Wittemberg in less than twenty days. 
To send any one, as it might happen, without choosing a fit 
person, would be dangerous. On light-headed fellows and 
vagabonds one can place no dependence, and few others are to 
be found. To a person unacquainted with the language the 
road will prove very toilsome, and there is scarcity every 
where on account of the late dearth. I myself am altogether 
unfurnished as to money ; besides, although the season is not 
inconvenient, I am unable to sustain the burdens which already 
press upon me without being entirely exhausted. For in this 
time of the dearth, with which for the last two years we have 
had to struggle, I found the incurring of debt was unavoidable ; 
however, I do not speak of this for the sake of complaining. 
God hath dealt very kindly with me, so much so, that I am 
quite content with what I have. But I mention it that you 
may understand that it is not easy for me to find persons here 
from whom I can take up money upon loan : they are indeed 
all of them merchants, and themselves almost starving. Add 
to this what I have already said, that the time is unseasonable 
for consulting Luther, because his anger has scarce settled down 
from the heat of contention. Since, however, you insist so ear 
nestly, and press me with so many protestations that I would do 
so, my first and chief desire was to comply with your wishes. I 
have accordingly requested and obtained of an honourable, and 
a not unlearned young man, 1 that he would take this trouble on 
my account. My two treatises I have translated word for word 
into Latin, which have been sent along with my letters, that so 
they might be able to form an opinion. Nor have I asked any 
other favour, except that they would express freely and without 
reserve whatever they may think upon the question : only add 
ing, that it would be noway agreeable to me, should they feel 
any delicacy in so far as concerned myself. The messenger will 

1 See the note 2, p. 410. 



1545. VIRET. 423 

scarcely have returned before two months ; for he must be 
forty days upon the road : I assign four days for rest, the re 
mainder of the time for consultation. Adieu. 

[Calvin s Lat. Corresp. Opera, torn. ix. p. 235.] 



CXXVL To VIRET. 

Intelligence of France and Germany Synod of Melun. 

GENEVA, February 2, 1545. 

I have sent the pamphlet of Chaponneau, 1 together with 
the answer, lately to Neuchatel, to Farel and the rest of the 
brethren. You can ask to have it from them if you wish to 
read it. I have sent besides to Farel the letter of Kobert, 2 in 
which he mentioned what was the advice which Cardinal 
Tournon had brought along with him from the Emperor s 
court, to wit, that he might call forth four or five from our 
side, one after the other, and so deal with them separately, 
that they might either be wheedled by fair speeches, or might 
be moved by threats, liberally to abate somewhat in their de 
mands, so as that might be turned to our prejudice. You are 
aware that this was in time past the artful policy of Langey. 3 
There happened to be a messenger very opportunely upon the 
spot, by whom I have warned Bucer, as being the person I 
was most alarmed about, because he lies more in their neigh 
bourhood, and would be among the first to be chosen by our 
adversaries. After that, also, I have written particularly to 
Melanchthon by Claude de Senarclens, whom I was sending to 

1 See the Letter to the Ministers of Neuchatel, p. 386. 

2 This was, doubtless, the celebrated printer of Paris, Robert Etienne, who re 
tired in 1551 to Geneva. 

3 William du Bellay had died in 1543, without realizing the hope which the re 
formers of Germany and Switzerland had rested on his character and talents, for the 
spread of the Gospel in France. (See note 1, p. 34.) Th. de Beze accuses him 
of double-dealing, and stigmatizes him as " rather the servant of the king than of 
God." Hist. Ecd. torn. i. p. 22. Sleidan is less severe ; witness the fine eloge he 
has written of the Lord of Langey, lib. xv. pp. 424-426. 



424 VIRET. 1545. 

Germany on another account. For at the request of some friends 
I have asked of Luther, of Melanchthon, and of Bucer, that 
they would write us their opinion upon that treatise of mine 
which treats of a similar question to that upon which you have 
written, 1 not so much because I was very much set upon con 
sulting them, or that there was any hope of its being successful. 
But when the Frenchmen had once got that into their heads, 
I knew that they would never rest till they had got it done. I 
therefore preferred that they should form a judgment with the 
evidence before them rather than without a hearing of the cause. 
If, however, the king has not immediately complied with 
the advice of the Emperor and Tournon, that has so fallen 
out, rather through the ambition than from any prudent fore- 
.thought of Chatelaine, 2 although I have no doubt whatever, 
but that the Lord hath driven him on thus far, that so He- 
might thwart this very artful policy, so full of danger, and that 
our friends might not be utterly outdone before they were aware 
of it. He shewed the king that it was to be feared that if he 
should commit his doctors unprepared to cope with men well 
trained and exercised in that kind of warfare, he would ex 
pose not themselves merely to disgrace, but also the whole 
kingdom. That, therefore, it would be better that some 
learned men should be named by the king, who, uniting their 
efforts, might arm themselves for the onset against us. There 
are twelve at Melun, out of which number two are thought 
to be passing good; 3 I know not whether I ought to admit 
that there is a single one of them who answers even this de 
scription. Certes, they are meditating no good ; but He who 
sits in heaven shall have them in derision, and also make 
them a laughing-stock in the earth. Adieu, may the Lord 



1 The work of Viret which is here alluded to, is without doubt, the following: 
Deux Discours addresses aux Fidelcs qui sont parmi les Papistes, in 8vo, Geneve, 
1544. 

2 See note 1, p. 415, and Hist. Eccl, torn. i. p. 80. 

3 Of this number was doubtless the learned Danes, Professor of Greek in Paris, 
who at that time manifested favourable dispositions towards the Reformation. At 
a later period he became the preceptor of Francis II., a bishop, and a persecutor, 
Hist. EccL, torn. i. p. 48. 



1545. VIRET. 425 

preserve you and your family, whom pray ealute for me and 
mine. Yours, 

JOHN CALVIN. 

[Lat. oriy. autoyr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.] 



CXXVIL To ViRET. 1 



Election of new magistrates at Geneva struggles of Calvin. 

GENEVA, 12th February 1545. 

See how I am not even yet ashamed of my remissness ! I 
have found out a method by which I can relieve myself from 
the trouble of writing. I send you a copy of the letters which 
I have written to Luther and to Philip, that you may thence 
understand why I have sent Claude to them. I have added a 
third, addressed to him who had made the request to me con 
cerning that question. The day before your letter arrived, 
Textor had brought from Christopher the book of Farel to 
Girard : it can be printed in a short time. I have not yet 
spoken to Louis Bernard. He has twice already slipped away 
from me from the sermon, but to-morrow or next day I shall 
make your excuse to him. I can hear about Le Comte when 
you shall come ; for as I perceive, my ears are spared for the 
present, that they may not be compelled to hear evil of others ; 
and certainly I am abundantly tormented when I am thinking 
and meditating on our concerns ; for, as usual, I have to 
wrestle in darkness with hypocrisy. Amblard Corne hath 
moved the Senate that he might lay down his office ; 2 for he 
has discovered to the commonalty matters which had hitherto 
lain concealed in the secret counsels of the Senate. They sus 
pect, moreover, that this had taken place not without my being 



1 Written to Viret in the outpouring of an unconstrained friendship, and pilfered 
from his master by an unfaithful valet, this letter became the subject, in 1548, of a 
formal accusation brought against Calvin before the Seigneury of Geneva, by 
Eremite Defrique Trolliet, one of the chiefs of the party of the Libertines. See on 
this affair the Correspondence of the Reformer with Farel and Viret, September 
1548. 

2 He had resigned the office of Svndic and of Lieutenant of the Police of Geneva. 



426 VIRET. 1545. 

aware of it, though, nevertheless, they do not venture openly 
to make a noise about it, and do not even shew any token 
whatever of indignation. I perceive, however, how evil-dis 
posed they are, and already I have broken ground upon the 
subject of the internal state of the city, in ten sermons. 
Wherefore, however, should I enter into this labyrinth? 
Come, then, and see with your eyes those things which you 
cannot know by the hearing of the ear. The Syndics have 
been appointed Amy Curtet, Amy Perrin, Domeine Arlot, 
Jacques de Tortonne. Louis Bernard, Peter Verne, and two 
others, have been induced to enter the Senate. They give us 
good hope concerning themselves. I know not, however, what 
we may hope, for, under the pretext that Christ reigns, they 
wish to rule without Christ. Adieu, my brother and very dear 
friend in the Lord. All our friends salute you and your 
household. Greet Kibitti and Imbert, from whose wife I 
wish you would ascertain whether she has anything she wishes 
to send to Perrot, for the good man waits, not without the 
greatest anxiety. Yours, 

JOHN CALVIN. 

\_Lat. oriy. autogr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.] 



CXXVIIL To VIRET. 

Mention of Clement Marot s metrical versions of the Psalms persecutions 
in France. 

GENEVA, 15th March 1545. 

What alone Hector asked, he obtained of me without any 
difficulty whatever, that in reference to his smaller pieces we 
would be guided by your decision. Certainly you will pardon 
me for having laid this charge upon you, for indeed I could 
not otherwise satisfy both of you ; because you wished him to 
understand that you had written to me expressly and anxiously. 
This, however, was the only method by which I could make that 
evident to him, unless I would refuse the one thing which he 
pressed. For who can seriously believe, that you had requested 



1545. VIRET. 427 

anything on my part which I would not grant ? In so far as re 
gards himself, if I was willing to comply with his wish, it behoved 
him to be made aware of that. I have not yet conferred with 
Girard. If they can come to an agreement, there shall be no 
delay on our part, although I would have certainly preferred that 
he had applied himself to the translation of other psalms than to 
those which had been rendered by Marot j 1 but neither shall that 
stand in the way of the publication. Besides the book which he 
shewed me, he mentioned that he had several hymns which he 
requested me to submit to you for the same purpose, with a 
view to publication ; only I have warned him that he must 
not on all occasions handle the princes so roughly, because I 
remembered that seven years since something of the kind was 
done by him, but you can easily be upon your guard should 
you meet with anything which it may not be fitting should 
go farther. 

Of late we have nothing out of Germany. In some parts of 
France the disciples of Antichrist rage at will. There has been 
no further rage of persecution at Lyons, except that a few are 
detained in prison. Many have escaped by flight. May the 
Lord stretch forth His arm of might for the safety of the godly. 
When you shall arrive, we will converse freely on all subjects. 
Adieu, my very dear brother ; may the Lord have you in His 
keeping. Salute Kibitti, Celio, Imbert, and the others respect 
fully, together with your own family. Yours, 

JOHN CALVIN. 

[L*at. orig. autogr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.] 

1 In retirement at Geneva in 1543, the celebrated French poet, Clement Marot, 
had been charged, at the request of Calvin, with the translation of the Psalms in 
verse. Extracts of Registers of the Council, 15th October : " Calvin offers to 
engage Clement Marot to put the Psalms of David in verse." The same year fifty 
Psalms were printed at Geneva, with a preface by Calvin, which is found at the 
beginning of the subsequent editions of 1551, 1556, 1563. The work of Clement 
Marot was finished by Theodore de Beze. 



428 OSWALD MYCONIUS. 1545. 



CXXIX. To OSWALD MycoNius. 1 

Discovery of a conspiracy for the spreading of the plague at Geneva 
punishment of the conspirators. 

GENEVA, 27th March 1545. 

Accept my best thanks for your communication about what 
you had heard concerning the Emperor and the Imperial Diet ; 2 
with regard to your opening my letter by mistake, I do not 
forgive you for that, since you have been no way to blame. 
The Lord is sorely trying us in this quarter. 3 A conspiracy 
of men and women has lately been discovered, who, for the 
space of three years, had spread the plague through the city, 
by what mischievous device I know not. 4 After fifteen women 
have been burnt ; some men have even been punished more 
severely ; some have committed suicide in prison ; and while 
twenty-five are still kept prisoners ; the conspirators do not 
cease, notwithstanding, to smear the door-locks of the dwelling- 
houses with their poisonous ointment. You see in the midst of 
what perils we are tossed about. The Lord hath hitherto pre 
served our dwelling, though it has more than once been at 
tempted. It is well that we know ourselves to be under His care. 
Adieu, most accomplished Sir, and my much respected brother. 

This nobleman, who is not unknown to you, will explain the 
great straits and difficulties with which at present our brethren 

1 Oswald Myconius had written on the 6th March to thank Calvin for sending him 
the book intituled, " Supplex Exhortatio ad Csesarem Carol um V. et Illustriss. Prin- 
cipes aliosque ordines Spirse nunc Imperil Conventum Agentes, ut Restituendse 
Ecclesise curam serio suscipere velint, Genevre, 1543." Translated into French in 
1544 ; a writing much praised by Bucer and Beza. See the Letter of Myconius to 
Calvin. Calv. Opera, p. 34. 

2 The Imperial Diet was then met at Worms. The Eoman prelates were pre 
paring for the celebration of the approaching Council by a life of gaiety and dissi 
pation : " Larvati ut non cognoscantur domos intrant civium ; ibi edunt, bibunt, 
ludunt, saltant, Libidinantur, &c., prieparationes dignae sive ad comitia, sive ad 
Concilium." Myconius Calvino, 6th March 1545. 

3 The plague had then broken out afresh and was raging at Geneva. 

* See Spon, Hist, de Geneve, torn. i. p. 283 ; the details relating to that fearful 
conspiracy. 



1545. THE QUEEN OF NAVARRE. 429 

of Provence are oppressed. 1 Because I am aware that, as one 
might expect, you have their welfare at heart, I only ask that 
when the time for assisting them shall arrive you will be ready 
prepared, as we hitherto always found you. But, in the first 
instance, as seemed right, I have stated the case to Bucer, that 
he may consider maturely whether any seasonable or likely 
access will be practicable to the King. Salute particularly 
your wife and friends. Yours, 

JOHN CALVIN. 

[Lat. copy. Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.] 



CXXX. To THE QUEEN OF NAVARRE. 2 

Calvin vindicates himself from the charge of having intended to attack her 
in his book against the Libertines. 

FKOM GENEVA, this 28th April 1545. 

MADAME, I have received a letter from a man of this town, 
written, as he said, by your command, by which I understand 

1 See notes, pp. 406, 407, 408. 

2 The name of the Princess of Navarre has already appeared several times in 
this collection, pp. 12, 183, 318. Th. de Beze does not hesitate to place her among 
the most illustrious witnesses for the truth in the sixteenth century. Endowed 
with the noblest and most brilliant qualities both of the head and heart, which 
rendered her the idol of her brother Francis I., and an object of admiration to all her 
contemporaries, she was long a steady friend of the Reformation, whose early re 
presentatives she protected in the persons of Lefevre d Etaples, Bishop Briconnet, 
and Gerard Roussel, and whose ministry she encouraged in the kingdom of Na 
varre. She died in 1549. In the Inter years of her life her piety gradually dege 
nerated into a kind of contemplative mysticism, whose chief characteristic was 
indifference towards outward forms, uniting the external ordinances of the Romish 
Church with the inward cherishing of a purer faith. We find numerous proofs of 
this in her poems, published during her life, as well as in her letters, published for 
the first time in Paris by M. Genin, under the following title : Lcttres de Mar 
guerite d Angouleme ; 8vo, 1841. Nouvelles Lcttres de la Rtine de Navarre; 
8vo, 1842. 

Calvin corresponded at different times with this Princess, whose character and 
talents he admired, while, with holy boldness, he censured her infirmities. Unfor 
tunately only one of these letters has been preserved, and is here presented to the 
reader as a testimony of the faithful courage of the Reformer. Beze, Hist. Eccl. 
torn. i. p. 49. 



430 THE QUEEN OF NAVARRE. 1545. 

that you are very ill-pleased with me because of a certain book 
by me composed, the which I have intituled against the Liber 
tines. 1 I am sorry to have saddened you, except in so far as it 
was for your welfare ; for such sadness, as saith St. Paul, is so 
profitable that we have no occasion to repent having caused it. 
But I do not know, Madame, wherefore or how this book has 
been able to make you so angry. The man who has written to 
me alleges as the reason, that it is forasmuch as it is com 
posed against you and your servants. So far as you are con 
cerned, it has not been my intention to touch your honour, nor 
to lessen the reverence w T hich all the faithful ought to bear you. 
I mean in addition to the reverence which we all owe to you, 
because of the royal majesty in which our Lord has exalted 
you, the house whence you are descended, and all the ex 
cellence that is in you, as regards the world. For those who 
are acquainted with me are well aware, that I am neither 
so barbarous nor so inhuman, as to despise, nor to go about to 
bring into contempt the principalities, the worldly nobility, and 
what belongs to human policy. Besides, I know the gifts which 
our Lord has put on you, and how He has engaged you in His 
service, and has employed you for the advancement of His 
kingdom, which affords reason enough for honouring you, and 
holding your honour in estimation. Likewise, Madame, I pray 
you do not allow yourself to be persuaded by those who excite 
you against me, seeking neither your advantage nor my damage, 
but rather to estrange you from that good-will and affection 
which you bear to the Church of God, and to discourage you from 
the service of our Lord Jesus, and of His members, which you 
have rendered to this hour. As regards your servants, I do not 
think that you value your household so highly as to reckon it 
more precious than that of our Lord Jesus, of which one mem 
ber is called a devil, yea, forsooth, a servant who had been seated 
at his Master s table, and appointed to so honourable a condition 

1 This was the treatise, Contre la Szcte Fantastique et Furiense des Libertins 
qui se disent Spirituals. 1544, in 8vo. This sect spread more particularly in the 
Netherlands, denied the authority of the -written Word, and, by a false spiritualism, 
overturned the foundations of all Christian truth. Two of the principal leaders, 
Quintin and Pocquel, were attached to the household of the Queen of Navarre. 



1545. THE QUEEN OF NAVARRE. 431 

as to be ambassador of the Son of God. But although I have 
not been so inconsiderate as to name your household, rather, 
indeed, concealing that those of whom I have to speak are any 
way attached to you, I have spoken in truth, and as before God. 
It remains for you to consider whether I have taken pleasure 
in casting reproach upon them, or whether I have been con 
strained by great and just occasion, yea, even of necessity, to tax 
them in this way. Now, Madame, if you have been weU in 
formed of the whole, I think so well of you, that not only you 
will excuse what I have done, but you will reckon my sim 
plicity worthy of praise. 

I see a sect the most execrable and pernicious that ever was 
in the world. I see that it does much harm, and is like a fire 
kindled for the general desolation and destruction, or as a con 
tagious disease to infect the whole earth, unless some remedy is 
applied. Since, then, our Lord has called me to that office, my 
conscience constrains me to resist it so far as it is possible for me. 
And, more than that, with strong and earnest entreaties, I am 
seriously importuned by the poor believers, who see with con 
cern the Netherlands of the Emperor altogether corrupted, that 
as soon as possible, and without delay, I put my hand to the 
work. Nevertheless, even after such requests, I have put off a 
whole year, to see whether the malady would be lulled asleep 
by silence. If any one should allege that, I could well, indeed, 
write against the wicked doctrine, letting the individuals alone, 
I have my more than reasonable excuse ; it is that, considering 
what ruin Messieur Antony Pocquet has spread in the country 
of Artois and of Hainault, according to the relation of the 
brethren who have come hither expressly on that account, hav 
ing heard the same repeated here, and considering that Quintiri 
pretends no other object than to draw the poor simple souls to 
that more than brutal sect, and not so much by the report of 
others as having heard with my ears, understanding that they 
are always very bitter in opposing the doctrine of holiness, to 
draw poor souls into perdition, to beget in the world a despis 
ing of God, judge, Madame, whether it would have been lawful 
for me to dissemble ? A dog barks and stands at bay if he sees 
any one assault his master. I should be indeed remiss, if, seeing 



432 THE QUEEN OF NAVARRE. 1545. 

the truth of God thus attacked, I should remain dumb, without 
giving one note of warning. I am quite persuaded that it is 
not your mind, that in order to favour you I must betray the 
Evangel which God has committed to me. Wherefore I do 
beseech you, Madame, not to be offended, if, being constrained 
by the duty of my office, under penalty of incurring the offence 
of God, I have not spared your servants, without, however, ad 
dressing yourself. 

As for what you have said, that you would not like to have 
such a servant as myself, I confess that I am not qualified to 
render you great services ; for I have not the ability, and be 
sides, you do not need my services. It is most sure, however, 
that the inclination is not wanting, and as long as I shall live, 
please God, I shall always persevere in this purpose ; and how 
soever you may disdain my service, that will not prevent my 
being at heart your humble servant, and with a good will. 
For the rest, those who know me are well aware that I have 
never aspired to gain access to the courts of princes, the more 
that I have never been tempted to court worldly honour. 
Even had I made the attempt, possibly it might have been in 
vain. But I render thanks to our Lord that I have never been 
tempted ; for I have good reason to be content to serve so good 
a Master, who has accepted me and retained me in His house 
hold, yea, forsooth, in appointing me to an office of such 
dignity and excellency, however contemptible it may be ac 
cording to the world s reckoning. I would be above measure 
exceeding in my ingratitude did I not prefer that situation to 
all the riches and honours of the world. 

As to the reproach of inconstancy which you make against 
me, in so far as I have retracted anything, I assure you, 
Madame, that you have been misinformed ; for our Lord would 
never have brought me thus far without having required the 
confession of my faith. Had it pleased himself to try me in 
that respect, I do not vaunt about what I would have done ; 
but I do not doubt, that since He bestowed that constancy 
upon me to expose my life to danger for another, out of respect 
solely to His Word, that He would have stood with me in His 
strength, had there been any question about the glorifying of 



1545. QUEEN OF NAVARRE. 433 

His name. Howsoever, He has so preserved and kept me from 
this reproach, that never have I unsaid, neither directly nor in 
directly. What is more, I have ever contemplated with horror 
such faint-heartedness as to renounce Jesus for the saving of life 
or of property. I have said the same from the time when I was 
in France, of which there are many witnesses. But in order 
that you may be more confidently certain, that those who have 
made such a report of me have abused your too unsuspecting 
confidence, I refer to Monsieur de Clerac, 1 who can tell you 
that it is a false calumny which they lay upon me, which I 
ought by no means to bear, inasmuch as that by submitting 
to it the name of God would thereby be blasphemed. For 
although I am nothing, yet seeing that it has pleased God to 
make use of me, as one of His instruments for the edification of 
His Church, I see what consequence such an imputation would 
draw along with it, if it should stick to me to the discredit of 
the Evangel. But I praise the Lord, who has not so far per 
mitted Satan to have his will over me, and has even supported 
my infirmity in that he has never proved me either by trial cr 
imprisonment. 

I beseech you to excuse the brevity and the confusedness of 
my letter ; for immediately on receiving the news of your dis 
pleasure, I have resolved to exert myself with all my might to 
satisfy you in so far as I could, were it for no other reason than 
to avoid my being the cause of your growing cold, or being 

1 Gerard Roussel, preacher to the Queen of Navarre, one of the earliest mission 
aries of the Reformation at Paris. Appointed Abbot of Clerac and Bishop of 
Oleron, lie continued to preach the new doctrines without breaking with the Roman 
Catholic Church, and thus he drew iipon himself the most severe censure of both 
Farel arid Calvin. This latter addressed a letter to him in 1536, concerning the 
duty of a Christian man in the administration or the rejection of the benefices of 
the Papal Church, and urged him in vain to separate from the Romish Church, to 
which he remained attached until his death in 1550. " His life," says a Roman 
Catholic writer, " was without reproach ; his kennel of dogs and of greyhounds was 
a great crowd of poor people ; his horses and his train a flock of young children 
instructed in letters. He had much credit among the people, upon whom he 
stamped by degrees a hatred and contempt for the religion of their fathers." 
Florimond dc Remond, Hist, de VHeresie, lib. vii. pp. 850, 851. See especially the 
ingenious and learned Biography of Gerard Roussel, by M. Charles Schmidt, 
Strasbourg, 1845, in 8vo. 

VOL. I. 2 E 



434 FAREL. 1545. 

turned away from that kind inclination which you have shewn 
hitherto toward the poor faithful brethren. And for that, 
Madame, after having very humbly commended me to your 
kind favour, I beseech the Lord Jesus to guard and guide you 
by His Spirit, to uphold you as well in prudence as in zeal to 
follow forth your holy calling. 

Your very humble and obedient servant in the Lord, 

JOHN CALVIN. 

[Fr. copy Library of Geneva. Vol. 107.] 



CXXXL To 

Massacre of the Waldenses of Provence -Calvin entreats the sympathy of 
the Swiss Churches in their behalf. 

GENEVA, 4th May 1545. 

After those two brothers about whom I had written, on my 
suggestion were returned to their friends, the one of them has 
returned to us with the melancholy intelligence, that several 
villages have been consumed by fire, that most of the old men 
had been burned to death, that some had been put to the sword, 
others having been carried off to abide their doom ; and that 
such was the savage cruelty of these persecutors, that neither 
young girls, nor pregnant women, nor infants, were spared. 
So great is the atrocious cruelty of this proceeding, that I 
grow bewildered when I reflect upon it. How, then, shall I 
express it in words ? 2 On hearing of this dreadful tragedy, 



1 Misled by the false reports of the secret agents of the Cardinal du Tournon, 
and by the calumnious denunciations of the Baron d Oppede, Francis I. at length 
was prevailed upon to carry into execution the sentence pronounced by the Parlia 
ment of Aix against the Vaudois of Provence, and to give the signal of the dread 
fully atrocious massacres of Cabrieres and of Merindol. Hist, des Martyrs, lib. 
iii. ; De Thou, lib. vi. On hearing the sad intelligence, Calvin set out from Geneva 
in all haste for Berne, to implore at Berne and Zurich the interference of the re 
formed cantons, even at the eleventh hour, in favour of these unhappy victims of 
intolerance and fanaticism. 

2 The Jesuit Maimbourg, in his Histoire du Calvinisme, lib. ii., states the num 
ber of these victims as amounting to 3600, and carries the number of the houses 



1545. FAREL. 435 

and considering what ought to be done, it seemed advisable 
to the brethren, in the first place, that we should send a 
man to you with my letter, which recommends the cause of 
all the churches to the ministers ; and, in the next place, 
we asked the advice of the Council, because we were not so 
clear among ourselves what measure ought to be taken. It 
was the opinion of the Council that I should go in person to 
the Swiss Churches. I shall therefore set out to-morrow on the 
journey. I can scarcely be able to reach Berne before Thursday. 
As soon as I can, I shall urge the consul to grant me an 
audience of the Senate. If you approve, you had better come 
to Berne on Friday. From thence we shall go together ; but if 
otherwise, I can proceed alone. Because Bucer, in his last letter, 
has almost entirely cut off all hope, I almost fear that I may 
lose my pains by going to Strasbourg. Should the brethren 
at Basle advise it, I shall make the attempt for all that. 
It will at any rate be most refreshing to me to have a sight of 
you at Berne. Adieu, my dear brother ; salute all. I write, 
worn out with sadness, and not without tears, which so burst 
forth, that every now and then they interrupt my words. 
Yours, JOHN CALVIN. 

My colleagues, who are all present, except Geniston who has 
gone into the country lately, salute you. 

[Lat. copy Library of Bade. Epist. Apogr. torn. xxv. p. 49.] 

pillaged and destroyed as high as 900. According to De Thou, twenty-two bourgs 
and villages were reduced to ashes. The whole country, which had previously 
presented the aspect of a cheerful pleasure garden, was reduced to a desert and un 
cultivated wilderness. 



436 VIRET. 1545. 



CXXXIL TO VlRET. 1 

Journey of Calvin in Switzerland resolutions of the Diet of Arau in favour 
of the persecuted brethren of France. 

GENEVA, 2oth May 1545. 

You will pardon my not having returned to Lausanne. For 
many reasons I hastened forward, but chiefly because Claude 
Farel had mentioned to us that the dwelling of Geniston might 
possibly be attacked with the plague a second time. I may 
shortly relate the result of our proceedings. The Bernese not 
only granted what we asked, but were also encouragers by their 
advice to others. The Zurichers appointed immediately an 
assembly at Arau, and called others thither by special messen 
gers. They ordered intimation to be made by us to those of 
Schaff hausen and Basle. After that we set out for Strasbourg, 
where I could not even allow myself to spend one day, although I 
made the journey with the utmost expedition. At Arau, they 
did not pass such a decree as I had wished they might. There 
upon, at my request, the Council again took up the question, 
but I could not succeed in getting them to forego their first 
resolution, and to reconsider it. They resolved, that letters were 
to be despatched by a special messenger, in which they might 
intercede earnestly with the King, and on receiving the answer, 
that thereupon a solemn embassy should be sent ; for they think 
that it would be more useful if, after having heard his excuses, 
they send an envoy fully instructed. They declare, in the mean- 

1 Calvin was already on his return from the journey which he had undertaken in 
Switzerland, and which he had accomplished with extraordinary despatch. In suc 
cession he had visited Berne, Zurich, Schaffhausen, Basle, Strasbourg, everywhere 
exhorting the magistrates to make energetic intercession in favour of their French 
brethren, so cruelly persecuted. Last of all, he had gone to the Diet of Arau, and 
had addressed the same entreaties to the deputies of the Cantons. These latter 
wrote to the King, Francis I., with much force of language ; but their tardy inter 
ference had no influence upon the resolution of the monarch, blinded by perfidious 
counsels, and which were not entirely cleared away until two years afterwards upon 
a deathbed. Extract from the Council Registers of Geneva, May 1545 ; Eur-hat, 
Hist, de la Ref. torn. v. p. 253. 



1545. MONSIEUR DE FALAIS. 437 

time, that they shall spare neither expense nor pains. Since they 
are thoroughly determined, let us await with patience the result 
of their epistolary experiment. I am moreover charged, if I shall 
hear any further news, to write forthwith to Berne. The Senate 
of Berne has promised to make intimation to others. I send 
a copy of a writing which, at their request, I presented, after I 
had explained all the circumstances more at large. I am afraid 
lest anywhere I may have been mistaken ; and I fear all the more 
on this account, because it would be very perilous were my faith 
fulness to be undervalued or lightly esteemed among them, if I 
wish to be of any use in future. Nicolas can write you a sum 
mary of what has been done, or, if you think it fit, do you your 
self write to Berne. Adieu, most beloved brethren. The Lord, 
may He preserve you. Let us depend wholly upon Himself. 

JOHN CALVIN. 

Nicolas des Gallars, your very loving friend, dutifully salutes 
you, and returns thanks for that you bestow such pains upon 
him. The affair is going to turn out well, with God s blessing. 

[Lat. copy Library of Zurich. Coll. Simler, torn. Ivii.] 



CXXXIIL To MONSIEUR DE 

Directions for his conduct towards the Emperor Charles V. 

GENEVA, ?&gt;lst May 1545. 

MONSEIGNEUR, Although I cannot sufficiently thank God 
for having withdrawn you so opportunely from a place in which 
you were exposed to a surprise of all others the most painful, 
and in having conducted you, in a manner exceeding all human 
anticipation, to a spot where your mind can find some tempo 
rary repose from its anxieties, yet even now you have as much 

1 At the approach of the Imperial army, M. de Falais had withdrawn from Cologne 
to Strasbourg. When there, he received a visit from the Reformer in May 1545, 
when on a tour to Berne, Zurich, and Basle, which he had undertaken in order to 
rouse the Protestant cantons in favour of the unhappy victims of Cabrieres and 
Merindol. 



438 MONSIEUR DE FALAIS. 1545. 

need as ever of the Divine assistance, as well to enlighten you as 
to the course which it will be good and expedient for you to fol 
low, as to strengthen your fortitude, so that you be not shaken, 
whatever attacks may be made upon you. For, being so near the 
place where the principal agent in the hands of Satan for your 
affliction 1 now happens to be, I do not doubt that you will have 
to resist many more temptations than you have yet experienced. 
I see no means of further prolonging matters by apologetic 
pleadings, since there is nothing which you will put forward 
which will serve for a pretext ; at least such is my opinion. I 
speak with reference to those to whom you have to give satis 
faction ; for however ill you may appear, their minds are already 
so much pre-occupied by a contrary opinion, that it will have 
no weight with them, while the place which you have chosen 
for your retreat will dispel any doubt which they may still 
entertain. Besides, I am persuaded that they have kept too 
watchful an eye upon your movements not to be able to inter 
pret them correctly. 

The best thing, then, in my opinion, in such an extremity, 
will be to say nothing, and to remain passive, commending your 
cause to God, that he may conduct it without either advocate 
or attorney. Forasmuch, then, as among other points treated 
of in your letters, you express a doubt about the necessity of 
going to Worms, I beseech you before undertaking the journey 
to ponder it well, for above all, it becomes you to have in your 
heart a firm resolution unreservedly to confess our Lord un 
flinchingly. It will not avail there, as you well know, to use 
courteous phrases and fine words in place of more solid coin. 
What is worse, I fear that you may not have an audience to 
make the confession which you would desire. As to a safe- 
conduct, you will remember our plan in regard to that. 
Nevertheless, I expect there will be no great harm in asking it, 
for I am persuaded that you will meet with a refusal. One 
advantage will flow from it, that you will have declared your 
self more fully. On this point, however, I believe there will be 

1 Allusion is made to the Emperor Charles V., who was then at Worms, with 
the intention of presiding at the Diet which was opened in that town in the fol 
lowing year. 



1545. MONSIEUR DE FALA1S. 439 

no need of long deliberation, since God will open up the way 
before you, if I am not much deceived. Wherefore, the chief 
thing is to arm yourself with patience, praying God that it may 
please Him to glorify Himself in you more and more, as He 
has already begun to do. 

It matters little what we have to endure in this world, con 
sidering the shortness of our life. And if length of days should 
be granted us, it is well that the Son of God be glorified by our 
sufferings, and we be participators in His glory. Since, for the 
love of Him, you have begun to die to the world, it will be 
necessary to learn henceforth what it is to be buried. For 
death is nothing without burial. This is the consolation which 
it becomes you to take, that you may not deceive yourself, but 
prepare to endure even unto the end. And yet the cross you 
bear is very easy compared with that of our Master. When it 
shall please Him to impose a heavier burden on you, He will 
give you, at the same time, shoulders to bear it. 

On my return I found the good Seigneur David in a very poor 
state of health, as the bearers will inform you ; and I fear very 
much that, after lingering long, he will find his last home here. 
We must pray God, nevertheless, to have compassion on him 
and on us ; for it would be a great comfort to us all were it to 
please the Lord to spare him. 1 In conclusion, Monseigneur, 
commending myself to your good favour and to that of Madame, 
I implore our kind God to support you by His right hand, so 
that you may not falter or stumble on account of any obstacle 
which Satan may throw in your way. 

Your humble brother, servant, and sincere friend, 

JOHN CALVIN. 

[Fr. copy Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.] 

1 David de Busanton, a gentleman of Hainault, and a refugee, then residing at 
Geneva. He died in July 1545, in the most pious frame of mind, as may be 
gathered from a letter of Calvin s addressed to Viret. " When your letter was de 
livered to me our good friend David was just expiring. A short time after 
he delivered up his soul into the keeping of Christ with a rare and truly admirable 
composure. You will have an opportunity of reading his will when you come. . . ." 
July 1545. David de Busanton bequeathed 1000 crowns to the poor of Strasbourg, 
and as much to those of Geneva, appointing Calvin one of his executors. 



440 JOHN C A VENT. 1545. 



CXXXIV. To JOHN C 

Consolations on the death of his wife and mother. 

[Jane 1545.J 

VERY DEAR BROTHER, I have no doubt that Master Chris 
topher 2 will have done his duty by delivering to you the letters 
which contained information of the death of your wife and 
mother. If it be hard to bear their loss you have good cause 
to find consolation in our Lord, who enabled them to glorify 
His name in their death., and who gave them strength in the 
hour of need, aiid who ; I do not doubt, will give you grace to 
view all these things aright. As to your children, there would 
have been some means of sending them to you, through M. de 
FalaiSj and he would willingly have undertaken the charge, for 
the honour of God,, and at my request ; but he himself is 
excluded from the country, and is now at Strasbourg, where I 
found him in bad health ; for if weakness had not prevented 
him he would have come hither. It is, therefore, necessary to 
find out some other way of sending them, and, meanwhile, it 
behoves you to have patience, anxiously commending them to 
God, who will not permit them to remain long in this captivity. 
Moreover, I beg you to tell our brother, Master Peter, not to 
fail to visit me some day. And now, after affectionately com 
mending myself to both of you, and to all our friends, I pray 
our gracious God to have you in His keeping, directing you by 
His Spirit, so that your labours be acceptable to Him and useful 
to His Church, which has great need of them. Most sincerely 
your good friend and brother, 

JOHN CALVIN. 

\_Fr. orij. ctutoyr. Lihntry of the Corn p. of Neucliatel,] 

1 On the back is written: " To my brother and friend Master John . . . 
deacon of the Church of Lausanne, or to Master Peter Viret, to put into his hands." 
Below, in Viret s hand : " Calvin to John Cave nt, deacon of Lausanne." Letter 
not dated, but written shortly after Calvin s journey to Strasbourg and his visit to 
M. de Falais, that is, in June 1545. 

2 Christophe Fabri, minister of Ihe Church of Thonon. 



1545. MONSIEUR DE FALAIS. 441 



CXXXV. To MONSIEUR DE FALAIS. 

Information regarding a house to be sold at Geneva. 

2 2d June 1545. ! 

MONSEIGNEUR, I wi Ue you in haste because not forewarned 
in time, but, please God, I shall soon make up for this fault. At 
present, I shall only say, that after having considered the sub 
ject in which you requested my assistance, I find that a seller 
will not be wanting when it pleases you to buy. 2 But we see 
no great advantage in making any purchase, or even entertain 
ing any offer till you are on the spot to judge what will suit 
you, in which circumstances, it will be best, in my opinion, to 
look about us without committing ourselves till your arrival ; 
although, at present, there are two places, one of which may 
change masters if we do not interpose at the proper time. But 
I have no doubt that when you have made up your mind to 
come, you will set out immediately after the hot weather is past, 
if God throws no obstacle in your path. 

I dare not say how overjoyed I should be if you finally de 
cided to come hither, for fear of being suspected by you in the 
event of my offering advice. I am, nevertheless, able truly to 
affirm that any desire I might have to enjoy the pleasure which 
I expect from your presence would not prevent my considering 
what would be best for yourself. And, indeed, the chief cause 
of my desire to see you here is that you may be among people 
who long for an opportunity of doing you service. It had 
occurred to me, that if M. de Fromont 3 had come, and had 
thought of making a pleasure-trip thus far, as he is in better 
travelling condition than yourself, his journey might serve as a 
guide to you. In the event of his doing so, I should beg him 
to corne direct to our house. 

1 Ou the back is written in M. de Falais s hand " Answered, 18th July 1545, at 
Strasbourg." 

2 Calvin refers to the purchase of a house at Geneva for M. de Falais. 

3 Jean, Seigneur de Fromont and Han-sur-Sambre, brother of M. de Falais. 



442 MELANCHTHON. 

As to the good Seigneur David, it is all over, if the Lord do 
not interpose, and ; by a miracle of mercy, deliver liini from the 
grave. But I shall say nothing more to you on this subject 
till God shall have brought it to a final issue. 1 

Humbly commending myself to you, Monseigneur, and to 
Madame, and presenting to you the respects of my wife, I pray 
our Lord to strengthen you both, in body as well as in mind, so 
that without fainting or failing we may all accomplish the 
journey which lies before us. Your servant, humble brother, 
and sincere friend, 

JOHN CALVIN. 

[/ f V. oi ig. utitof/r. Library of Gen va. Vol. 194. j 



CXXXVL TO MELANCHTHON. 2 

He complains of Luther s tyranny, and affectionately exhorts Melanchthon 
to manifest greater decision and firmness. 

28tk June 1545. 

Would that the fellow-feeling which enables me to condole 
with you, and to sympathize in your heaviness, might also im 
part the power in some degree, at least, to lighten your sorrow. 
If the matter stands as the Zurichers say it does, then they 
have just occasion for their writing. Your Pericles allows 
himself to be carried beyond all due bounds with his love of 
thunder, especially seeing that his own case is by no means 
the better of the two. We all of us do acknowledge that we 
are much indebted to him. Neither shall I submit myself 

1 See note 1, p. 439. 

2 Hurt at the new attacks which. Luther began to direct against their doctrine 
in his Short Confession upon the Supper, (see Letter CXX1T.,) the ministers of 
Zurich published in 1545 an Apology, intituled: " Orthodoxa Tigurinae Ecelesise 
Ministrorum Confessio, una cum sequa et modesta responsione ad vanas et offendi- 
culi plenas D. Martini Lutheri calumnias, condemnationes et convitia, etc. . . ." 
Hospiman, Hist. Sacrament., torn. ii. p. 354. Provoked by Luther s violence, this re 
ply irritated the zealous Lutherans, afflicted Melanchthon, delighted the adversaries 
of the Reform by the unseemly divisions which hud got the upper hand among them. 



1545. MELANCHTHON. 443 

unwillingly, but be quite content, that he may bear the chief 
sway, provided that he can manage to conduct himself with 
moderation. Howbeit, in the Church we must always be 
upon our guard,, lest we pay too great a deference to men. 
For it is all over with her. when a single individual, be he 
whosoever you please, has more authority than all the rest, 
especially where this very person does not scruple to try how far 
he may go. Where there exists so much division and separa 
tion as we now see, it is indeed no easy matter to still the 
troubled waters and bring about composure. But were we all 
of that mind we ought to be, some remedy might, perhaps, be 
discovered; most certainly we convey a mean example to 
posterity, while we rather prefer, of our own accord, entirely to 
throw away our liberty, than to irritate a single individual by 
the slightest offence. But, you will say, his disposition is 
vehement, and his impetuosity is ungovernable ; as if that 
very vehemence did not break forth with all the greater vio 
lence when all shew themselves alike indulgent to him, and 
allow him to have his way, unquestioned. If this specimen of 
overbearing tyranny has sprung forth already as the early 
blossom in the springtide of a reviving Church, what must 
we expect in a short time, when affairs have fallen into a 
far worse condition ? Let us therefore bewail the cala 
mity of the Church, and not devour our grief in silence, 
but venture boldly to groan for freedom. Consider, besides, 
whether the Lord may not have permitted you to be reduced 
to these straits, in order that you may be brought to a yet 
fuller confession upon this very article. It is indeed most 
true, as I acknowledge it to be, that which you teach, and 
also that hitherto, by a kindly method of instruction, you have 
studiously endeavoured to recall the minds of men from strife 
and contention. I applaud your prudence and moderation. 
While, however, you dread, as you would some hidden rock, 
to meddle with this question from the fear of giving offence, 
you are leaving in perplexity and suspense very many per 
sons who require from you somewhat of a more certain 
sound, on which they can repose ; and besides, as I remem 
ber I have sometimes said to you, it is not over- credit able to 



444 MELANCHTHON. 1545. 

us, that we refuse to sign, even with ink, that very doctrine 
which many saints have not hesitated to leave witnessed with 
their blood. Perhaps, therefore, it is now the will of God thus 
to open up the way for a full and satisfactory declaration of your 
own mind, that those who look up to your authority may not he 
brought to a stand, and kept in a state of perpetual doubt and 
hesitation. These, as you are aware, amount to a very great 
number of persons. Nor do I mention this so much for the 
purpose of arousing you to freedom of action, as for the sake 
of comforting you ; for indeed, unless I could entertain the 
hope, that out of this vexatious collision some benefit shall 
have arisen, I would be utterly worn out by far deeper dis 
tress. Howbeit, let us wait patiently for a peaceable con 
clusion, such as it shall please the Lord to vouchsafe. In the 
meanwhile, let us run the race set before us with deliberate 
courage. I return you very many thanks for your reply, and 
at the same time, for the extraordinary kindness which Claude 
assures me had been shewn to him by you. 1 I can form a 
conjecture what you would have been to myself, from your 
having given so kind and courteous a reception to my friend. 
I do not cease, however, to offer my chief thanks to God, 
who hath vouchsafed us that agreement in opinion upon the 
whole of that question about which we had both been exa 
mined ; for although there is a slight difference in certain 
particulars, we are, notwithstanding, very well agreed upon 
the general question itself. 

[ Calvin s Lat. Corrcsp. Opera, torn. ix. p. 33.] 

1 Claude de Senarclens returned to Geneva loaded with testimonials of affection 
from the German Eeformers. In the Town Lihrary of Geneva there is an Alhuni 
preserved, containing pious inscriptions of several of the Reformers, which he had 
brought away with him in the course of his travels. 



1545. BULLINGER. 445 



CXXXVIL TO BULLINGER. 1 

Defence of the Waldenses of Provence artifices of their enemies oppression 
of that unfortunate people. 

GENEVA, 2th July 1545. 

So far as I understand, from the correspondence of friends, the 
object which I had obtained through your kind endeavour, and 
that of all good men, I mean that of sending a deputation 
to France, will stagnate after all, unless the business is pressed 
a second time on their attention. The King s pensioners have 
so far attained their object by falsehood, that we, forsooth, must 
not judge worthy even of compassion those whom we behold 
cruelly slain for the same cause which they maintain in common 
with ourselves. It was quite apparent to me, while I was at Arau, 
that there were certain of them not so very favourable to us, or, 
at least, they were not so warm and friendly as not to be affected 
by underhand reports. A most false accusation had been forged, 
in order to overwhelm our unfortunate brethren. They are 
said to have been treated with such savage rigour, because they 
have refused to pay tithe, 2 although it is quite certain that this 
has never been charged against them, even by their enemies. 
Yea, and more than that, it is quite well known that they had 
voluntarily promised that they would give as much to the 
priests for doing nothing, as they were accustomed to exact 

1 The sentence of the Parliament of Aix had been carried into effect, and those 
of the unfortunate Vaudois who had escaped the massacre which befell their brethren 
were pursued as heretics, buried alive in the dungeons, or condemned to the gal 
leys. Some of them arrived at Geneva, and there found a generous refuge and 
assistance. 14th May 1545. " The minister of Merindol, with some others, 
arrived in this town, flying from the persecutions, and in great misery. Resolved 
to help them." 18th May. " The refugees of Provence are occupied on the forti 
fications, and that in accordance with Viret s request." Becjisters of Council. 
Calvin, addressing both earnest and eloquent entreaties to the ministers of Zurich, 
of Schaffhausen and of Basle, adjured them to employ their whole credit to pro 
mote new exertions in favour of their suffering brethren. 

2 The intractable savage D Oppede, and the Eoyal Commissioners, pursued by 
the cry of conscience, tried to give a colour of rebellion, and to represent the Vaudois 
as rebels, those whom they had cowardly assassinated. See De Thou, lib. vi. p. 215. 



446 BULLINGER. 1545. 

when they discharged their functions ; for they had always 
modest and prudent men among them, by whose sound advice 
they suffered themselves to be guided. You can therefore 
assert, on my authority, that this has by no means been 
the cause of the persecution which has been set on foot against 
them. And not even Grrignan, 1 who is now the King s ambas 
sador at Worms, has attempted to put forward this pretext for 
abating the odium of this atrocious business. And must he 
not have known best of all the facts of the case, when it was by 
his own perfidy that the whole of this fire of persecution has been 
lighted up ? For when he was summoned by the King him 
self from Provence, where he was governor, he promised to our 
brethren that he would faithfully plead their cause at Court ; 
and yet, to flatter Cardinal Tournon, under whose patronage 
he hoped for an embassy, he stirred up the King to a height 
of fury hitherto unheard of. Now, it is of great importance 
to know correctly what may be the state of matters, and how 
it fares with our godly brethren. The King, that he might 
give some satisfaction to the Germans, wrote thither lately 
that he had sent a Commissioner to make inquiry concern 
ing the massacre which had been perpetrated. 2 But what 
good can be expected to come of that ? There is no one 
hitherto who has even dared to mutter a word in favour of suc 
couring and defending the unhappy sufferers ; their cause, there 
fore, lies prostrate beneath oppression. There are, even at this 
present, four hundred and upwards bound in iron ; for even 
the lower hold^of the ships are also full of prisoners in chains. 
They make daily incursions from the Comtat d Avignon upon 
those who yet remain, which, although it is done without the 
express command of the King, takes place, nevertheless, as is 
quite certain, by his permission. For he would not thus con- 

1 The Count Aymar de Grignan, deputy of the King at Worms and governor of 
Provence, one of the most savage persecutors of the Vaudois. 

2 This Commissary was a creature of the Cardinal de Tournon. The 23d August 
1545, the authors of the massacre obtained, by the credit of the Cardinal, letters of 
approbation from the King, who afterwards, says Beza, " being at the point of 
death, had amazing remorse on account of this business, and charged his son, with 
strong protestations, to do justice in the matter." Hist. Ecd. torn. i. p. 47 ; De 
Thou, lib. vi. 



1545. BULLINGEK. 447 

nive if he did not approve ; and the Legate would not take so 
much upon him, if he did not clearly perceive that it was ac 
cording to the King s desire. Wherefore, now is the time for 
rendering them all the assistance we can, whatever we may have 
been able to do aforetime. There are very many, besides, who 
have been scattered hither and thither in their flight ; others 
lie concealed with worthy men, who have not hesitated to place 
their own lives in jeopardy by harbouring them, so as to snatch 
them away from death. What the King promises secures no 
remedy, nor even a mitigation of the evil, but, as it were, a sort 
of cavern in whose darkness the misfortunes of our brethren 
may be entombed. And shall we thus only look on and 
be quiet while innocent blood is shed ? Shall the savage fury 
of the ungodly trample down our brethren perpetually ? Christ 
will then be held up to ridicule and mockery. All this will 
happen, unless you bestir yourself anew along with others who 
ought to feel an interest in what concerns the Kingdom of 
Christ. I hear, indeed, that at Berne and Basle they have grown 
cold, unless, indeed, they now begin again to become more 
earnest in the cause. We shall not cease to strive with all our 
might. Do you also, with your colleagues, do your utmost, that 
your friends may seriously take up the case. Adieu, most ac 
complished Sir, fellow-labourer in the ministry, and my very 
much respected friend. Salute reverently, in my name, the 
learned Masters Pellican, Megander, Theodore, Grualther, Collin, 
and others. May God preserve you all the day long in safety, 
and govern you perpetually by His own Spirit, Amen. Yours, 

JOHN CALVIN. 

\Lat. orig. autogr. Archives of Zurich. Gallicana Scripta, p. 2.] 



448 THE PASTORS OF SCHAFFHAUSEN". 1545. 



CXXXYIII. To THE PASTORS OF 

Calvin exhorts them to redoubled efforts for the deliverance of 
their persecuted brethren. 

GKXKVA, 24f/t July 1545. 

Of the energy with which you have espoused the cause of the 
brethren in Provence, I am myself the very best witness. Be 
cause I have no doubt that you continue still of the same mind 
and resolution, I shall not waste words by endeavouring at 
greater length to stir you up, that I may not seem to distrust 
your promise and your hearty desire to help them. But I shall 
merely warn you, and that briefly, that our labour in what we 
have been doing hitherto is lost, except you press the matter 
anew with fresh energy. For, indeed, I hear the pensioners 
of the King have succeeded in estranging the affections of 
many from their cause. They charge the brethren with a 
crime impudently cooked up by themselves, as if it were not 
all on account of the Evangel that they were suffering this 
calamity, but because they refused tithe to the bishops. This 
is so contrary to the true state of the case, that not even 
Grignan, the King s ambassador at Worms, who was the 
author of all the mischief, and has incensed the King by 
his perfidious counsel, and led him to perpetrate such enor 
mous wickedness, has ever ventured to put it forward. I hear, 
besides, that others had already begun to cool upon the subject, 
so as not to be very anxious to alleviate the miseries of the 
brethren. It will, therefore, be your duty to stir up the torpid 
or inactive, and to win back to an interest in the cause such as 
upon the representation of false informers have become adverse. 
Neither let it any way move you from your purpose, if the King 
shall now make some deceitful show of moderation. Perchance 
he has sent a commissioner. But there is nobody there who 
dare speak a word in favour of the wretched brethren. Very 
and wasting away in prison ; others are 

1 See preceding- Ir-ttcr. 



1545. OSWALD MYCONIUS. 449 

scattered about everywhere in their flight. There is no one 
who has ventured to breathe a word about visiting his family. 
They also make daily inroads from the Comtat d Avignon, 
not without the King s permission, as if in an enemy s country. 
The parliament of Aix, which sanctioned by edict that mas 
sacre, has not grown any milder, neither must we only have 
their unhappy case at heart, but that of all those who are 
everywhere harassed on the same account throughout the 
kingdom. They are carried from all quarters bound as pri 
soners to Paris, and unless effective means are taken, you will 
shortly hear that great fires have been lighted in various 
places, nor will it then be the time to extinguish them. Do 
you, therefore, set yourselves to work with all your energy, that 
an imposing and weighty deputation be sent which may 
seriously demand of the King that those who have been im 
prisoned be discharged; that the fugitives be restored to their 
possessions ; and lastly, that due inquiry in a lawful method may 
be had concerning the faith, as well as the morals of the godly. 
But let the deputation urge that argument, especially, which we 
did not omit to mention when present with you, that it is very 
easy to form some conjecture how the King is disposed towards 
the Swiss, when we see him persecute with such fury the same 
faith which they hold, in the persons of his own subjects. Adieu, 
most right-minded and trusty brethren. The Lord, may He 
preserve you and bless you in your ministry. Amen. 
Your own, 

JOHN CALVIN. 

[Lat. orig. autogr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.] 



CXXXIX. To OSWALD MycoNius. 1 

Pressing entreaty in behalf of the "Waldenscs of Provence. 

GENEVA, 24/7* July 1545. 

Now is the time for vigorous measures, so that we may not 
have expended in vain so much labour in behalf of our unfor- 

1 See the t\vo preceding letters. 
VOL. 1. 2 F 



450 OSWALD MYCONIUS. 1545. 

tunate brethren ; and now, if never before, they themselves, 
though silent, implore our aid. For, though I have learned from 
Germany, the King pretends that he will exercise some degree 
of moderation, for that a commissary had already been de 
spatched to inquire into their affairs, yet that no relief could be 
expected from that quarter. Their most bitter enemies, they 
say, will take part in the inquiry. No one dare utter a word 
for the truth. Our unfortunate brethren, either are confined in 
chains in the holds of vessels, and in subterranean dungeons, or 
are dispersed in scattered flight, or are in concealment among 
their friends. The king will therefore have to be asked first 
to set free those who are in confinement,, and to give them all 
full restitution. Then to send as commissioners just and 
humane men, who may take the inquiry out of the hands of the 
furious men who now carry it on. Do you strain every nerve 
to attain this end ; see that the accusation which is laid upon 
them do not harm them. For it is an impudent fabrication, 
and I have some suspicion of the authors of it. I only 
wonder that any trust at all is reposed in worthless men, to 
whose falsehoods the ears of your people must have long since 
grown callous. They pretend that this rumour was brought 
hither by merchants. But their enemies have never dared to 
allege that, for they would have to do so without a colour of 
reason. The King s legate, Grignan, who by his treachery 
caused this massacre which took place, does not employ this 
futile pretext. As far as you can, therefore, prevent the minds 
of good men from being diverted by false information from their 
efforts to aid them. 

Farewell, my brother and honoured friend ; may the Lord 
preserve you with your colleagues, whom remember to salute in 
my name. My colleagues also respectfully salute you. 

JOHN CALVIN. 

[Calvin s Lat. Corresp. Opera, torn. ix. p. 33.] 



1545. JOACHIM WADIAN. 451 



CXL. To JOACHIM 

Excuses for the long silence which he had observed towards Wadian allu 
sion to the controversy regarding the Sacraments lively entreaties in be 
half of the Provencal brethren. 

GENEVA, 1tli July 1545. 

Although for some time I have often proposed to write you, 
yet I was hindered by this one thing, that after such a long in 
terval I felt almost ashamed to begin. Lately, when I was at 
Zurich an opportunity offered itself, certainly by no means 
happy, but still convenient. But there again Dr. Bullinger 
stood in the way, for owing to the very great hurry of business, 
he prevented me from accomplishing it. Then at Arau, when I 
had put off writing until I had arranged something definitely 
with the legates concerning the business about which I had 
set out, so sudden was our departure after the answer had been 
returned, that I had considerably less time there than at Zurich. 
Only I begged your deputy to carry my salutations to you, and 
to promise that I would write on the very first opportunity. 
Before I knew you personally, my dear Wadian, I always loved 
and respected you ; for you had become known to me by your ex 
cellent writings, in which both a wonderful candour, rare among 
learned men of the present day, and a pious zeal of no common 

1 Joachim Wadian, Burgomaster of Saint Gall, one of the most learned men of 
the 16th century. Educated at the University of Vienne, he there distinguished 
himself by an extraordinary aptness in the cultivation of literature and the sciences, 
and cultivated with equal success, poetry, eloquence, medicine, and mathematics ; he 
travelled the principal countries of Europe, and returning to Saint Gall, his native 
country, corresponded with some of the most illustrious persons of his time, who 
honoured his genius and his virtues. United by the ties of friendship to the Swiss 
and German reformers, he powerfully contributed to the establishment of the Keform 
in his country. An upright magistrate, a conciliatory theologian, an able states 
man, he formed the connecting link of important negotiations between the different 
Swiss Churches, and died in 1550, leaving an illustrious name and revered memory. 
His books and his manuscripts, carefully preserved in his native town, form the 
principal basis of the Town Library of Saint Gall, called sometimes after his name, 
the Library of Wadian. See Mclchior Adam, Vitce Germanorum Medicorum. 
Edit. 1706, p. 24. 



452 JOACHIM. WADIAN. 1545. 

character, as well as your solid erudition, shine forth. But 
when at Basle, many testified to your astonishing love to me, 
and when you, yourself, too, in receiving me, gave me such 
abundant proofs of it, how could it be otherwise than that 
there should be some accession to my former feelings towards 
you ? For, as before I should have been a wicked man had 
I not regarded with love, as well as reverence, one who had 
deserved so well of the Church of God, so I should have 
been heartless had I not returned the love of one by whom 
I had been so courteously and kindly entreated. Add to this, 
that I saw that your friendship would be no small honour 
to me, and those very virtues, which, when I merely pictured 
them to my mind had bound me to you, the more they became 
known and manifested by converse with you, the more they 
tended to increase my love. This relationship, consecrated, as 
it were, by such auspices, I have hitherto religiously cherished. 
But how I have so little fostered it by writing, and attested it 
to you by other common offices, I will here briefly explain. 
When wicked men drove us out by violence and sedition from 
Geneva, and we had set out for Zurich in order to report upon 
the condition of this Church, or rather its unfortunate disper 
sion, of which some traces still remain, I had no difficulty in 
perceiving that you had been induced, by the unfavourable lan 
guage of certain persons, to suspect us of something which was 
not the case. But neither did I think that your mind was 
alienated from us, whatever might be whispered into your ears 
by those who endeavoured by every means in their power to 
render us odious. But rather I remember that I perceived how 
anxiously you wished that our interest should be consulted, nor 
have those friendly exhortations of yours, which you employed 
in your Epitasis, fallen from my memory. But the event 
shewed with what unjust prejudices we were loaded. 

But wherefore this old story now ? you will say. In sooth, 
just that I may excuse my neglect of the duties of friendship in 
the past, and that you may not reasonably accuse me either of 
sloth, or pride, or ingratitude, if you think me to have been so 
negligent without cause. Nay, when the same reason, which 
had led me to withdraw from your intimacy, had induced 



1545. JOACHIM WADIAN. 453 

me also to abstain from correspondence, because I feared you 
might not think very well of our cause, and when afterwards 
access to you seemed to be precluded to me by the very length 
of my silence until some fresh opportunity should open it 
again, now, after such a silence, so far from having nothing 
to write about, more subjects offer themselves than could be 
easily comprised in a letter. Waiving others, I may surely be 
allowed to deplore with you the ruinous mischief of internal 
strife 1 which has broken out afresh. I know what sorrow you 
feel. But since the wound is of such a kind that it can scarce 
be touched without being further irritated, what resource have 
we but with continual prayers to invoke the aid of the Physician 
from heaven ? As regards the alleviation of the French perse 
cution, 2 there is great danger that I have in vain lately spent 
much labour and been troublesome to you, unless those, who 
desire the safety of Christ s kingdom with their whole heart, 
put their hands to the work afresh. I am given to understand 
that there is not much zeal, not to use stronger language, at 
Berne and Basle. For, as the old proverb runs, Tears soon dry 
up, so we see many for a moment moved by the calamities of 
the righteous, and soon after begin to grow cold. Then a seri 
ous report affecting the brethren has got abroad, that the king 
is violently inflamed against them, because they refused to pay 
the tithes of the bishops. When this was made known to me at 
Arau, I boldly, and without any hesitation, asserted that it was 
an impudent fabrication. For they never denied their penny to 
the priests even when they remitted their former duties. Now, 
if the King, to satisfy us, says that he has sent the commissary, 
I reply, that he lately cajoled the Germans at Worms with the 
same reply ; and know that it is a pure fiction. For our bre 
thren are persecuted continually by freebooters whom the Legate 

1 Alluding to the quarrel about the Sacraments. While he freely admitted an 
interpretation opposed to that of Luther in regard to the Supper, Joachim Wadian 
had always shewn great deference for the Reformers of Germany, and, animated by 
the desire of bringing about an accommodation between the Churches divided upon 
that fatal question, he published in 1536, a book entitled, " Aphorismorum Libri 
Sex de consider atione EuchctnsticB^ which he sent along with a respectful letter 
to Luther. See Hospinian, Hist. Sacrament., torn. ii. pp. 270, 271. 

2 See the preceding letters. 



454 MONSIEUR DE FALAIS. 1545. 

of Avignon fosters in his domains. But it is surer than certainty 
itself that they are playing into each other s hands. The officials 
of the King relax nothing of their usual cruelty. The King may 
send commissaries as he will, but there is no one who dares to 
open his mouth for the truth, such terror is inspired into all, 
and besides, it is not allowed to any one to present himself and 
hear what the decree really is. Application must be made for 
the liberation of those who are prisoners, and for the reinstate 
ment of exiles in their possessions : then let the King begin to 
make an inquiry, as he had promised long ago to them to do. 
Since, owing to your high authority in your senate, this may be 
very easily obtained by you, and I am indeed convinced that 
you are of yourself inclined to this cause, I shall be content 
with this humble exhortation, lest, if I advised more particu 
larly, I should seem to distrust you. 

Farewell, most illustrious Sir, most highly honoured friend ; 
may the Lord long preserve you to His Church, and continue 
to govern you by His own Spirit. I beg you will not think it 
too much trouble to salute the ministers in my name. 

JOHN CALVIN. 

[Lat. copy. Library of Gotha. Vol. 404.] 



CXLI. To MONSIEUR DE FALAIS. 

Report of the near arrival of M. de Falais at Geneva details relative to 
the acquiring of a house in that town. 

GENEVA, 5th August 1545. 

MONSEIGNEUR, I thank our gracious God in that He has re 
joiced our hearts with the good news of the restoration of your 
health, without permitting us to be made sorrowful by a know 
ledge of your illness. If we had been informed of it in time we 
would have offered up our prayers to Him as in duty bound. 
But since He has cared for you so well without your having re 
quired our aid, we have double cause to thank Him. The joy, 
too, is increased by learning that this visitation has been almost 
like a medicine in rendering you more robust than before. 



1545. MONSIEUU DE FALAIS. 455 

However that may be, since we have a God who can in a mo 
ment, and without difficulty, call His own from the tomb, He 
can also, surely, lead them to the very brink of the grave with 
out permitting them to fall into it, till the time has come. 

Had I leisure to write Madame, I would tell her that her 
letters have taught me that it is well to read to the end before 
judging; for I had allowed myself to be surprised in the 
second line, in which she informed me of the danger in which 
you had been, although her prudent consideration helped me to 
restrain my feelings, so that, in truth, I may say, that I was 
singularly comforted before I had time to be grieved. 

As to the matter to which you referred in your letter, your 
intention of coming hither has not been divulged by us. But 
rumour flies, and we know not whence, or how it comes, unless 
the wind carry it. When they speak to me on the subject, I 
let their words pass, without being at the pains to contradict 
them. There came a traveller from Strasbourg who spoke as 
if he knew your intentions. I therefore thought that it would 
be lost labour to deny it, but that the best way was to let 
every one think as he pleased. Some one came to me and told 
me that a gentleman named so and so, who had retired to 
Strasbourg, &c., &c., as if he knew much more about you than I 
did. When he asked things which were known to all, as it 
would have been barefaced to affect ignorance of them, I as 
sented so far as was necessary. In this way we shall practise 
reservation in so far as we shall see it to be profitable. Mean 
while, lay your account with this, that people will prattle about 
your affairs in your absence without having commission from 
you. 

With respect to the house, Monsieur Nicolas and I shall do 
what we promised. There is only one difficulty, namely, what 
is to be done if the owners fix the price, not above its proper 
value, but above what he is willing to give. We consider that 
they might reasonably ask two thousand five hundred crowns ; 
Nicolas is unwilling to go beyond two thousand two hundred, or 
thereabouts ; not because he thinks the property worth no 
more, but because his purse will not admit of his giving more. 
This difficulty already perplexes us. If that place should not 



45 () MONSIEUR DE FALAIS. 1545. 

suit, there is another under consideration, full two leagues dis 
tant. I fear it is too far away, for it is a great convenience to 
be near the town, and the place I refer to is pretty near the lake. 
In short, if it were a rational desire, I should wish that some 
one here lent you his eye, lest through delay good opportunities 
escape us. 

I understand from your letters what it is that detains you, 
but I am persuaded the difficulty will now be removed. When 
I consider everything, my desire is, that, at your very first 
arrival, you should be well lodged, and your aifairs all well 
arranged. But in your absence it is extremely difficult to pur 
chase a place for you. Lodgings can be easily hired in the 
town ; but the more important matter [of a settled dwelling] 
cannot be satisfactorily arranged without your personal pre 
sence. For our pleasure may not be yours. May it please .God 
that you may be here in time to take advantage of the oppor 
tunity while it lasts. I expect, however, that if we do not suc 
ceed in one case, we shall fall back upon another. 

I fear to retard your setting out, if I tell you that our Lord 
afflicts us somewhat with a pestilence. 1 But I think it better 
to inform you of it in good time, that you may come with con 
fidence, than to allow you to be taken by surprise. Of other 
things you have no doubt been duly informed, for I begged 
Maldonad 2 and Saint Andre* 3 not to withhold anything ; al 
though, indeed, you yourself know what it is important to attend 
to better than all our warnings and admonitions can instruct 
you. Since we seek Jesus Christ, we must expect to find Him 
crucified afresh wherever we go in this world. I hope, however, 
that our kind Father will give you as much repose here as will 
be needful for your health of body. We shall expect some 
definite information from you by the earliest messenger, and 
important directions what we are to do. 

And now, Monseigneur, humbly commending myself to your 
favour and to that of Madame, and presenting to you both the 

1 It ceased to ravage Geneva only in 1546. 

2 A gentleman of Hanover, a refugee at Geneva. 

3 Another refugee, from Besancon. He was admitted to the ministry in the fol 
lowing year. 



1545. OSWALD MYCONIUS. 457 

respects of my wife, I shall supplicate our gracious God to keep 
you under His protection, guiding you always by His Spirit, and 
sending what He knows to be for your welfare. 

Your servant, humble brother, and sincere friend, 

JOHN CALVIN. 

[Fr. orig. autogr Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.] 



CXLII. To OSWALD MYCONIUS. 

Letter of recommendation for Ochino. 

GENEVA, 15th August 1545. 

The bearer of this letter to you is Bernardino de Sienne, 1 a 
man not long since of high repute in Italy, and deserving of 
high esteem everywhere. Though I did not doubt that straight 
way, upon hearing his name, you would, in your kindness, 
receive him as his singular piety and erudition deserve, yet I 
was unwilling to let the opportunity pass of ^adding my own 
recommendation also ; nor would I view it in the light of his 
need of it only, but also of my duty. Give him, therefore, to 
understand, as I know you will do of your own accord, that he 
is beloved by all the servants of Christ. Yet this, too, will be 
agreeable to me, if you should shew him that my recommen 
dation weighs somewhat with you. Farewell, most reverend 
father in God. The Lord be ever with you and yourjcolleagues, 
to whom, and to your wife likewise, convey my salutations. 

JOHN CALVIN. 

[Lat. orig. autogr. Archives of Zurich. Gest. vi. Ill, p. 1423.] ..." 

1 From tin s letter it would appear that Ochino had not yet professed those 
opinions which soon thereafter alienated from him the affection of Calvin. Having 
retired to Geneva in 1542, Ochino quitted that town in 1545, to go to Basle. The 
same year we find him again at Strasbourg, which he left in 1548, to seek an 
asylum in England. 



458 MADAME DE FALAIS. 1545. 



CXLIII. To MADAME DE FALAIS. 

Use of affliction preparation for the arrival of M. de Falais at Geneva. 

GENEVA, 15th August 1545. 

MADAME, It is reasonable, that after having received four 
letters from you, I should send at least one in return. But I 
beseech you to treat me leniently on this occasion, as the letter 
carrier, who promised to give me notice two days before his 
departure, has been more hurried than he anticipated, and I 
have had, consequently, less time than I expected. But I shall 
refrain from further apologies, knowing, that to a person of your 
good sense, a word will suffice. 

Your letters have been a source of double gratification to 
me, which, indeed, I need scarcely tell you, since you will 
believe it without a word from me to that effect. It is, be 
cause it has pleased our gracious God to restore Monsieur 
to good health after so troublesome an illness, and because 
he is now more robust than he was previously to this attack. 
From this we should learn not to consider it wonderful that 
God should bring spiritual good out of bodily affliction, since, 
even for the body itself, a disease has become a cure. We must 
now pray, that as He has commenced to restore him to health, 
He may be pleased fully to confirm it, and give him a body so 
vigorous that he may feel disposed to take recreation, and make 
up for the weary imprisonment of the last three months. 

I send you herewith the letters which the sister of Monsieur 
David had written to him, not because they can afford you any 
consolation, but because I thought it improper to suppress them. 
I expect, please God, that we shall have more certain informa 
tion through the servant of Monsieur Bernardin, of your own 
health and that of Monsieur, as well as of your affairs, that we 
may know when to make provision of wood : as to the new wine, 
we are attending to it. It is true, that if you are very much 
afraid of the epidemic, that might be some reason for delay ; 
and yet I assure you, that you ought not to be influenced by 



1545. MADAME DE FALAIS. 459 

mere rumour, which gives a very exaggerated account of 
the reality. 

And now, humbly commending myself to your good favour 
and that of Monsieur, I will supplicate our Heavenly Father to 
keep you both in all prosperity, filling you with joy through 
His grace, and giving you an equanimity of soul which will 
raise you above all earthly troubles, making you worthy to be 
the means of glorifying His name more and more. Amen. 
Ever your servant and humble brother, 

JOHN CALVIN. 

[Fr. orig. autogr. Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.] 



EDINBURGH : T. CONSTABLE, PRINTER TO HER MAJKSTV. 



LIST OF WORKS 

PUBLISHED BY 

THOMAS CONSTABLE AND CO. 



WORKS BY L. F. BUNGENER. Authorized Translations. 
HISTOEY OF THE COUNCIL OF TEENT. With the 

Author s last Corrections and Additions communicated to the Transla 
tor. Crown 8vo, price 5s. 

" A substantial, clear, painstaking piece of history. . . It is more pleasant to read, too, 
than the nature of the contents would lead us to expect ; the Author having a good deal of 
French historical vivacity, and occasionally something of D Aubigng s picturesqueness of 
style. The work appears to be very well translated." Athenteum. 

FEANCE BEFOEE THE EE VOLUTION; or, Priests, 

Infidels, and Huguenots, in the Reign of Louis XV. In Two Vols., 
small 8vo, with Frontispieces, price 7s. 
" A rich historical treat." Bill s Weekly Messenger. 

" Seldom has a more interesting story been submitted to the public for its edification as 
well as amusement, and we emphatically add, that it,cannot be too widely read and studied." 
Church and State GazMe. 

VOLTAIEE AND HIS TIMES. In One Volume, uniform 
with " France before the Revolution," price 5s. 

" This fascinating work should be in the hands of all who are interested in that memorable 
period in the History of France and Europe." North British Review. 

" The most skilfully minute anatomy of the mind and character of the Philosopher of 
Ferney that has yet been laid bare by the dissecting knife of the biographer or critic." 
English Churchman. 



BY THE COUNT AGENOR DE GASPARIN. 
THE SCHOOLS OF DOUBT AND THE SCHOOL OF 

FAITH. Translated by Authority. Crown 8vo, price 5s. 

" A valuable contribution to the literature of the Christian Evidences, and a masterly 
defence of the canonicity and divine authority of the Sacred Scriptures." Literary Gazette. 

" An able plea for the strictly Protestant interpretation of the Scriptures." Athenceum. 

" We know no book which furnishes so convenient a manual of the class of topics to 
which it relates, and we shall be surprised if it does not become very extensively popu 
lar." Dublin Daily Express. 

THE CONCESSIONS OF THE APOSTLE PAUL AND 

THE CLAIMS OF THE TRUTH. Crown 8vo, price 2s. Gd. 

" Pre-eminently fitted to give new life and energy to the love of truth and of high prin 
ciple." Witness. 

" The author wields a vigorous pen. His convictions are distinct and strong, he pays a 
profound allegiance to truth, and he has a very forcible manner of expression. . . . The 
whole work is eminently wholesome and seasonable." Eclectic Review. 



WORKS PUBLISHED BY THOMAS CONSTABLE AND CO. 



THE DOCTKINES OF THE BIBLE DEVELOPED IN 
THE FACTS OF THE BIBLE. With an Appendix, containing a 
Catechism on each Section, for the use of Families, Scripture Classes, 
and Schools. By the Rev. GEORGE LEWIS, author of "The Bible 
and Breviary; or, Ritualism self-illustrated," &c., &c. Crown 8vo, 
cloth, price 5s. 

" In this inquiring age there is need of a sound and judicious work, which, in the com 
pass of a few chapters, shall set out the realities of Divine truth, and the reasons for its 
credibility. This is the design of Mr. Lewis s book ; and he has carried out that design 
with the soundest judgment and the most patient investigation." Bell s Weekly Messenger. 
" There is a vast body of well-digested Biblical knowledge amassed in this work ; and, by 
its catechism of questions connected with every chapter, it will be an invaluable auxiliary 
to those who are engaged in the instruction of the young." Evangelical Magazine. 



THE MOSAIC KECORD IN HARMONY WITH THE 

GEOLOGICAL. Small 8vo, Price 3s. 

" Death has been busy among our most distinguished masters of natural science, and it 
cheers us to see such a man as the author rising to occupy one of the vacant places, and to 
show that the race is not yet extinct." Witness. 

" This important work shews both genius and learning, and its anonymous author is not 
only a sound divine but a good geologist." Critic. 



THE ETHICS "OF THE .SABBATH. By DAVID PIRKET. 

Small 8vo, cloth, price 4s. 

" Such an author as Mr. Pirret is entitled to a thoughtful reading without prejudice. We 
welcome his labours, as calculated with a certain class of minds to do good sen ice in refer 
ence to the Sabbath question." Evangelical Magazine. 

" One of the most valuable productions on the subject that has yet appeared, forasmuch 
as it is thoroughly adiipted to the times which are passing over us, and the dangers which 
are thickening around us. ... A judicious, well-digested, and every way an able disserta 
tion on a great subject." Christian Witness. 



THE PHILOSOPHY OF THE INFINITE ; with special 
reference to the Theories of SIB, AVILLIAM HAMILTON and M. COUSIN. 
By HENRY CALDERWOOD. Demy 8vo, price 7s. Gd. 

" We welcome the appearance of this able essay, on a theme so interesting to every 
elevated mind. ... It is the most independent metaphysical essay we have read for a long 
time. ... It possesses perspicuity, which is the essential attribute of a philosophical style, 
and, moreover, unites clearness with condensation." Forth British Review. 

" We hail this volume as by no means an unworthy contribution to Philosophy 

After every just abatement has been made, we cannot in justice refrain from expressing ur 
sense of the high ability which it displays." British Quarterly R&lt; view. 



THE CERTAINTY OF CHRISTIANITY. A Sketch by a 

Layman. Cloth, price Is. 

" A brief but very forcible treatise on the evidences of Christianity. . . . The writer is 
evidently a man of cultivated intellect, and his little work is calculated to have a good effect 
upon persons well educated like himself." Critic. 

" An unpretending, yet very able book, the work obviously of a refined and learned man." 
Witness. 



WORKS PUBLISHED BY THOMAS CONSTABLE AND CO. 

NEW WORK BY JAMES DOUGLAS OF CAVEES. 
PASSING THOUGHTS. Demy 8vo, price 2s. 6d. 

PART I. 

GOETHE. HUMBOLDT. COUSIN AND ECLECTICISM. 

ROUSSEAU. ITALY. GRECIAN HISTORY. 

Lately Published, 

THE COMING OF THE KINGDOM. A Series of Tracts. 
No. I. PRAYER AND THE WAR. Demy 8vo, price 3d. 
No. II REVIVAL AND MISSIONS. [SHORTLY. 

STRUCTURE OF PROPHECY, 8vo, cloth, 3s. 6d. 

Do. crown 8vo, cloth, Is. 

" Our respect for the venerable -writer, and our admiration of these Lectures are so 
profound, that we can no longer defer an earnest recommendation of them to our 
readers." Eclectic Review. 

" Our readers will hail the announcement of a work of Mr. Douglas on the momen 
tous yet difficult subject of Prophecy. They will repair to this work with expectation, 
and we can assure them they will not be disappointed. It may be properly designated 
a chart. Its object is not to expound Prophecy, but to delineate the Prophecies which 
have to be expounded. It will be read by intelligent men with deep interest." 
British Banner. 

POPERY AND INFIDELITY, crown Svo, cloth, 9d. 

" No publication can be more suited to the times than this. The subjects, indeed, 
are now before us every day ; but not handled with the skill and power of Mr 
Douglas." Evangelical Magazine. 

ROME AND MAYNOOTH, crown Svo, Is. per doz. 

" A clear and concentrated statement. An honest, British, Christian, and masculine 
appeal to the common sense and common piety of Great Britain." Christian Times. 

TRUTHS OF RELIGION, Second Ed., Svo, boards, 8s. 

" We have said enough to shew how highly we estimate the service which the author 
has, in these volumes, rendered to the cause of Scriptural truth, and he is too well known, 
and too justly appreciated, to stand in need of any critical testimonial from us. We 
consider his writings as a most salutary antidote to the crude and shallow theology, the 
confused views, and the floating fanaticism of the present day." Eclectic Review. 

ERRORS REGARDING RELIGION, Second Edition, 

small 8vo, 4s. fid. 

" Such is the comprehensive plan of our author ; the conception itself proves an 
elevated and philosophical turn of thinking, and the most moderate execution of such a 
scheme demanded extensive attainment, and a sound discriminating judgment. These 
qualifications, in no common degree, Mr. Douglas has brought to his task. His volume 
evinces extensive reading, and an elevated and highly cultivated mind." Christian 
Instructor. 

THE PHILOSOPHY OF THE MIND, Svo, 8s. 
ADVANCEMENT OF SOCIETY, 12mo, Fourth Edition, 

4s. fid. 

THOUGHTS ON PRAYER, stitched, 6d. 
THE PROSPECTS OF BRITAIN, 2s. 
ADDRESS ON SLAVERY, Is. 6d. 



WORKS PUBLISHED BY THOMAS CONSTABLE AND GO. 



LIFE AND WOKKS OF THOMAS CHALMERS, D.D., 

LL.D., viz. : 

MEMOIRS, by Rev. WILLIAM HANNA, LL.D. 4 Vols. 8vo, 2, 2s. 

" Dr. Ilanna is to be congratulated on the manner in which he has fulfilled 
the important task on which he has now for several years been engaged. . . . 
The four volumes which he has laid before the public are not only an ample 
discharge of his special obligations as regards his splendid subject, but also a 
much needed example of the manner in which biographies of this kind, com 
bining original narrative with extracts from writings and correspondence, ought 
to be written." Athenaeum. 

SELECTIONS FROM THE CORRESPONDENCE OF DR. 
CHALMERS, Uniform with the Memoirs, 10s. 6d. 

" In the biography, the Correspondence is necessarily interspersed like so many 
fragments of glass or gold ; here the plate is whole, thoroughly silvered, reflecting 
with power and beauty the object it is intended to set forth. . . An invaluable 
depot of enlightened opinion." British Banner. 

"A very necessary and most worthy companion to Dr. Hanna s Life of that 
true-hearted divine." Examiner. 

POSTHUMOUS WORKS, 9 vols. 8vo, 10s. 6d. per vol., viz. :_ 

" To commend these works is superfluous ; they have met with universal appro 
bation from the British Press and Public. That the periodical press, representing 
so great a variety of religious and political opinion, should have so generally no 
ticed them, and that too with high commendation, is a circumstance exceedingly 
rare, if not altogether unparalleled. They have charms for the merely literary 
man, and they will obtain a hearing for evangelical truth, in quarters from which 
it would otherwise be excluded." Kitto s Journal. 

1. DAILY SCRIPTURE READINGS, 3 Vols., 1, 11s. 6d. 

" Commentators write what they wish us to think. Here we have unreservedly 
what Dr. Chalmers thought. And he was no ordinary thinker. The originality 
of remark sustained throughout would shew it, had we nothing else. And we 
have his thoughts clothed in a natural colloquial language, which will be new to 
our readers in a work of this nature, and constitutes, to our mind at least, no 
inconsiderable portion of its attraction." Douglas Jerr old s Weekly Neu-spapcr. 

2. SABBATH SCRIPTURE READINGS, 2 Vols., 1, Is. 

" As an assistant to private devotion, we know of nothing to equal these two 
volumes ; and if they should be the means of forming in their readers minds 
the habit of communing with God, in like manner over the pages of His inspired 
Word, their value will be inestimable." Baptist Magazine. 

3. SERMONS, 1 Vol., 10s. 6d. 

" This volume of the Posthumous Works of the great Scottish Divine has a 
distinct unity of its own. These Discourses extend over a period of nearly fifty 
years ; they mark the ripening of a mind originally fertile, and the perfecting of 
an eloquence, forcible from its earliest effort ; but they are still more interesting 
to the minister and religious inquirer, as shewing not an education but a re 
generation of the spiritual nature ; not a completion, but a reformation of belief 
on the great evangelical articles of our faith." Watchman. 

4. INSTITUTES OF THEOLOGY, 2 Vols., 1, Is. 

" A legacy worthy of the veteran theologian and preacher, whose masculine 
yet child-like mind lives in its pages. For the spirit it breathes, still more than 
for the views of truth it exhibits, we desire that it may be widely studied among 
our young preachers and theological students." Patriot. 



WORKS PUBLISHED BY THOMAS CONSTABLE AND CO. 



WOEKS OF THOMAS CHALMERS, D.D., LL.D.,_Cotn*-- 

POSTHUMOUS WORKS Continued 

6. PRELECTIONS ON BUTLER S ANALOGY, PALEY S EVIDENCES OF 
CHRISTIANITY, AND HILL S LECTURES IN DIVINITY, &c., 1 Vol., 
10s. 6d. 

" Never did Calvinism appear to greater advantage than in these Prelections. 
We refer not so much to the victorious argument that is wielded in its defence, 
as to the life our Professor breathes into it, and the life that he draws from it. 
How often is the Edvvardean Calvinism of the North defended as a system scien 
tifically correct, and the argument left there ! But the volume before us may 
convince auy one, that, rightly interpreted, and savingly experienced under 
stood in all its parts, and seen in all its relations, it is not more a system of 
orthodoxy than a source of godliness." Journal of Prophecy. 

CHEAP EDITIONS. 

LIFE OF DR. CHALMERS 2 vols., cloth, lettered, price 12s. 
ASTRONOMICAL DISCOURSES, small 8vo, cloth, lettered, 2s. 6d. 
SABBATH SCRIPTURE READINGS, 2 vols., crown 8vo, 10s. 
DAILY SCRIPTURE READINGS, 2 vols., crown 8vo, 10s. 



SELECT WOEKS OF DE. CHALMEES. 

Now ready, price 6s. per Volume, 
VOLS. I. AND II. LECTURES ON THE ROMANS. 

III. AND IV. SERMONS, including ASTRONOMICAL and COM 
MERCIAL DISCOURSES, SERMONS 011 PUBLIC 
OCCASIONS, &c. 

This Issue will be completed in about 12 Volumes, which are now 
publishing Quarterly, may also be had in Half- Volumes, at 2s. 6d. 
sewed, and in Monthly Parts, at Is. 

ORIGINAL WORKS, 25 Vols., 12mo, 4s. per Vol. 

NATURAL THEOLOGY, 2 Vols., 8s. 

EVIDENCES OF THE CHRISTIAN REVELATION, 2 Vols., 8s. 

SKETCHES ON MORAL AND MENTAL PHILOSOPHY; their Connexion 
with each other, and their Bearings on Doctrinal and Practical Christianity, 
1 Vol., 4s. 

DISCOURSES on the Application of Christianity to the Commercial and Ordinary 
Affairs of Life, 1 Vol., 4s. 

DISCOURSES on the Christian Revelation, viewed in connexion with Modern 
Astronomy, 1 Vol., 4s. 

CONGREGATIONAL SERMONS, 3 Vols., 12s. 

SERMONS ON PUBLIC OCCASIONS, 1 Vol., 4s. 

TRACTS AND ESSAYS, Religious and Economical, 1 Vol., 4s. 

INTRODUCTORY ESSAYS TO SELECT CHRISTIAN AUTHORS, 1 Vol., 4s. 

CHRISTIAN AND ECONOMIC POLITY OF A NATION, with Special Refer 
ence to Large Towns, 3 Vols. 12s. 

CHURCH AND COLLEGE ESTABLISHMENTS, 1 Vol., 4s. 

CHURCH EXTENSION, 1 Vol., 4s. 

POLITICAL ECONOMY, in connexion with the Moral State and Prospects of 
Society, 2 Vols. 88. 

THE PAROCHIAL SYSTEM WITHOUT A POOR RATE, 1 Vol., 4s. 

LECTURES ON THE EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS, 4 Vols., ICs 



WORKS PUBLISHED BY THOMAS CONSTABLE AND CO. 



Fifth Edition, small 3vo, cloth extra, with Frontispiece, Price 6s. , 

THE EARNEST STUDENT, "being Memorials of the Life 
of the late JOHN MACKINTOSH. By the Rev. NORMAN MACLEOD, 
Minister of Barony Parish, Glasgow. 

" Full of the most instructive materials, and admirably compiled. We are sure that a 
career of unusual popularity awaits it ; nor can any student peruse it without being 
quickened by its example of candour, assiduity, and self-consecration." Excelsior. 

" A lesson to the rising generation, which cannot fail to improve all who ponder it well 
and earnestly." Britannia. 

" We close this volume with the feeling that we have almost lost a companion and 
friend in John Mackintosh. English Churchman. 

" The true author of The Earnest Student is that student himself, who, with a power 
which is rarely equalled, and a sincerity, we believe, never excelled, has left us a record of 
human life which may not receive a place in the page of history, but far better will be 
treasured in many a heart, and strengthen many a Christian brother." Scottish Ecclesiasti 
cal Journal. 



LIFE AND EXPERIENCE OF MADAME DE LA MOTHE 

GUYON, together with some account of the Personal History and 
Religious Opinions of FENELON. By THOMAS F. UPHAM. Edited by 
a Clergyman of the Church of England. With a Portrait of MADAME 
GUYON, by R. J/LANE, Esq., A.R.A. Demy 8vo, cloth, price 10s. 6d. 



REFUTATION OF SPINOZA BY LEIBNITZ, recently 

discovered in the Royal Library of Hanover, with Prefatory Remarks 
and Introduction by the COUNT A FOUCHER DE CAREIL. Translated at 
his request by the Rev. OCTAVIUS F. OWEN, M.A , &c., &c. 

MEMOIR OF D. MAITLAND MAKGILL CRICHTON, 

of Nether Rankeilour. By the Rev. J. W. TAYLOR, Free Church, 
Flisk and Criech. Second Edition. Crown 8vo, cloth, with Portrait, 
price 5s. 

"Mr. Taylor has performed his task admirably with both taste and judgment; he has 
succeeded in producing an interesting and excellent biography." The Witness. 



LESSONS FOR SCHOOL LIFE ; being Selections from 
Sermons preached in the Chapel of Rugby School during his Head- 
Mastership. By the Rev. A. C. TAIT, Dean of Carlisle. Cloth, price 5s. 



BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH of the late DR. GOLDING 

BIRD, being an Address to Students, delivered at the request of the 
Edinburgh Medical Missionary Society, by J. H. BALFOUR, M.D., 
F.R.S.E., Professor of Medicine and Botany in the University of Edin 
burgh. Small 8vo, cloth, price Is. 



WORKS PUBLISHED BY THOMAS CONSTABLE AND CO. 



In Two Yols., Large 8vo, with Portraits, &c., Price 1, 4s. 

MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE, WRITINGS, AND DIS 
COVERIES OF SIR ISAAC NEWTON. Drawn up from the Family 
Papers in the possession of the Earl of Portsmouth. By SIR DAVID 
BREWSTER, K.H., F.R.S., D.C.L., Vice-President of the Royal Society 
of Edinburgh, and Associate of the Institute of France. 



COLLECTED WORKS OF DUGALD STEWART. 

EDITED BY SIR WILLIAM HAMILTON, BABT. 
NOW READY, IN HANDSOME 8vO, PRICE 12s. PER VoLUMK. 

Vol. I., with Engraving of Bust by Joseph. 

DISSERTATION : Exhibiting the Progress of METAPHYSICAL, 
ETHICAL, and POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY, since the Revival of Letters in 
Europe, with numerous and important Additions now first published. 

Vols. II., III., and IV., 
ELEMENTS OF THE PHILOSOPHY OF THE HUMAN 

MIND, to which are prefixed, Introduction and Part First of the 
OUTLINES OP MORAL PHILOSOPHY, with many New and Important 
Additions. 3 Vols. 

Vol. V. 

PHILOSOPHICAL ESSAYS, WITH MANY NEW AND 
IMPORTANT ADDITIONS. 

Vols. VI. and VII., 

PHILOSOPHY OF THE ACTIVE AND MORAL POWERS. 

2 Vols. To which is prefixed Part Second of the OUTLINES of MOUAL 
PHILOSOPHY, with many new and important additions. 

IN PREPARATION, 

Vol. VIII., 
LECTURES ON POLITICAL ECONOMY : that is, on 

Political Philosophy in its widest signification. Now first published. 
Part 3d of the OUTLINES OF MORAL PHILOSOPHY, containing the Out 
line of the Political Philosophy, will be prefixed. 

Vol. IX., 

BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS OF SMITH, ROBERTSON, 

AND REID. Additions; with Memoir of the Author by Sir WILLIAM 
HAMILTON. 



WORKS PUBLISHED BY THOMAS CONSTABLE AND CO. 

CABINET SERIES OF TRANSLATIONS. 

Cloth, Gilt Edges, Price Is., Cloth, Plain, Price 9d. each. 
BY REV. J. DE LIEFDE, AMSTERDAM. 

1. THE PASTOR OF GEGENBURG. 

"A charming little book, and no one can read it without being better for it." Non- 
conformist. 

"The story is conducted between an uncle and nephew; the one an experienced, the 
other an inexperienced evangelist ; and bears upon the management of an obdurate mission 
field. Ministers, missionaries, and others, may derive much instruction and comfort from 
its perusal." Commonwealth. 

" We have not often found in so small a compass a mass of Christian experience so 
pregnant with instruction to all who are engaged in the Lord s work, especially young 
ministers." Scottish Guardian. 

" Remarkable, pleasant, and improving, full of instruction, feeling, and incident." 
Christian Witness. 

2. THE DILIGENCE; or, a Journey to the City of In 
heritance. 

" Interesting, exciting, and devout." British Banner. 

3. THE SHIPWRECKED TRAVELLER. 

" The stories are of themselves most interesting, as they introduce many of the domestic 
peculiarities of continental life ; but their great charm consists in the singular ingenuity and 
truth with which each chapter of a continuous narrative Is made to illustrate some import 
ant principle of Christian doctrine or practice." Witness. 

4. THE CABIN BOY. [Shortly. 



MEMORIAL OF JULES CHARLES RIEU. By Rev. 

FREDERICK MONOD. 

" Those who wish to see an example of seraphic piety based on the most solid and sub 
stantial views of Christian truth, must read this delightful little volume." Evangelical 
Magazine. 

LIFE IN THE MARSHES OF SCHLESWIG-HOLSTEIN. 

Translated from the German. 
MONICA AND AUGUSTINE. FROM THE GERMAN. 

"A very instructive book for mothers. For earnest prayerfulness and simple faith, 
Monica is a model for Christian parents of the present day." British Mothers Magazine. 

THE POWER OF THE WORD in the Conversion of the 
Rev. J. VAN MAASDYK. With Prefatory Notice by Lieut. C. W. M. 
VAN DE VELDE, late Dutch R.N. 

" A most interesting and instructive narrative, written with charity and good taste." 
Witness. 

"A more thorough proof of the power of the Word we have never met. The story is 
told with engaging simplicity." Dumfries Standard. 

ALEXANDER MENSCHIKOFF, the Founder of a Family. 
From the German of Nieritz. 



WORKS PUBLISHED BY THOMAS CONSTABLE AND CO. 



BY MISS BREWSTER, 
WORK; OE, PLENTY TO DO AND HOW TO DO IT. 

FIRST SERIES. Eighteenth Thousand. Cloth, gilt edges, price 2s 



WARFARE WORK. I WAITING WORK. 

EVERYDAY WORK. | PREPARATORY WORK. 

SOCIAL WORK. ! DESULTORY WORK. 



HOME WORK. 

SINGLE WOMEN S WORK. 



PRAISING WORK. 
SPECIAL WORK. 



PRAYING WORK. 
HOMELY HINTS ABOUT 

WORK. 

REWARD OP WORK. 
FUTURE WORK. 



SECOND SERIES. Twelfth Thousand. Cloth, gilt edges, price 2s 

LITTLE CHILDREN S WORK. HOUSEHOLD WORK. SABBATH WORK. 

YOUNG LADIES WORK. WORK OP EMPLOYERS THOUGHT WORK. 

WORK OP TEACHERS AND AND EMPLOYED. j PROVING WORK. 

TAUGHT. j COUNTRY WORK. | BEST. 

To be had complete in One Volume, price 4s. 

" Miss Brewster is precisely one of the ladies for the time, not a drowsy dreamer, but 
fully awake, strong in heart, ardent in zeal, and intent on the vigorous use of right means 
to promote right ends." British Banner. 

" Full of wholesome instruction, clothed in elegant language." Evangelical Christendom. 

" The right application of Christian principle to the ordinary duties of life, it is no ea?y 
matter accurately and impressively to exhibit. The author of this little work has succeeded 
admirably here." Witness. 

" Modest as is the view Miss Brewster takes of her own labours, it is certain she will gain 
the ear and heart of all who become her readers by the holy wisdom and loving-kindness of 
her truly womanly words ; and we believe that none will lay down her little books without 
feeling purified and instructed, nerved and animated." Nonconformist. 

SUNBEAMS IN THE COTTAGE. Third Edition. 

Crown 8vo, Cloth, price 3s. 6d. 

CHEAP EDITION. LIMP CLOTH, TRICE ONE SHILLING. 

" In reading the First and Second Series of her former publication, Work, we felt as if 
Miss Brewster had said all that could be said on the subject. Instead of that, we find here 
her thoughts as fresh, as instructive as before, and in form still more attractive." Edin 
burgh Guardian. 

" The fruit alike of strong sense and philanthropic genius. . . . There is in every chapter 
much to instruct the mind as well as to mould the heart and to mend the manners. The 
volume has all the charms of romance, while every page is stamped with utility." Christian 
Witness. 

" Promises to do more for the indoor reformation of Scotland than any book that has 
appeared since Miss Hamilton published The Cottagers of Glenburnie. " Excelsior. 



THE MISSIONAEY OF KILMANY ; A Memoir of ALEX. 

PATERSON, with Notices of Robert Edie. By the Rev. JOHN BAILLIE, 
Linlithgow. Sixth Thousand. Crown 8vo, cloth, with Frontispiece, 
price 2s. 

" His labours have been more blessed than those of any man I know. ... I have had 
many a precious letter from him." Dr. Cttalmers. 

" A delightfully written memoir of a truly pious and most successful missionary." Edin 
burgh Advertiser. 



WORKS PUBLISHED BY THOMAS CONSTABLE AND CO. 

CONSTABLE S 
MISCELLANY OF FOREIGN LITERATURE. 



Vol. I., Cloth, Price 3s. 6d., 
HUNGARIAN SKETCHES IN PEACE AND WAK. 

BY MORITZ JOKAT. 

" Jokai is a highly popular Hungarian author, and this is the finest specimen of his 
works that has appeared in English." Athenaeum. 

Vol. II., Cloth, price 2s. 6d., 

ATHENS AND THE PELOPONNESE, WITH SKETCHES OF 
NORTHERN GREECE. By HERMANN HETTNER. 

" The work of a most able and thoughtful man." Examiner. 

" If the Miscellany of Foreign Literature contains a succession of volumes of the kind 
and quality of those with which it has commenced, it will prove a welcome addition to many 
a library." Literary Gazette. 

Vol. III., Cloth, price 3s. 6d., 

TALES OF FLEMISH LIFE. 

BY HENDRIK CONSCIENCE. 

" Hendrik Conscience is, we believe, an author of no small repute among his countrymen ; 
indeed, from the popular nature of his work?, and the skill with which he hits off pecu 
liarities of character, we should judge him to occupy that place among Flemish litterateurs 
which we assign to Dickens." Church and State Gazette. 

Vol. IV., Cloth, price 3s. 6d., 
WASHINGTON IRVING S LATEST WORK. 
CHKONICLES OF WOLFERT S ROOST, 

AND OTHER PAPERS. 

" The best and briefest opinion we can offer on the volume now under notice is, that it 
is worthy of its author, which is as much as to say, in other words, that it is Avorthy of being 
read by every body." The Leader. 

Vols. V. and VI., Cloth, price 7s., 
WANDERINGS IN CORSICA: ITS HISTORY AND ITS HEROES. 

BY FERDINAND GREGOROVIUS. 

" It is our hope that the work of Mr. Gregorovius may obtain the compliment of transla 
tion. . . . We are unwilling to forestall the interest which attaches to his description of 
the scenes of Napoleon s youth, and the anecdotes which with great diligence the author has 
collected on the spot, of his Corsican education and adventures. . . . Mr. Gregorovius is a 
diligent and enthusiastic collector of the traditions of a heroic race, a man of strong feeling 
for the great and beautiful, and an able historian." Quarterly Review, December 1854. 

Vol. VII., Cloth, price 3s. 6d., 

BRITTANY AND LA VENDEE ; TALES AND SKETCHES, 
WITH A NOTICE OF THE LIFE AND LITERARY CHARACTER OF EMILESOUVESTRE. 



EDINBURGH: THOMAS CONSTABLE & CO. 
HAMILTON, ADAMS, & CO., LONDON. 



TO BE COMPLETED IN DECEMBER 1855, 

PUBLICATION OF CALVIN S WORKS. 

NEW ENGLISH TRANSLATIONS. 

THE WHOLE SERIES, so FAR AS PUBLISHED, MAY BE HAD immediately, on remittance 
by Orders payable to the Secretary ; OR THE BOOKS WILL BE DELIVERED 

AS SHALL BE MOST CONVENIENT TO INTENDING SUBSCRIBERS. 



Cranslatton 

NSTITUTED MAY, 1843, 



THE DUKE OP ARGYLL. &lt; THE DUKE OF MANCHESTER. 

THE DUCHESS OF GORDON. THE MARQUESS OF BRKADALBANK. 

THE MARQUESS OF CHOLMONDELEY. &gt; THE KARL OF SHAFTESBURY. 

LORD VISCOUNT HILL. &lt; THE LORD BISHOP OF CASHED AND 

THE LORD BISHOP OF CALCUTTA. \VATERFORD, &e. 

THE BISHOP OF GEORGIA, U.S. 5 THE BISHOP OF ILMNOIS, U.S. 

LORD LINDSAY. &lt; LORD RAY. LEIGH. 

Kobert Pitcairn, F.S.A.Scot. Secretary. Office, 9, Northumberland Street, Edinburgh. 

" THE VKKRBABI.B CALVIN. I hoM the memory of CAT.VIN in high veneration ; his Worts have a place in my library ; and 
n the stuily of the Holy Scriptures lie is one of the Commentators I most frequently consult." BISHOP HOKSI.BY. 

" CALVIN S COMMENTARIES remain, after three centuries, unparalleled for force of mind, justness of expression, and practlca 
views of Christianity." BISHOP OF CALCUTTA, ( Wilton.) 

"THB Genevese Reformer (CALVIN) surpassed KNOX in the extent of his theological learning, and in the unrivalled solidity 
and clearness of his judgment." M CRIE, Life of Knox. 

" A Minister without this, is without one of the best Commentaries on THR SCRIPTURKS, and a valuable body of Divinity." 
BICKRRSTETH, Christian Student. 



Four Large Octavo Volumes Yearly to Subscribers, for One Found. 

AMONGST the Theological Works which were widely circulated in England and Scotland during the latter 
part of the Sixteenth Century, Translations of many of the Writings of JOHN CALVIN had a distinguished 
place. Of his eminence as a DIVINE and COMMENTATOR ON THK HOLY SCRIPTURES, it is unnecessary here 
to speak, though few are now fully aware of the very high respect in which his Works were held by all the 
leading English Reformers and Ecclesiastical Writers from Cranmer to Hooker, and the extensive benefits 
resulting to the Church of Christ from his literary labours. At that time, doctrines which he never held were 
not attributed to him ; nor were sentiments imputed to him which he never advocated. Bishop Horsley well 
advised, to ascertain what is Calvinism and what is not. 

It has now been resolved not to reprint any of the old Translations, but to have accurate and faithful NEW 
TRANSLATIONS prepared for the present undertaking. There can be no doubt that this important SKRIES OF 
THE THKOLOGY OF THE PROTESTANT REFORMATION will be acceptable and useful at the present period to al 
who value true Scriptural Doctrines who thoroughly ; pprove the principles of the Protestant Faith and who 
duly appreciate these valuable Writings; but especially are they needful to all who are engaged in the study 
of Divinity and in the exposition of THE SACRED SCRIPTURES. 

It is proposed to print NEW TRANSLATIONS of all CALVIN S PRACTICAL COMMENTS ON SCRIPTURE, 
INSTITUTES and THEOLOGICAL TREATISES, so as to present A COMPLETE COLLECTION OF HIS CHOICEST 
WORKS. Four volumes (each containing on an average 500 pages) will be delivered to every Subscriber, for 
each Annual Subscription of One Pound, paid in advance on 1st January yearly. Copious Tables and Indices 
are appended to each of the Commentaries, &c., to facilitate reference, and to render the whole Series more 
generally useful and acceptable to every class of readers. To secure the efficient working of this plan, the 
impression is limited to 2300 copies. 

It is finally arranged that the present Series shall be closed in December 1855. Each work to be entirely 
independent of the rest ; but the whole will be uniform in size and type, as far as the extent of the respective 
Works will permit. 

nr Managers of Public, Parochial, Congregational, Vestry or Lending Libraries, 
Religious Societies, Reading Clubs, and other Public Institutions, are respectfully 
invited to consider the advantage of subscribing to these Translations. Parties wishing to make presents to 
Parish Libraries, Ministers, Students of Divinity, or Private friends, would also find 
that these Works could not fail to be a very useful and acceptable gift. 



Subscription [l] payable in advance, on 1st January. 

*** Any portion of the above Works, odd Volumes, or separate Commentaries, 
may be selected by Non-Subscribers at 75. Qd. per Volume. The INSTITUTES 
(or odd Volumes of that Work to complete sets) supplied at 105. per Volume. 
Books delivered free in London, Dublin, and Edinburgh. 



ISSUES OF THE WORKS OF THE CALVIN TRANSLATION SOCIETY. 

B- TO BE COMPLETED IN DECEMBER 1855. 

BOOKS ISSUED FOR THE FIRST YEAR, (1843.) 

R OMANS, (Old English Version.) TRACTS, Vol. I. (completed,) pint Issue. 

ACTS OF THE APOSTLES, (Old English Version.) Vols. I. & II. (completed,) Second Issue. 



SECOND YEAR, (1844.) 

INSTITUTES, Vol. I. -HARMONY OF THE EVANGELISTS, Vol. I., Third Issue. 

INSTITUTES, Vol. II. PSALMS, Vol. I., Fourth Issue. 

THIRD YEAR, (1845.) 

HARMONY OF THE EVANGELISTS, Vols. II. & III., Fifth Issue. 

INSTITUTES, Vol. III. {completed.) PSALMS, Vol. II., Sixth Issue. 



FOURTH YEAR, (1846.) 

TWELVE MINOR PROPHETS, Vols. I. & II., Seventh Issue. 

JOHN S GOSPEL, Vol. I. PSALMS, Vol. III., Eighth Issue. 



FIFTH YEAR, (1847.) 

TWELVE MINOR PROPHETS, Vol. III. GENESIS, Vol. I., Ninth Issue. 

PSALMS, Vol. IV. JOHN S GOSPEL, Vol. II. (completed,) Tenth Issue. 



SIXTH YEAR, (1848.) 

TWELVE MINOR PROPHETS, Vol. IV. CORINTHIANS, Vol. I., Seventh Issue. 

PSALMS, Vol. V., (completed.) EZEKIEL, Vol. I., Twelfth Issue. 



SEVENTH YEAR, (1849.) 

TWELVE MINOR PROPHETS, Vol. V., (comp.) CORINTHIANS, Vol. II., (comp.)- -Thirteenth Issue. 
ROMANS, (New Translation completed.) TRACTS, Vol. II., Fourteenth Issue. 



EIGHTH YEAR, (18 5 O.) 

ISAIAH, Vol. I. EZEKIEL, Vol. II., (completed,) Fifteenth Issue. 

J EREMI AH, Vol. I. GEN ESIS, Vol. II., (completed,) Sixteenth Issue. 



NINTH YEAR, (1851.) 

TRACTS, Vol. III. PHILIPPIANS, COLOSSIANS, THESSALONIANS, (completed,) Seventeenth Issue. 
JEREMIAH, Vol. II. -ISAIAH, Vol. II., Eighteenth Issue. 



TENTH YEAR, (1852.) 

HARMONY OF THE PENTATEUCH, Vol. I. DANIEL, Vol.1., Nineteenth Issue. 

ISAIAH, Vol. III. JEREMIAH, Vol. III., Twentieth Issue. 



ELEVENTH YEAR, (1853.) 

DANIEL, Vol.11., (completed.) HARMONY OF THE PENTATEUCH, Vol. II., -Twenty-First Issue. 
ISAIAH, Vol. IV. HEBREWS, (completed,) Twenty-Second Issue. 



TWELFTH YEAR, (1854.) 

HARMONY OF THE PENTATEUCH, Vol. III. -JEREMIAH, Vol. IV. Twenty-Third Issue. 

GALATIANSand EPHESIANS, (completed.) JOSHUA, &c. (completed,) Twenty-Fourth Issue. 



PREPARING FOR THE LAST YEAR, (1855.) 

HARMONY OF THE PENTATEUCH, Vol. IV., (completed,) \ Twenty Fifth Issue 

JEREMIAH, Vol. V., and LA MENTATIONS, (completed,} / J 



TIMOTHY, TITUS, and PHILEMON, (completed,} ) Tuxnlu Virth 

PETER, JOHN, JAMES, and JUDE, (completed,) /" 



Issue. 



*** The Works for the year 1855, which are in active preparation, 

will (D.V.) be issued in August and December, (1855,) and 

CLOSE THE PRESENT SERIES. 



OFFICE OF THE CALVIN SOCIETY, 9, NORTHUMBERLAND ST., EDINBURGH. 
ROBERT PITCAIRN, F.S.A. SCOT., Secretary. 






HI 






sKm 







